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THE CARDINALS’ MUSIC: MUSICAL INTERESTS AT THE PAPAL CURIA C. 1200–1304

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  23 September 2015

Julian Gardner
Julian Gardner*
Affiliation:
University of Warwick
*
Email: [email protected]
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Abstract

The papacy and cardinalate in the period between Innocent III (1198–1216) and Benedict XI (1033–1304) can be shown to have had a wide range of musical interests. Papal inventories, testamentary legacies, chronicles and understudied visual evidence allow the piecing together of a lively and wide-ranging concern with music, liturgy and performance. The development of polyphonic music, the growing popularity of bells, and a lively interest among artists in portraying liturgical ceremonies and musical performance at the behest of their ecclesiastical clientele allow us to form a far more nuanced picture of the musical life of thirteenth-century Rome.

Type
Research Article
Information
Early Music History , Volume 34 , October 2015 , pp. 97 - 132
Copyright
© Cambridge University Press 2015 

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Footnotes

I have to thank Margaret Bent warmly for encouraging me to speak at her All Souls seminar and Bonnie Blackburn for enormous help in clarifying my ideas and expression.

References

1 Casanova, E., ‘Visita di un papa avignonese a suoi cardinali’, Archivio della R. Società Romana di Storia Patria, 22 (1899), pp. 371–381Google Scholar. A French translation appears in Georges de Loye, ‘Réceptions du Pape Clément VI par les cardinaux Annibal Ceccano et Pedro Gomez à Gentilly et Montfavet (30 avril–1er mai 1343’, in H. Aliquot, Avignon au Moyen Âge: Textes et documents (Avignon, 1988), pp. 81–92 at 85–92. The feast is briefly discussed in Tomasello, A., Music and Ritual in Papal Avignon 1309–1403 (Ann Arbor, 1983), pp. 16–17Google Scholar.

2 The original gives the musical passages as follows: ‘Dopo le tre vivande de le nove vene un castello, per tramessa, grandisimo, dove furono salvagine solamente di bestie; cioè un grandisimo cerbio che parava vivo, ed era cotto, un cinghiale, cavriuoli, lievri, conigli; che tuti parevano vivi ed erano cotti. Fui guidato e recato dagli scudieri ed acompagnato da’ cavalieri cogli stornamenti di diverse maniere. Credo che ’l suono degli stormenti mescolati co ralegrassi la gente, risonasse insino a Vignone.

Vene la nona vivanda; e per tramessa fu udito un cantare di cherici, ma non veduti; di boci d’ogni maniera, grosse, men grosse, mezzane, piciole e puerili, con una dolciezza soavissima, che renderono cheta tuta la sala, perchè gli stenti orechi tuti feciono taciere le parlanti lingue, per la soavità de la dolce melodia.

Stando le fruta dinanzi in su le tavole, vene il mastro quoco del cardinale con una brigata di suoi compagni cogli stromenti inanzi, e furono da trenta, con falcole dificiate, con sonagli, ch’è un giuoco romanesco, che entrarono danzando alegrisimamente per la sala; e così intorniate le tavole tre o quatro volte si partirono.

Poi levatosi i cavaliere e gli scudieri le tavole, risentironsigli stormenti risonarono le boci; e quivi alterati da diverse melodie si presono a danzare per le corti e per le sale poi fuori per gli verdi prati; e danzando per gli detti luoghi, la moltitudine de l’altre genti corea a vedere i balli e le belisime danze. Eravi un falso ponte sopra la Sorga: quindi si conveniva pasare a vedere le dette danze, e udire gli svariati stormenti e le dolci melodie de le soavi boci.’

3 Court meals punctuated by music are documented in an undated memorandum: ‘Item de trumpatores si debeant de cetero trumpare ad prandium.’ Quoted in Vale, M., ‘Ritual, Ceremony and the “Civilizing Process”: The Role of the Court c. 1270–1400’, in S. Gunn and A. Janse (eds.), The Court as Stage: England and the Low Countries in the Later Middle Ages (Woodbridge, 2006), pp. 13–27Google Scholar at 20 n. 36 (Public Record Office E 101/371/8).

4 Le Liber Censuum de l’Église Romaine (Bibliotheque des Écoles Françaises d’Athènes et de Rome, 2 ser., ed. P. Fabre and Duchesne; Paris, 1910), ii, p. 19, from the Life of Gregory IX (1227–41): ‘Hinc cantica concrepant, inde preconia populi jubilante exsurgunt et per vicos singulos clamosum resonat Kyrieleison; aureis argenteisque platea distinguitur tapetis pictis ex Egypto prostrata, et tinctis Indie Gallieque coloribus ordinate composita, diversorum aromatum suavitate flagrabat. Tubarum clangore turba concutitur, se certatim clamorum mutuis exhortando . . . et puerilis lingue garrulitas procacia fescennia cantabat.’ The mention of Fescennine verses is interesting: they may either have celebrated the bishop of Rome’s marriage to his church or had a more general apotropaic aspect. Wissowa, G., ‘Fescenini versus’, Pauly’s Real-Enzyklopädie, vi (Stuttgart, 1909), pp. 2222–2223Google Scholar; Adams, J., The Latin Sexual Vocabulary (London, 1982), pp. 4–5Google Scholar, 7, 11 n. 3.

5 Molinier, E., ‘Inventaire du Trésor du Saint Siège sous Boniface VIII (1295)’, Bibliothèque de l’École des Chartes, 43 (1882), pp. 277–310CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 626–46; 45 (1884), pp. 31–57; 46 (1885), pp. 16–44; 47 (1886), pp. 646–67; 49 (1888), pp. 226–37; at 43 (1882), pp. 637–8, no. 384: ‘Two male figures of silver gilt, one with a viol in his hand, the other holding a jar.’ It has been suggested that viol may be a misreading of phial. While possible, it must be said that Molinier’s transcription is generally reliable.

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7 Bagliani, A. Paravicini, ‘La mobiltà della Curia Romana nel secolo XIII: Riflessi locali’, in Società e istituzioni dell’Italia comunale: L’esempio di Perugia (secoli XII–XIV), Perugia 6–9 novembre 1985 (Perugia, 1988), pp. 155–278Google Scholar. Carocci, S., ‘Mobiltà papale e territorio: Problemi di metodo e di interpretazione’, in S. Carocci (ed.), Itineranza pontificia: Mobiltà della curia papale nel Lazio (secoli XII–XIII) (Nuovi Studi Storici, 61; Rome, 2003), pp. 82–100Google Scholar.

8 Continuatio Pontificum Romana Brevis, ed. O. Holder-Egger (Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores, 30/i; Hanover, 1896), pp. 712–13: ‘Hic papa de domo Ursinorum, genere nobilis, decorus facie, nobilitatem et pulcritudinem moribus et prospicuitate decorans, . . . Hic autem sensatissimus et attentissimus homo fuit et in vulgari pulcherimus predicator cantorque sonorus, divinorum misteriorum ornatissimus prosecutor, elemosinarius largifluus, publicus et occultus; missam devotissime celebravit et in canone semper flevit, ac in omnibus agendis suis cum maturitate processit.’ A good recent biographical outline is in Andreas Fischer, Kardinäle im Konklave: Die lange Sedisvakanz der Jahre 1268 bis 1271 (Bibliothek des Deutschen Historischen Instituts in Rom, 118; Tübingen, 2008), pp. 42–56. For the grey eyes see Romano, S., ‘Sancta Sanctorum: Gli affreschi’, in C. Pietrangeli (ed.), Sancta Sanctorum (Milan, n.d.), pp. 38–125Google Scholar, at p. 56 and Fig. 38.

