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The motets of Philippe de Vitry and the fourteenth-century renaissance*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 December 2008

Andrew Wathey
Andrew Wathey*
Affiliation:
Royal Holloway and Bedford New College, University of London
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Extract

Towards the end of August 1350, Petrarch wrote from his home at Padua to Philippe de Vitry, chastising his friend for a letter that he had sent to their mutual patron, Cardinal Guy de Boulogne, papal legate in Italy. Vitry's mind has slowed since their first acquaintance, writes Petrarch, so that he now considers even a glorious absence from France undesirable. The man who, when asked where he was from, answered that he was a citizen of the world, now thinks any departure from France an exile. The dust of France lies too heavily on his shoes; the Petit-Pont in Paris, ‘its arch not quite in the shape of a tortoise shell’, is too appealing to him, and the murmur of the Seine delights his ear too much.

Type
Research Article
Information
Early Music History , Volume 12 , January 1993 , pp. 119 - 150
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1993

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References

1 Epistole familiari, ix.13. See Rossi, V., ed., Francesco Petrarca: Le familiari, 4 vols. (Florence, 1933–42), ii, pp. 246–56Google Scholar; also Bernardo, A. S., trans., Letters on Familiar Matters, IX–XV1 (Baltimore and London, 1982), pp. 35–44.Google Scholar For Petrarch's other letter to Vitry (Epistole familiari, xi.14), sent from Avignon on 23 October 1351, see Rossi, , ii, pp. 354–5.Google Scholar See in general on these letters Wilkins, E. H., Studies in the Life and Works of Petrarch (Cambridge, MA, 1955), pp. 66, 82, 90, 113, 171 Google Scholar; Wilkins, E. H., Petrarch's Correspondence, Medioevo e Umanesimo 3 (Padua, 1960), pp. 5, 64, 67.Google Scholar

2 The considerably shorter text of this letter in the later γ tradition substitutes ‘Tu domino nostro compatris …’ for this passage; for this version, see Rossi, , Le familiari, ii, pp. 267–75Google Scholar. The α version is not limited to Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, MS lat. 8568, as Schrade claims (‘Philippe de Vitry: Some New Discoveries’, Musical Quarterly, 45 (1956), pp. 330–54, on p. 331 n. 3).Google Scholar

3 ‘This Gallus was Philippe de Vitry, most famous musician and philosopher, and well known to Petrarch’, and ‘Gallus was a servant, born in France, a musician who pestered Petrarch to teach him poesy and rhetoric’. Rome, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Pal. lat. 1729, fol. 7r; printed in Avena, A., Il Bucolicum e i suoi commenti inediti (Padua, 1906), p. 264 Google Scholar, and most recently discussed in Mann, N., ‘In margine alia quarta egloga: piccoli problemi di esegesi petrarchesca’, Studi Petrarcheschi, new series, 4 (1987), pp. 17–32, esp. pp. 26–7.Google Scholar See Mann, , pp. 22–4, 26 Google Scholar, for the commentary on this passage in the Epitomata attributed to Donato degli Albanzani (‘Gallus fuit quidam proprio nomine dictus Philippus in musica summus artifex, a Gallia Gallus in hoc loco cognominatus’), and for that of the anonymous Intentiones (‘Per Gallum intelliget quendam francigenam in scientia musica valde doctum’). For the anonymous commentary on this passage in Florence, Biblioteca Laurenziana, MS Plut. 52, 33 (‘fuit quidam gallicus nomine flippus vitrinj [sic], musicus eximius et vir licteratus et ditissimus et amicus vatis ipsius franciscj petracce’), see Avena, , p. 201.Google Scholar See also Mann, N., ‘The Making of Petrarch's “Bucolicum carmen”: a Contribution to the History of the Text’, IMU, 20 (1977), pp. 127–84Google Scholar. For Piendibeni, a clerk in the chancery at Perugia until 1392, papal secretary from 1396, and Bishop of Arezzo 1414δ33, see Monti, C. M., ‘Una raccolta di ‘exempla epistolarum’ I: lettere e carmi di Francesco da Fiano’, IMU, 27 (1984), pp. 121–60, on pp. 138–40Google Scholar; also Blanovich, G., ‘Giovanni del Virgilio, Petro da Moglio, Francesco da Fiano’, IMU, 6 (1963), pp. 203–34, on pp. 212–15, 219, 225 Google Scholar; de Witt, R. G., Hercules at the Crossroads: the Life, Works and Thought of Coluccio Salutati, Duke Monographs in Medieval and Renaissance Studies 6 sance Studies 6 (Durham, NC, 1983), pp. 15, 284–5, 396.Google Scholar On the fourth eclogue, see Bergin, T. G., trans., Petrarch's Bucolicum carmen (New Haven and London, 1974), pp. 223–5.Google Scholar

4 Pétrarque el;l'humanisme, 2nd edn, 2 vols., Bibliothèque Littéraire de la Renaissance 1 (Paris, 1907), i. p. 66; ii, pp. 285, 310.Google Scholar

5 ‘Philipe de Vitri: notes biographiques’, Romania, 59 (1933), pp. 520–47, on pp. 526, 531–3, 543.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