9 Venditelli, M., ‘Malabranca, Latino’, in Dizionario biografico degli italiani, 67 (Rome, 2006), pp. 699–703Google Scholar; Gentili, S., ‘Girolami, Remigio de’, in Dizionario biografico degli italiani, 56 (Rome, 2001), pp. 531–541Google Scholar; Davis, C. T., ‘An Early Florentine Political Theorist, Fra Remigio de’ Girolami’, Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, 104 (1960), pp. 662–676Google Scholar.

10 Salvadori, G., ‘I sermoni d’occasione, le sequenze e i ritmi di Remigio Girolami fiorentino’, in Scritti vari di filologia a Ernesto Monaci (Rome, 1901), pp. 455–508Google Scholar, Sermo XXIX, pp. 488–9: ‘item in letteratura in qua etiam multos vocatos magistros excessit; item in eloquentia et ad dictandum et ad sermocinandum, et ad predicandum et ad proloquendum et ad monendum et etiam ad cantandum, non solum in voce, sed magis in cantandi arte, sed et plus in cantabilium cantuum inventione, scilicet hymnorum, sequentiarum, responsoriorum et officiorum universaliter.’ Venditelli, ‘Malabranca’, p. 703; Panella, E., ‘Nuova Cronologia Remigiana’, Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum, 60 (1990), pp. 145–311Google Scholar. In the surviving codicil of 1294 Latino suggestively leaves money to be distributed on the anniversaries of both feasts of St Gregory (12 Mar., 2 Sept.): one of his testamentary executors was Jacopo Stefaneschi. A. Bagliani, Paravicini, I testamenti dei cardinali del Duecento (Miscellanea della Società Romana di Storia Patria, 25; Rome, 1980), no. XVI, pp. 268–270Google Scholar.

11 Gallico, C., ‘Salimbene e la musica’, in Salimbeniana. Atti del Convegno per il VII Centenario di Fra Salimbene Parma 1987–1989 (Bologna, 1991), pp. 89–94Google Scholar. F. A. Gallo, ‘La musica nella Cronica di Salimbene di Adam’, in P. Petrobelli and R. Rusconi (eds.), Liturgia e musica francescane nel XIII secolo (Annali della Facoltà di Lettere e Filosofia, Università degli Studi di Perugia, 20–1, ns 6–7 (1982–4, Studi Storico-Antropologici, 2), pp. 89–99. Gallo, F. A., ‘Dai conventi di Salimbene alla corte di Bonifacio VIII’, in A. Ziino (ed.), La sequenza medievale. Atti del Convegno internazionale, Milano 7–8 Aprile 1984 (Quaderni di S. Maurizio, 3; Lucca, 1992), pp. 81–86Google Scholar, at 83; Weller, P., ‘Vox–littera–cantus: Aspects of Voice and Vocality in Medieval Song’, in T. Bailey and A. Santosuosso (eds.), Music in Medieval Europe: Studies in Honour of Bryan Gillingham (Aldershot, 2007), pp. 239–262Google Scholar.

12 Cronica Salimbene de Adam, ed. G. Scalia (Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Medievalis, 125, 125A; Turnhout, 1996), pp. 276–8 at 276: ‘Iste frater Henricus Pisanus . . . sciebat scribere, miniare – quod aliqui illuminare dicunt, pro eo quod ex minio liber illuminator – notare, /182 cantus pulcherrimos et delectabiles invenire, tam modulatos, id est fractos, quam firmos. Sollemnis cantor fuit. Habebat vocem grossam et sonoram, ita ut totum repleret chorum. Quillam vero habebat subtilem, altissimam et acutam, dulcem suavem et delectabilem supra modum. Meos custos fuit in Senensi custodia et meus magister in cantu tempore Gregorii pape noni . . . Item cantum fecit in illa littera magistri Phylippi cancelarii Parisiensis.’ Not all Franciscans approved of falsetto: Roger Bacon averred: ‘Et super omnia voces in falsetto harmonium virile et sacram falsificantes, pueriliter effusae, muliebriter dissolutae fere per totam ecclesiam comprobant illud idem.’ Opus Tertius, cap. 72 in Fr. Rogeri Bacon Opera quaedam hactenus inedita, ed. J. S. Brewer (Rolls Series; London, 1859), i, p. 297. P. Loewen, Music in Early Franciscan Thought (The Medieval Franciscans, 9; Leiden, 2013), p. 155. Ciliberti, G., Musica e liturgia nelle chiese e conventi dell’Umbria (secoli X–XV) con un Atlante-Repertorio dei più antichi monumenti musicali umbri di polifonia sacra (Quaderni di Esercizi Musica e Spettacolo, 3; Perugia, 1994): VIGoogle Scholar. Una sequenza di Frate Enrico da Pisa nel codice 73 della Biblioteca Comunale di Todi (XIII–XIV Secolo), pp. 47–50. For the conductus settings of Henricus Pisanus, see the website Cantum pulcriorem invenire, www.southampton.ac.uk/music/research/projects/cantum_pulcriorem_invenire.page.

13 ‘Item cum dominus Thomas de Capua, qui erat Romane curie cardinalis et melior dictator de curia fecisset sequentiam illam: Virgo parens gaudeat. et rogasset fratrem Henricum Pisanum ut faceret ibi cantu, et fecisset delectabilem et pulchrum atque ad audiendum suavem’; Cronica, ed. Scalia, p. 279. ‘Item ad honorem beati Francisci fecit hymnum In celesti collegio et alium hymnum Decus morum et responsorium Carnis spicam. Et sequentiam illam de beata Virgine fecit similiter, scilicet Virgo parens gaudeat, litteram tantum. Cantum vero rogatu illius fecit frater Henricus Pisanus, qui fuit custos meus et magister in cantu. Contracantum fecit frater Vita Lucensis ex Ordine Minorum, qui similiter in cantu me docuit.’ Ibid., p. 580.

14 Schaller, H. M., ‘Studien zur Briefsammlung des Kardinals Thomas von Capua’, Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters, 21 (1935), pp. 371–518Google Scholar. His stylistic virtuosity was already famous during his lifetime: see Salimbene’s judgement ‘pulcrior dictator de curia’; Cronica, ed. Scalia, p. 391. For his career see now Maleczek, W., Papst und Kardinalskolleg von 1191 bis 1216 (Publikationen des Historischen Instituts beim Österreichischen Kulturinstitut in Rom, 1; Abteilung Abhandlungen, 6; Vienna, 1984), pp. 201–202Google Scholar.

15 ‘frater Vita ex ordine fratrum Minorum de civitate Lucensi, melior cantor de mundo tempore suo in utroque cantu, scilicet firmo et fracto. Vocem habebat gracilem sive subtilem et delectabilem ad audiendum. Non erat aliquis adeo severus, qui non eum libenter audiret. Coram episcopis, archiepiscopis, cardinalibus et papa cantabat et libenter audiebatur ab eis. Si quis loqueretur cum frater Vita cantaret, statim Ecclesiastici verbum resonabat “Non impedias musicum”. Item si quando cantabat philomena sive lisignolus in rubo vel sepe, cedebat isti, si cantare volebat et auscultabat eum diligenter nec movebatur de loco, et postmodum resonabant ab eis. Item curialis de cantu suo fuit, quod magnum se excusavit nec occasione vocis lese sive a frigoris impedite vel aliqua alia de causa, quando fuit ad cantandum rogatus . . .’. Cronica, ed. Scalia, pp. 278–9. See Bacon, Opera, ed. Brewer, i, p. 300: ‘Et aves cantatrices non solum in sua harmonia delectantur sed humana.’

16 ‘domnus Iacobus de Columna, qui totaliter est amicus Ordinis fratrum Minorum. Et cum esset iuvenis et persona privata, id est non habens aliquam dignitatem a Bononia ubi studebat, venit Ravennam causa devotionis, ut Ecclesias visitaret, quia in Ravenna per totum mensem Maii sunt in Ecclesiis maxime indulgentie, et multi vadunt illuc de diversis partibus mundi, / 245 ut indulgentiam, quam semper optaverunt, piis supplicationibus consequantur. Venit ergo domnus Iacobus causa predicta; et habitabam Ravenne tunc temporis in conventu fratrum Minorum Ecclesie sancti Petri Maioris, in qua corpus sancti Liberii per columbam electi venerationi habetur, et fui ei assignatus socius et duxi eum ad omnia sanctuaria intus et extra, id est per civitatem et extra.’ Cronica, ed. Scalia, p. 258. Gardner, Julian, The Roman Crucible (Rome, 2013), p. 335Google Scholar. Boespflug, La Curie, no. 449, pp. 210–12.

17 ‘fuit valens homo in scientia et in cantu et in litteratura et in honesta et sancta vita. Cum autem quadam vice quidam ioculator sonasset viellam coram ipso et peteret aliquid sibi ab eo dare, respondit sibi: “Si vis comedere, tibi dabo amore Dei libenter, pro tuo autem cantu et viella nichil darem, quia ita bene scio cantare et viellam sonare sicut tu.” Cronica, ed. Scalia, p. 658. ‘cum esset bonus cantor et bonus clericus, et placuisset sibi alleluia beati Francisci, scilicet O patriarcha pauperum, voluit trasformare sub eodem cantu ad honorem Virginis gloriose, faciens versum talem: O consolatrix pauperum / Maria tuis precibus / auge tuorum numerum / in caritate Christi! / Quos tu de mortis manibus, / per filium humilimum, / mater, eripuisti.’ Cronica, ed. Scalia, pp. 625–6. For Enrico da Susa who was chosen by Urban IV as cardinal bishop of Ostia in May 1262 see Il cardinale Ostiense: Atti del convegno di studio su Enrico da Susa detto il cardinale Ostiense (Susa, 30 settembre–Embrun 1 ottobre 1972) (Susa, 1980); Pennington, K., ‘Enrico da Susa’, Dizionario biografico degli italiani, 42 (Rome, 1993), pp. 758–763Google Scholar; Fischer, , Kardinäle im Konklave, pp. 221–224Google Scholar. Enrico died at Viterbo on 7 Nov. 1271.

18 Baldwin, J. W., Masters, Princes and Merchants:The Social View of Peter the Chanter and his Circle (Princeton, 1970), ii, p. 142Google Scholar n. 218 (Courson, Summa, X, cap. 17) : ‘Similiter de magistris organicis dicimus quod illicite sunt opere eorum qui scurrilia et effeminata proponunt iuvenibus et rudibus ad effeminandos animos ipsorum. Tamen locare possunt operas suas in licitis cantibus in quibus servitur ecclesiis. Si autem prelatus lascivus talibus lascivis cantoribus de beneficia et huiusmodi scurilia et lasciva audiat in ecclesia sua credo quod lepram simonie incurrat.’ See Kennedy, V. L., ‘The Contents of Courson’s Summa’, Medieval Studies, 9 (1947), pp. 81–107CrossRefGoogle Scholar at p. 90 n. 7.

19 Page, C., ‘Cathedralism’, in C. Page, Discarding Images: Reflections on Music and Culture in Medieval France (Oxford, 1993), pp. 1–42Google Scholar. For the arrival of Gothic architecture in Rome see Gardner, Roman Crucible, pp. 70 ff. In general W. Schenkluhn, Architektur der Bettelorden: Die Baukunst der Dominikaner und Franziskaner in Europa (Darmstadt, 2000).

20 Seay, A., ‘Le Manuscrit 695 de la Bibliothèque Comunale d’Assise’, Revue de Musicologie, 39 (1957), pp. 10–35CrossRefGoogle Scholar. M. Assirelli, M. Bernabò, G. Bigalli Lulla, La Biblioteca del sacro convento di Assisi, i: I libri di età romanica e gotica (Assisi, 1978), no. 44, pp. 194–201: Cantorinus Gradualis Prosarius; see colour pl. LXXIII and figs. 154–61. On fol. 1 is the inscription ‘Iste liber est domini Mathei sancta Marie in Porticu diac. card.’ The manuscript was mutilated before end of the 18th c.; its arrival date is unknown.

21 Morghen, R., ‘Il cardinale Matteo Rosso Orsini’, Archivio della R. Società Romana di Storia Patria, 46 (1923), pp. 271–372Google Scholar; Morghen, R., ‘Il cardinale Matteo Rosso Orsini e la crisi del pontificato romano alla fine del secolo XIII’, in Tradizione religiosa nella civiltà dell Occidente cristiano: Saggi di storia e storiografia (Studi Storici, 112–14; Rome, 1979), pp. 109–142Google Scholar. Pavan, P., ‘Matteo Rosso Orsini’, Dizionario biografico degli italiani, 79 (2013), pp. 674–677Google Scholar; Fischer, , Kardinäle in Konklave, pp. 224–242Google Scholar; Boespflug, La Curie, no. 698, pp. 289–91. As a young man and a papal chaplain of Innocent IV he is documented in Paris, perhaps as a student: Les Registres d’Innocent IV (1243–1254), ed. É. Berger (Bibliothèque des Écoles Françaises d’Athènes et de Rome s. 2.1, 1–13; Paris, 1884–1921), no. 6179 (Perugia, 4 Jan. 1253).