6 See for example Schrade, , ‘Philippe de Vitry’, pp. 330–54Google Scholar; Finscher, L., ‘Die “Entstehung des Komponisten” zum Problem Komponisten-Individualität und Individualstil in der Musik des 14. Jahrhunderts’, International Review of the Aesthetics and Sociology of Music, 6 (1975), pp. 29–45, on pp. 32–3.CrossRefGoogle Scholar See also Fuller, S., ‘A Phantom Treatise of the Fourteenth Century: the Ars nova’, Journal of Musicology, 4 (1985–6), pp. 23–50, on p. 47.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Jones, F.J., ‘Petrarch, Philippe de Vitry, and a Possible Identification of the Mother of Petrarch's Children’, Italianistica, 18 (1989), pp. 81–107 Google Scholar, deals with the relations between Petrarch and Vitry less credibly. For literary views see among others Tatham, E. H. R., Francesco Petrarcha: his Life and Correspondence, 2 vols. (London, 1926), ii, p. 43, n. 2Google Scholar; de Boer, C., ed., ‘Ovide Moralisé’: poème du commencement du quartorzième siècle, 5 vols., Verhandelingen der Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen te Amsterdam 15, 20, 30, 37, 43 (Amsterdam, 1918–38), i, pp. 9–11 Google Scholar; Simone, F., Il rinascimento francese: studi e richerche, Biblioteca di Studi Francesi (Turin, 1961), pp. 55, 242 Google Scholar; Pognon, E., ‘Philippe de Vitri’, Dictionnaire des lettres françaises, ed. Grente, G., 7 vols. (Paris, 1951–72), i, pp. 585–6Google Scholar; Ouy, G., ‘In Search of the Earliest Traces of French Humanism: the Evidence From Codicology’, The Library Chronicle: University of Pennsylvania, 43 (1978), pp.3–38, on p. 5.Google Scholar But see also Samaran, C., ‘Pierre Bersuire’, Histoire littéraire de la France, 39 (1962), pp. 259–450, on pp. 289–90, 292Google Scholar; Cecchetti, D., Il primo umanesimo francese, Collana di Critica Linguistica e Poetica 5 (Turin, 1987), pp. 20, 29.Google Scholar

7 See Table 1. The majority of these texts and sources are listed in Walther, H., Initia carminum ac versuum medii aevi posterioris latinorum: Alphabetisches Verzeichnis der Versanfänge mittellateinischer Dichtungen, 2nd edn, Carmina Medii Aevi Posterioris Latina 1 (Göttingen, 1969)Google Scholar, and in the supplements by Stohlmann, J. in Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch, 7 (1971), pp. 293–314 Google Scholar; Stohlmann, J. in Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch, 8 (1972), pp. 288–304 Google Scholar; Stohlmann, J. in Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch, 9 (1973), pp. 320–44Google Scholar; Stohlmann, J. in Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch, 12 (1977), pp. 297–315 Google Scholar; Stohlmann, J. in Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch, 15 (1980), pp. 259–86Google Scholar; Stohlmann, J. in Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch, 16 (1981), pp. 409–41Google Scholar. Of these sources, only Darmstadt, Hessische Landes- und Hochschulbibliothek, MS 521, and F-Pn MS lat. 3343, were known to Schrade (‘Philippe de Vitry’, p. 353; see also Pognon, E., ‘Ballades mythologiques de Jean de le Mote, Philippe de Vitri, Jean Campion’, Humanisme et Renaissance, 5 (1938), pp. 385–417 Google Scholar, and Bibliothèque nationale: catalogue général des manuscrits latins V (nos. 3278 á 3535) (Paris, 1966), pp. 236–48).Google Scholar

8 Codices manuscripti theologici bibliothecae palatinae vindobonensis latini aliarumque occidentis linguarum, 2 vols. in 6 (Vienna, 1793–1802), i/3, cols. 2769–72Google Scholar; see also Appendix, no. 12.

9 For books of this type see generally Wilpert, P., ‘Die Entstehung einer Miscellanhandschrift des 15. Jahrhunderts” Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch, 1 (1964), pp. 34–47, on pp. 415–17Google Scholar; Sottili, A., ‘Wege des Humanismus: lateinischer Petrarchismus und deutsche Studentenschaften italienischer Renaissance-Universitäten’, From Wolfram and Petrarch to Goethe and Grass: Studies in Literature in Honour of Leonard Forsler, ed. Green, D. H., Johnson, L. P. and Wuttke, D., Saecula Spiritalia 5 (Baden-Baden, 1982), pp. 125–49.Google Scholar The contents of anthologies of this type remain imperfectly surveyed; several, however, receive detailed descriptions in Rose, V., Verzeichniss der lateinischen Handschriften der Königlichen Bibliothek zu Berlin, 3 vols. in 5 (Berlin, 1893–1919).Google Scholar For brief identifying descriptions see also Sottili, , ‘I codici … I−X]”, IMU, 10 (1967), pp. 411–91Google Scholar; Sottili, , ‘I codici … I−X]”, IMU, 11 (1968), pp. 345–448; 12 (1969), pp. 335–476 Google Scholar; Sottili, , ‘I codici … I−X]”, IMU, 13 (1970), pp. 281–167Google Scholar; Sottili, , ‘I codici … I−X]”, IMU, 14 (1971), pp. 313–402 Google Scholar; Sottili, , ‘I codici … I−X]”, IMU, 15 (1972), pp. 361–423 Google Scholar; Sottili, , ‘I codici … I−X]”, IMU, 18 (1975), pp. 1–72 Google Scholar; Sottili, , ‘I codici … I−X]”, IMU, 19 (1976), pp. 429–92Google Scholar; Sottili, , ‘I codici … I−X]”, IMU, 20 (1977), pp. 413–94.Google Scholar