22 Boespflug, La Curie, no. 685, pp. 285–6. Gardner, , Roman Crucible, p. 30Google Scholar; Pace, V., ‘La committenza artistica del cardinale Matteo d’Acquasparta nel quadro della cultura figurativa del suo tempo’, in Matteo d’Acquasparta, francescano, filosofo, politico. Atti del XIX Convegno storico internazionale, Todi, 11–14 ottobre 1992 (Spoleto, 1993), pp. 311–330Google Scholar. For Gentile see Boespflug, , La Curie, no. 269, pp. 147–148Google Scholar; Gardner, , Roman Crucible, pp. 30–31Google Scholar, 185; Gaffuri, L., ‘Gentile da Montefiore’, in Dizionario biografico degli italiani, 53 (Rome, 1999), pp. 167–170Google Scholar; Gardner, J., ‘A Double Tomb in Montefiore dell’Aso and Cardinal Gentile’, Acta Historiae Artium, 25 (1979), pp. 15–25Google Scholar; Bonanni, M., Il monumento funebre ai genitori del Cardinal Partino di Montefiore dell’Aso (Ascoli Piceno, 2005)Google Scholar.

23 Ciliberti, M., ‘Libri di musica e liturgici nelle biblioteche dei cardinali del Duecento’, in G. Fornari (ed.), Album amicorum Albert Dunning (Turnhout, 2002), pp. 71–132Google Scholar; on pp. 105–7 is a list of the books Matteo gave to San Francesco Assisi. These included a large noted Breviary, a Gradual, a Missal, a Psalter and a ‘manuale sive collectarium, notatum in capitibus antiphonarium’.

24 There are good colour reproductions of the musicians present at the Investiture of St Martin in de Castris, P. Leone, Simone Martini (Milan, 2003), pp. 110Google Scholar, 112, 113. The musician playing the double pipe appears to be in Hungarian costume, appropriate for the story of St Martin. See Newton, S., ‘Tomaso da Modena, Simone Martini, Hungarians and St. Martin in 14th-Century Italy’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 43 (1980), pp. 234–238CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

25 Ciliberti, G., in Albert Dunning (ed.), Musica e società in Umbria tra Medioevo e Rinascimento (Speculum Musicae, 5; Turnhout, 1998), p. 140Google Scholar: ‘motetto a tre voci accompagnato da un flauto doppio e da una mandora’. For Simone’s indebtedness to the Saint Francis cycle see Martindale, A., Simone Martini (Oxford, 1998), pp. 20–21Google Scholar, 174–81.

26 Green, L., Castruccio Castracani (Oxford, 1986), pp. 54–55Google Scholar.

27 Hernández, Francisco J. and Linehan, Peter, The Mozarabic Cardinal: The Life and Times of Gonzalo Pérez Gudiel (Florence, 2004)Google Scholar. Viterbo Inventory of 6 Dec. 1280, p. 489, no. 35: ‘Item opera de musica’, unidentified, and p. 493, no. 80, ‘Item una Musica Boetii’ (De institutione musica).

28 Ehrle, Franz, SJ, Historia Bibliothecae Romanorum Pontificum: tum Bonifatianae tum Avenionensis, i (Vatican City, 1890)Google Scholar.

29 Jeffery, Peter, ‘Notre Dame Polyphony in the Library of Pope Boniface VIII’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 32 (1979), pp. 118–124CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at p. 118. According to Jeffery, with the exception of the manuscripts here mentioned, all the other musical manuscripts in the Bonifatian inventory were of Gregorian chant.

30 Ibid., p. 119. ‘Item unum librum de conductis et prosis et motectis, notatum ad modum organi cum multis lineis et notis qui incipit in primo folio viderunt’ and ‘Item unum modicum librum similem precedenti in cantu.’

31 Ibid. Jeffery hypothesizes that the second manuscript contained the organum Descendit de celis Tamquam sponsus (p. 122). For Perotin as probably Petrus succentor see Wright, Craig, Music and Ceremony at Notre Dame of Paris 500–1550 (Cambridge, 1989), pp. 288–294Google Scholar.

32 Husmann, Heinrich, ‘Ein Faszikel Notre-Dame Kompositionen auf Texte der Pariser Kanzlers Philipps in einer Dominikanerhandschrift (Rom, Santa Sabina XIV L 3)’, Archiv für Musikwissenschaft, 24 (1967), pp. 1–23CrossRefGoogle Scholar. It contains seven single-voice conductus and one two-voice motet: the conductus Homo considera is mensurally notated. For Philip as composer see Wright, Music and Ceremony, pp. 294–300.

33 Thomas of Capua, the preceding cardinal priest, had died in 1239: Maleczek, Papst und Kardinalskolleg, p. 203. Hugues, the first Dominican to become a cardinal, was promoted by Innocent IV in 1244. He died in Mar. 1263.

34 Archivio Capitolino, D 34. Branner, Robert, Manuscript Painting in Paris during the Reign of Saint Louis (Berkeley, 1977), pp. 130 ffGoogle Scholar., 238. Stones, Alison, ‘Les Manuscrits du Cardinal Jean Cholet et l’enluminure beauvaisienne vers la fin du XIIIème siècle’, in Actes du Colloque organisé à Beauvais par le GEMOB les 10 et 11 octobre 1998 (Beauvais, 2001), pp. 239–266Google Scholar.

35 Gardner, , The Roman Crucible, pp. 282–283Google Scholar.

36 Lepage, Y. G., L’Oeuvre lyrique de Richard de Fournival (Ottawa, 1981), p. 10Google Scholar. An indult of Gregory IX, confirmed by Innocent IV (Lyon, 29 Sept. 1246; Reg. Registres, ed. Berger, no. 2199), permitted Richard to continue the practice of medicine. The implication is that he was present in Rome for some of the period. He is already documented as a canon of Amiens in 1240: ‘Ricardus de furnivalle cancellarius huius Ecc. capellanus ipsius’ (scil. Cardinal Robert de Somercote; †16 Sept. 1241). P. Desportes and H. Millet, Fasti Ecclesiae Gallicanae 1200–1500, i: Diocèse d’Amiens (Turnhout, 1996), no. 447, p. 199.

37 Bagliani, A. Paravicini, ‘Le biblioteche curiali duecentesche’, in G. Lombardi and D. Nebbiai Dalla Guardia (eds.), Livres, lecteurs et bibliothèques de l’Italie médiévale (IXe–XVe siècles): Sources, textes et usages. Actes du Table ronde italo-française (Rome, 7–8 mars 1997) (Rome, 2000), pp. 263–276Google Scholar, at p. 269. Milo was apparently the teacher of Hucbald. Guy d’Eu was a Cistercian; his treatise has been edited by Maître, Claire in La Réforme cistercienne du plain-chant: Étude d’un traité théorique (Brecht, 1995)Google Scholar. She does not think Richard’s copy is identical with the sole surviving source, Paris, Bibliothèque Ste.-Geneviève, MS 2284 (p. 68).

38 ‘cil ki ont leüt et entendu les hautes philosophies sevent bien combien musike puet, et a chiax ne puet mie estre chelé qu’en toutes les choses ki sont n’a si parfaite ordenance comme en chant, ne si esquise.’ Li Bestiaires d’amours di Maistre Richart de Fournival et li Response du bestiaire, ed. C. Segre (Milan, 1967), p. 38, ll. 5–8. Beer, J., Beasts of Love: Richard de Fournival’s Bestiaire d’Amour and a Woman’s Response (Toronto, 2003)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

39 On Amerus see Blackburn, B., ‘Properchant: English Theory at Home and Abroad, with an Excursus on Amerus/Aluredus and his Tradition’, in David Butler Cannata, Gabriella Ilnitchi Currie, Rena Charnin Mueller, and John Louis Nádas (eds.), Quomodo cantabimus canticum? Studies in Honor of Edward H. Roesner (Middleton, WI, 2008), pp. 81–98Google Scholar at 89–92.

40 Gardner, J., ‘Some Cardinals’ Seals of the Thirteenth Century’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 38 (1976), pp. 72–96CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Gardner, , The Roman Crucible, pp. 28–29Google Scholar, and Fig. 2, p. 29.

41 Bagliani, A. Paravicini, Cardinali di Curia e ‘familiae’ cardinalizie dal 1227 al 1254 (Italia Sacra 18–19; Padua, 1972), p. 369Google Scholar.

42 Gardner, J., ‘“Sepulchrum . . . permagnificum et sumptuosum inter omnia sepulcra vicina”: A Note on Cardinal Guillaume de Bray and his Tomb in Orvieto by Arnolfo di Cambio’, in K. Bergdolt and G. Bonsanti (eds.), Opere e giorni: Studi su mille anni di arte europea dedicati a Max Seidel (Florence, 2001), pp. 83–90Google Scholar. The relevant strophe in the epitaph reads defleat hunc mathesis lex et decreta poesis. Fischer, Kardinäle in Konklave, pp. 199–209; Corrie, R., ‘The Antiphonaries of the Conradin Bible Atelier and the History of the Franciscan and Augustinian Liturgies’, Journal of the Walters Art Gallery, 51 (1993), pp. 66–88Google Scholar. She accepts Annayde composed by Bonifazio for Cardinal Ottaviano degli Ubaldini as work of Conradin’s manuscript painting atelier (p. 66).

43 Bagliani, A. Paravicini, ‘Witelo et la science de l’optique à la cour pontificale de Viterbe (1277)’, Mélanges de l’École Française de Rome Moyen Age, 87/2 (1975), pp. 425–453CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bagliani, A. Paravicini, ‘Il papato e il demonio: Per una rilettura di alcune lettere pontificie del Due e Trecento’, in Il diavolo nel Medioevo: Atti del XLIX Convegno storico internazionale Todi 14–17 ottobre 2012 (Atti dei Convegni del Centro Italiano di Studi sul Basso Medioevo – Accademia Tudertina, ns 26; Spoleto, 2013), pp. 101–114Google Scholar, at p. 108 for Witelo at the Curia discussing with John Pecham and Campano.

44 Ameri Practica artis musice, ed. C. Ruini (Corpus Scriptorum de Musica, 25; Neuhausen-Stuttgart, 1977), p. 20. ‘Has quidem regulas cantus ad laudem et honorem omnipotentis patris et filii et spiritus sancti et utilitatem puerorum ego Amerus presbiter anglicus clericus et familiaris venerabilis patris domini Octobuoni Sancti Adriani dyaconi cardinalis, in domo eiusdem anno Domini m.cc.lxxi. mense augusti compilavi.’

45 Blackburn, , ‘Properchant: English Theory at Home and Abroad’. See D. P. Blanchard, ‘Alfred le musicien et Alfred le philosophe’, Rassegna Gregoriana, 8 (1909), cols. 419–432Google Scholar, at col. 423: ‘unde aliqui naute quasi ex consuetudine aliquod instrumentum habent in navi ut aliquando maximis tempestatum procellis desperati, in eo canunt.’

46 Dyer, J., ‘A Thirteenth-Century Choirmaster: The Scientia Artis Musicae of Elias Salomon’, Musical Quarterly, 66 (1980), pp. 83–111CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The unique copy is in Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, MS D75 inf. I am most grateful to Professor Joseph Dyer for his very generous loan of photographs of the Ambrosiana manuscript.

47 Les Registres de Grégoire X et de Jean XXI (1272–1277), ed. J. Guiraud and L. Cadier (Bibliothèque des Écoles Françaises d’Athènes et de Rome, ser. 2, 12, 1–6; Paris, 1892–1960), no. 413, p. 163.

48 Dyer, , ‘A Thirteenth-Century Choirmaster’, pp. 91–92Google Scholar, at 92, n. 4.

49 Organum, for example, is specified in Siena Cathedral in the early 13th c.; see D’Accone, Frank A., The Civic Muse: Music and Musicians in Siena during the Middle Ages and the Renaissance (Chicago, 1997), pp. 70–74CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

50 Dyer, , ‘A Thirteenth-Century Choirmaster’, p. 104Google Scholar.

51 See p. 104 above.

52 Ladner, G. B., Die Päpstbildnisse des Altertums und des Mittelalters (Monumenti di Antichità Cristiana, ser. II, iv; Vatican City, 1941–84), ii, pp. 166–168Google Scholar. Ladner does not recognize the antiphon. For the discovery of the scapular see Tafi, A., ‘Gli ultimi 25 giorni di vita del Sommo Pontifice b. Gregorio X e la sua morte in Arezzo’, Archivio storico per le provincie parmensi, ser. 4, 28 (1976), pp. 45–71Google Scholar. Bennati, A., ‘Lo scapolare di Papa Gregorio X’, in U. Viviani (ed.), Arezzo e gli Aretini (Collana di Pubblicazioni Storiche e Letterarie Aretine, 2; Arezzo, 1921), pp. 151–155Google Scholar, at p. 155: ‘aperto l’antico sarcofago fu trovato l’indumento pontificale, ma intatta la sottoveste di colore pavonazzo. Trovossi pure un piccolo scapolare ricamato in oro e seta, attaccato agli omeri con due bottoncini.’ Bertelli, C., ‘Opus Romanum’, Kunsthistorische Forschungen: Otto Pächt zu ehren zu seinem 70. Geburtstag (Salzburg, 1972), pp. 99–117Google Scholar. The pope died at Arezzo on 10 Jan. 1276.

53 Dreves, G. M., Analecta Hymnica Medii Aevi (Leipzig, 1866–1922), 25Google Scholar, p. 54. The Office was among the most widely diffused during the Middle Ages. For a discussion of the later history see Anderson, M. A., St. Anne in Renaissance Music (New York, 2014), pp. 143–150CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 154–9. I owe my knowledge of this book to Bonnie Blackburn.

54 Inventarium Thesauri Ecclesiae Romanae ad Perusinum asservati iussu Clementis V factum anno MCCCXI in Regesti Clementis Papae V . . . cura et studio Monachorum Ordinis S. Benedicti, Appendices I (Rome, 1892), pp. 369–513, at p. 413. See Gardner, J., ‘The Treasure of Pope Boniface VIII: The Perugian Inventory of 1311’, Römisches Jahrbuch für Kunstgeschichte, 34 (2004), pp. 69–86Google Scholar. Gardner, The Roman Crucible, p. 216 and Fig. 254. Hoberg, H., Die Inventäre des päpstlichen Schatzes in Avignon 1314–1376 (Studi e Testi, 111; Vatican City, 1944), p. 27Google Scholar.

55 Simone Martini e l’Annunciazione degli Uffizi, ed. A. Cecchi (Cinisello Balsamo, 2001), pp. 35–59 reproduces details of the inscribed border. The texts are given in A. Martindale, Simone Martini (Oxford, 1988), p. 188. For Simon’s arrival in Avignon see ibid., p. 44. See also Rowlands, J., ‘The Date of Simone Martini’s Arrival in Avignon’, Burlington Magazine, 107 (1965), pp. 25–26Google Scholar.

56 Les Registres de Nicolas IV (1288–1292), ed. E. Langlois (Bibliothèque des Écoles Françaises d’Athènes et de Rome, ser. 2, 5, 1–9; Paris, 1886–93), no. 7101, Rieti, 28 July 1288. Sixteen popes are represented in their correct chronological order, beginning with Saint Peter and culminating in Clement IV (1264–8), the French predecessor of Gregory X. Gardner, The Roman Crucible, p. 212. Roberg, B., Das Zweite Konzil von Lyon (1274) (Konziliengeschichte Reihe A: Darstellungen; Paderborn, 1990), pp. 49 ffGoogle Scholar.

57 Inventarium Thesauri Ecclesiae Romanae, p. 427: ‘Item aliud pluviale pulcerrimum de opere anglicano laboratum ad magnos compassus de serico diversorum colorum in quibus sunt diverse ymagines representantes diversas ystorias salvatoris . . . Et in dicto pluviali circa frigium per longum sunt sex angeli de serico diversorum colorum, quorum quilibet habet suum instrumentum ad modum gioculatoris.’

58 Montefusco, F. Bignozzi, Il piviale di San Domenico a Bologna (Bologna, 1970)Google Scholar. Gardner, , The Roman Crucible, pp. 214–215Google Scholar.

59 Loewen, P., ‘Francis the Musician and the Tradition of the Joculatores Domini in the Medieval German Lands’, Franciscan Studies, 60 (2002), pp. 251–290CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Loewen, , Music in Early Franciscan Thought, pp. 56–61Google Scholar.

60 Honorius, Elucidarium (Patrologiae Latinae, 172), ii, 18. ‘Habent spem joculatores? Nullam.’

61 de Blaauw, S., ‘Campanae supra Urbem: Sull’uso delle campane nella Roma medievale’, Rivista di Storia della Chiesa in Italia, 47 (1993), pp. 367–417Google Scholar.

62 Gardner, J., ‘“For whom the bell tolls”: A Franciscan Bell-founder, Franciscan Bells and a Franciscan Patron in Late Thirteenth-Century Rome’, in A. C. Quintavalle (ed.), Medioevo: I Committenti. Atti del XIII Convegno internazionale di studi, Parma 21–26 settembre 2010 (Milan, 2011), pp. 460–468Google Scholar, at p. 460.

63 There are considerable analogies of overall shape, and particularly of inscription letter forms between the Roman bell of Magister Petrus and the Franciscan bells disinterred c. 1923 at Bethlehem. See Cheneau, Paul, ‘L’Ancien Carillon de Bethléem’, Revue Biblique, 32 (1923), pp. 602–7, at p. 607Google Scholar and Pl. XIV.

64 Cronica, ed. Scalia, p. 155: Salimbene stated that the Assisi bells were commissioned by the provincial minister. De Blaauw, ‘Campanae supra Urbem’, p. 414, no. 28. Gardner, ‘“For whom the bell tolls”’, pp. 460, 466, n. 15.

65 Crescimbeni, G. M., L’istoria della basilica diaconale, collegiata e parrocchiale di S. Maria in Cosmedin di Roma (Rome, 1715), p. 155Google Scholar. The inscription reads: + virginis. ad. lavdem. natiq. ipsivs / honorem. an. dni. mccxxx. frater / petrvs. de. ordine. frater. minore / de. lemosia. me. fecit. +

66 ‘Et fratres qui sciunt laborare laborent et eandem artem exerceant quam noverint si non fuerit contra salutem animae et honeste poterint operari.’

67 ‘Et ita Parmenses miserunt Pisas pro bono magistro, ut bonam campanam faceret eis. Et venit magister ad Parmeses de Pisis sicut magnus baro indutus sollempniter et habitavit in loco fratrum Predicatorum, et ibi fudit campanam Parmensium . . . Et in hoc punivit Deo Parmenses, quia volebant habere unam talem campanam que in Burgo Sancti Donini et in Regio audiretur, et vix poterat audiri per Parmam.’ Cronica, ed. Scalia, pp. 876–7.

68 Boespflug, La Curie, no. 282, pp. 150–3. Silanos, P., Gerardo Bianchi da Parma (†1302): La biografia di un cardinale-legato duecentesco (Italia Sacra, 84; Rome, 2010)Google Scholar.

69 Andrieu, M., Le Pontifical Romain au Moyen-Age (Studi e Testi, 86, 87, 88, 99; Vatican City, 1938–51); i: Pontificale romanum saeculi XII, Ordo ad signum aecclesiae benedicendum, pp. 293–295Google Scholar. ‘ad effugandos daemones et Dei filii congregandos, procellas et tonitrua vel grandines abieciandas’.

70 Herklotz, I., ‘Sepulcra’ e ‘monumento’ nel Medioevo (Rome, 1980), pp. 173–180Google Scholar. J. Garms et al., Die mittelalterlichen Grabmäler in Rom und Latium von 13. bis 15. Jahrhundert (Publikationen des Österreichischen Kulturinstituts in Rom, 2. Abteilung, Quellen. 5. Reihe I; Rome and Vienna, 1981), 2. Die Monumentalgräber (Rome and Vienna, 1994), no. 8, pp. 41–9. Gardner, ‘“For whom the bell tolls”’, p. 461.

71 ‘campane pulsentur plures . . . sollempnius et prolixius in . . . sollempnibus anniversariis ad devotionem populi excitandam’. Les Registres de Nicolas III 1277–1280, ed. J. Gay and S. Vitte (Bibliothèque des Écoles Françaises d’Athènes et de Rome s. 214, 1–5; Paris, 1898–1938), ‘Civitatem sanctam Jerusalem novam . . .’, p. 211.

72 Andrieu, , Le Pontifical Romain au Moyen-Age, iii: Le Pontifical de Guillaume Durand, no. XXII, De benedictione signi seu campane, pp. 533–534Google Scholar.

73 De Blaauw, , ‘Campanae supra Urbem’, p. 414Google Scholar, nos. 26, 27. Gardner, ‘“For whom the bell tolls”’, p. 463, and Fig. 7, p. 463. Gardner, The Roman Crucible, p. 324 and Fig. 353.

74 De Blaauw, , ‘Campanae supra Urbem’, pp. 377Google Scholar, 378, n. 37. For the full text see Egidi, P., Necrologi e libri affini della Provincia Romana, 2 vols. (Fonti per la Storia d’Italia, 44, 45; Rome, 1908, 1914), i, pp. 262–263Google Scholar.

75 M. A. Bilotta, I libri dei papi: La Curia, il Laterano e la produzione manoscritta ad uso del papato nel Medioevo (secoli VI–XIII) (Studi e Testi, 465; Vatican City, 2011) is a pioneering attempt to rectify this situation. In general see Pace, V., ‘Per la storia della miniatura duecentesca a Roma’, in K. Bierbrauer, P. K. Klein and W. Sauerländer (eds.), Studien zur mittelalterlichen Kunst 800–1250: Festschrift für Florentine Mütherich zum 70. Geburtstag (Munich, 1985), pp. 255–262Google Scholar.

76 Bertelli, Carlo, ‘Traversie della tomba di Clemente IV’, Paragone Arte, 20 (no. 227) (1969), pp. 53–63Google Scholar. Bertelli, Carlo, ‘Opus Romanum’, in Kunsthistorische Forschungen: Otto Pächt zu ehren zu seinem 70. Geburtstag (Salzburg, 1972), pp. 99–117Google Scholar.

77 Hoffmann-Curtius, K., Das Progamm der Fontana Maggiore in Perugia (Bonner Beiträge zur Kunstwissenschaft, 10; Düsseldorf, 1968), pp. 30–31Google Scholar; Swarzenski, G., Nicolo Pisano (Frankfurt, 1926)Google Scholar, Fig. 75. For the more elaborate mechanism for sounding bells employed by Jubal on the façade at Orvieto see Moskowitz, A. F., The Façade Reliefs of Orvieto Cathedral (London, 2009)Google Scholar, Fig. 29.

78 For Bacon’s earlier links with Clement IV see Molland, G., ‘Bacon, Roger’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, 3 (Oxford, 2004), pp. 176–181Google Scholar. Opus Tertium, ed. Brewer, p.12, ‘plena festinatione’, chs. 72–4, i, pp. 295–303 contain some, at times scathing, comments on contemporary musical performance.

79 J. Mitchell, ‘St. Silvester and Constantine at the SS. Quatro Coronati’, in A. M. Romanini (ed.), Federico II e l’arte del Duecento italiano: Atti della III Settimana di Studi di Storia dell’Arte Medievale dell’Università di Roma [15–20 maggio 1978] (Galatina, 1980), ii, pp. 15–32; Sohn, A., ‘Bilder as Zeichen der Herrschaft: Die Silvesterkapelle in SS. Quattro Coronati (Rom)’, Archivum Historiae Pontificiae, 35 (1997), pp. 7–47Google Scholar; Thumser, M., ‘Perfekte Harmonie: Kardinal Stefano Conti und der Freskenzyklus bei SS Quattro Coronati in Rom’, Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte, 123 (2012), pp. 145–172Google Scholar.

80 Muñoz, A., Il restauro della chiesa e del chiostro dei SS. Quattro Coronati (Rome, 1914)Google Scholar.

81 Draghi, A., ‘Il ciclo dei mesi nell’aula gotica dei Santi Quattro Coronati a Roma: Considerazioni sull’iconografia del mese di Marzo e sulla cappella di S. Silvestro’, Bollettino d’Arte, 89 (2002), pp. 19–38Google Scholar; Draghi, A., ‘L’Aula gotica nel complesso dei Santi Quattro Coronati’, in A. Monciatti (ed.), Domus et splendida palatia: Residenze papali e cardinalizie fra XII e XV secolo. Atti della giornata di studio (Pisa 14 nov. 2002) (Pisa, 2004), pp. 43–58Google Scholar. Draghi, A., Gli affreschi dell’Aula gotica nel Monastero dei Quattro Santi Coronati: Una storia ritrovata (Milan, 2006)Google Scholar, with comprehensive illustrations.

82 The minature in the Rutland Psalter is reproduced in Fischer, H., ‘Entwicklung der Orgel von der Antike bis zur Neuzeit’, in Die bemalten Orgelflügel in Europa (Rotterdam, 2001), p. 18Google Scholar; Morgan, N., ‘The Artists of the Rutland Psalter’, British Library Journal, 13/2 (1987), pp. 159–185Google Scholar; Castiñeiras, M., ‘Vox Domini: El órgano del Studium Biblicum Franciscanum de Jerusalém y la perdida Sibila de la Iglesia de la Nadividad de Belén’, Ad Limina, 5 (2014), pp. 63–82Google Scholar, at pp. 66–70. I am grateful to Prof. Castiñeiras for providing me with a copy of his article.

83 Boethius, De musica, 5. 2; Augustine, De musica libri sex, 1. 2.

84 Ameri Practica artis musice, ed. Ruini, p. 36.

85 Ioannis Saresberiensis Metalogicon, ed. J. B. Hall and K. S. B. Keats-Rohan (Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis, 98; Turnhout, 1991), iii, 4, p. 116. ‘Dicebat Bernardus Carnotensis nos esse quasi nanos gigantum umeris insidentes, ut possimus plura eis et remotiora uidere, non utique proprii uisus acumine, aut eminentia corporis, sed quia in altum subuehimur et extollimur magnitudine corporis.’

86 Gardner, J., ‘The Stefaneschi Altarpiece: A Reconsideration’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 37 (1974), pp. 57–103CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Dykmans, M., ‘Jacques Stefaneschi, élève de Gilles de Rome et cardinal de Saint-Georges (vers 1261–1341)’, Rivista di Storia della Chiesa in Italia, 29 (1975), pp. 536–555Google Scholar; Dykmans, M., Le Cérémonial papal de la fin du Moyen Age à la Renaissance, de Rome en Avignon ou le cérémonial de Jacques Stefaneschi (Bibliothèque de l’Institut Historique Belge de Rome, 25; Rome, 1981), iiGoogle Scholar; Kempers, B. and de Blaauw, S., ‘Jacopo Stefaneschi, Patron and Liturgist – A New Hypothesis concerning the Iconography, Authorship and Function of his Altarpiece for Old Saint Peter’s’, Mededelingen van het Nederlands Instituut te Rome, 47 (1987), pp. 83–113Google Scholar; Gardner, , The Roman Crucible, pp. 31–34Google Scholar.

87 Montel, R., ‘Les Chanoines de la Basilique Saint-Pierre de Rome et des Statuts Capitulaires de 1277–79 à la fin de la Papauté d’Avignon: Étude prosopographique’, Rivista di Storia della Chiesa in Italia, 42 (1988), pp. 365–450Google Scholar; 43 (1989), pp. 1–49, 413–79, at p. 386, no. 3; Condello, E., ‘I codici Stefaneschi: Uno scriptorium cardinalizio del Trecento tra Roma e Avignone?’, Archivio della Società Romana di Storia Patria, 110 (1987), pp. 21–61Google Scholar. They include Vat. Lat. 4932, Stefaneschi’s own Opus Metricum; Vat. Lat. 4933, the second part of the Opus Metricum; the De Coronatione, probably Stefaneschi’s presentation copy for Boniface VIII, Archivio S. Pietro G. 3; Stefaneschi’s De centesimo seu Iubileo on the first Jubilee year of 1300, and Archivio S. Pietro B. 78, containing the Proclamation of Easter and the Fifth Lamentation of Jeremiah for which see the following note.

88 Condello, I codici Stefaneschi, pp. 44–7. On p. 47 she remarks that the liturgical content of the manuscript suggests that it was written for the sung office in a major church rather than for a private library. Condello makes no mention of the music. An edition of the text is in H. A. Daniel, Thesaurus hymnologicus, sive hymnorum canticorum sequentiarum circa annum MD usitarum collectio, ii (Leipzig, 1862), pp. 303–5. There is an important discussion of liturgical ceremonies from the ambo in the later period in Kelly, T. F., The Exultet in Southern Italy (New York, 1996), pp. 156–157Google Scholar.

89 Claussen, P. C., Magistri Doctissimi Romani: Die römischen Marmorkünstler des Mittelalters (Corpus Cosmatorum, 1; Stuttgart, 1987), pp. 138–144Google Scholar; for the rebuilding Krautheimer, R., Corbett, S. and Frazer, A. K., Corpus Basilicarum Christianarum Romae (Monumenti di Antichità Cristiana, 2, ser. 2; Vatican City, 1937–77), ii, pp. 36–44Google Scholar.

90 Gardner, , Stefaneschi Altarpiece, p. 82Google Scholar; Eichberg, B. Bruderer, Les Neufs choeurs angéliques: Origine et évolution d’une thème dans l’art du Moyen Âge (Civilisation médiévale, 6; Poitiers, 1998), pp. 116Google Scholar, 169, n. 749.

91 Hammerstein, R., Der Musik der Engel: Untersuchungen zur Musikanschauung des Mittelalters (Berne, 1962; 2nd edn., 1990), p. 235Google Scholar for Giotto’s Baroncelli polyptych.

92 ‘Nec enim pertinet ad musicum de cantu angelorum tractare, nisi forte cum hic fuerit theologus aut propheta. Non enim potest de tali cantu experientiam habere nisi inspiratione divina.’ Rohlof, E., Die Quellenhandschriften zum Musiktraktat des Johannes de Grocheio (Leipzig, 1967), p. 124Google Scholar. Grocheio still associated trumpets with warfare: McGee, T., The Ceremonial Musicians of Florence (Bloomington, Ind., 2009), p. 45Google Scholar.

93 ‘nec mittantur professi ad studium, nisi competenter divinum sciverint officium et in cantu aliqualiter sint instructi.’ Delorme, F., ‘Constitutiones provinciae provinciae (saec. XIII–XIV)’, Archivum Franciscanum Historicum, 14 (1921), pp. 415–434Google Scholar, at p. 421.

94 The image of the church interior in the Miracle at Greccio is still regularly discussed as showing the organization of an actual church. See most recently Cooper, D. and Robson, J., The Making of Assisi: The Pope, the Franciscans and the Painting of the Basilica (New Haven and London, 2013), pp. 177–180Google Scholar. See my review in the Burlington Magazine, 156 (2014), pp. 395–6.

95 Page, C., ‘Around the Performance of a 13th-Century Motet’, Early Music (2000), pp. 343–357CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at p. 347.

96 Barbiche, B., ‘Les “Scriptores” de la chambre apostolique sous le pontificat de Boniface VIII (1295–1303)’, Bibliothèque de l’École des Chartes, 128 (1970), pp. 115–187CrossRefGoogle Scholar, no. 9, pp. 130–1; Petoletti, M., ‘Il Diversiloquium di Bonaiuto da Casentino, poeta di curia ai tempi di Bonifacio VIII’, Aevum, 75 (2001), pp. 381–448Google Scholar, at pp. 399–400 discusses Bonaiuto’s verse and music for Boniface VIII. For Bonaiuto as a composer see J. Wolf, Bonaiutus de Casentino,” Acta Musicologica, 9 (1937), pp. 1–5.

97 Vecchi, G., ‘Carmi esametrici e ritmi musicali per Bonifacio VIII’, Convivium, 28 (1960), pp. 513–523Google Scholar.

98 Gallo, F., ‘Dai conventi di Salimbene alla corte di Bonifacio VIII’, in A. Ziino (ed.), La Sequenza Medievale: Atti del Convegno Internazionale, Milano 7–8 Aprile 1984 (Quaderni di S. Maurizio, 3; Lucca, 1992), pp. 81–86Google Scholar, at p. 86: ‘Sic lavetur intestina. / quod se purget et sentina / mentis omne crimine.’ Petoletti, ‘Il Diversiloquium’, pp. 399–400. The hymn was for a papal blood-letting.

99 Petoletti, , ‘Il Diversiloquium’, no. XII, pp. 432–434Google Scholar.

100 Dykmans, M., ‘Le Cardinal Annibal de Ceccano (vers 1282–1350), étude biographique et testament du 17 juin 1348’, Bulletin de l’Institut Historique Belge de Rome, 43 (1973), pp. 145–344Google Scholar, at pp. 282, 292–6. Montel, ‘Les Chanoines’, p. 407, no. 7; Anonimo romano cronica, ed. G. Porta (Milan, 1981), p. 157: he was buried in the Franciscan habit; see Porta, p. 162.

101 Breul, J. Du, Le Théâtre des antiquitez de Paris (Paris, 1612), pp. 655–657Google Scholar for the College of Cardinal Lemoine; Perrault, A., L’Architecture des collèges parisiens au Moyen Âge (Paris, 2009)Google Scholar; Dykmans, ‘Le Cardinal Annibal’, pp. 237–40; Bertram, M. and Rehberg, A., ‘Matheus Angeli Johannis Cinthii: Un commentatore romano delle Clementine e lo Studium Urbis nel 1320’, Quellen und Forschungen, 77 (1997), pp. 84–143Google Scholar, at p. 114. The University of Rome was not considered by the leading families. The Orsini, Colonna, Capocci, Conti, and Annibaldi sent sons to Bologna or, less often, Paris.

102 ‘vadant ad ecclesiam Beate Marie de Transtiberim et coram ymagine Domine nostre cantent antiphonam unam et prior vel magister dicat unam orationem beate Virginis’. Dykmans, ‘Le Cardinal Annibal’, p. 152. Bertelli, C., La Madonna di Santa Maria in Trastevere (Rome, 1961), pp. 18–33Google Scholar.

103 Bertelli, , La Madonna di Santa Maria in Trastevere. ‘Ymago beate Virginis quam sanctus Thomas Cantuariensis habuit in veneracione dum ibidem fuerat’, Itinerarium cuiusdam Anglici (1344–45) in Biblioteca bio-bibliografica della Terra Santa e dell’Oriente Cristiano, iv, ed. G. Golubovich (Quaracchi, 1923), pp. 435–460Google Scholar, at p. 441.

104 Maginnis, H., Painting in the Age of Giotto: A Historical Reevaluation (College Park, Md., 1997), pp. 64–78Google Scholar; Wilson, B., Music and Merchants: The Laudesi Companies of Republican Florence (Oxford, 1992), pp. 187–189Google Scholar; Gardner, J., ‘Duccio, “Cimabue” and the Maestro di Casole: Early Sienese Paintings for Florentine Confraternities’, in R. Favreau and M.-H. Derbes (eds.), Iconographica: Mélanges offerts à Piotr Skubiszewski (Poitiers, 1999), pp. 109–113Google Scholar.