10 Lübeck, Stadtbibliothek, MS 152; see Appendix, no. 6. This anthology was, however, used for Walther, Initia, and for Bertalot, L., Initia humanistica latina: Initienverzeichnis lateinischer Prosa und Poesie aus der Zeit des 14. bis 16. Jahrhunderts (Tübingen, 1985–)Google Scholar; see also Kristeller, P. O., Iter italicum (London and Leiden, 1965–), iii, pp. 598–601.Google Scholar For Baechtz see Kleineidam, E., Universitas studii Erffordensis: Überblick über die Geschichte der Universität Erfurt im Mittelalter, 1392–1521, 2 vols., Erfurter theologische Studien 14, 22 (Leipzig, 1964–1969), i, pp. 246, 319 Google Scholar; Wiegand, F., ‘Arnoldus Sommernat de Bremis, Symon Baechtz de Homborch, und Joannes Osthusen de Erffordia: drei Erfurter Universitätsjuristen des 15. Jahrhunderts als Ratssyndiker von Lübeck’, Beiträge zur Geschichte der Universität Erfurt (1392–1816), 7 (1960), pp. 45–59.Google Scholar

11 See Table 1, and below, pp. 142–4.

12 A-Wn MS 3244; Appendix, no. 11. For Luder, see Wattenbach, W., ‘Peter Luder: der erste humanistische Lehrer in Heidelberg’, Zeitschrift für die Geschichte des Oberrheins, 22 (1869), pp. 33–127 Google Scholar; Baron, F., ‘Peter Luder’, Die deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters: Verfasserlexikon, ed. Ruh, K. et al. (Berlin and New York, 1978–), v, cols. 954–9.Google Scholar Parts of the book may have been copied by Matthias von Kemnat, one of Luder's close associates in Heidelberg ( Baron, F. E., ‘The Beginnings of German Humanism: the Life and Work of the Wandering Humanist Peter Luder’ (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California at Berkeley, 1967), pp. 84–6Google Scholar; Hartfelder, K., ‘Matthias von Kemnat’, Forschungen zur deutschen Geschichte, 22 (1882), pp. 331–49).Google Scholar

13 D-B MS lat. 2° 49 (Appendix, no. 2); Kremsmünster, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 149 (Appendix, no. 5).

14 For this book see Bertalot, L., Humanistisches Studienheft eines Nürnberger Scholaren aus Pavia (1460) (Berlin, 1910)Google Scholar, reprinted in Studien zum italienischen und deutschen Humanismus, 2 vols., ed. Kristeller, P. O., Storia e Letteratura: Raccolta di Studi e Testi 129 (Rome, 1975), i, pp. 83–161 Google Scholar; Kristeller, , Iter italicum, iii, p. 411 Google Scholar; Appendix, no. 4. For Schaller see also Sottili, , ‘L'Università di Pavia nella politica culturale sforzesca’, Gli Sforza a Milano e in Lombardia e i low rapporti con gli stati italiani ed europei (1450–1535): Convegno internazionale, Milano, 18–21 Maggio 1981 (Milan, 1982), pp. 522–3, 540.Google Scholar

15 Darmstadt, MS 521; A-Wn MS 883 (Appendix, nos 3, 9).

16 In A-Wn MS 4195 the texts ‘Petre clemens’, ‘Lugentium siccentur’ and ‘Non est inventus similis illi’ are labelled ‘Triplum’, ‘Motetus’ and ‘Tenor’ respectively. In both D-B MS lat. 2° 49 and A-Wn MS 3244 the text ‘Egregius labor’ is labelled ‘Contra’ (see also below, pp. 143−4). In F-Pn MS lat. 3343, the texts ‘O deus creator’, ‘Jacet granum’, ‘Quam sufflabit’ and ‘Phi millies’, are labelled ‘Motetus’, ‘Tenor’, ‘Contratenor’ and ‘Triplum’.

17 First appearing in Carmina vetusta ante trecentos annos scripta, quae dephrant inscitiam Evangelij, et taxani abusus ceremoniarum, ac quae ostendunt doctrinam, huius temporis non esse novam … (Wittenberg, G. Rhau, 1548) and, in revised and expanded versions, in Pia quaedam vetustissimaque poemata partim antichrislum, eiusque spirituales filiolos in sectantia … (Magdeburg, Michael Lotter, 1552) and Varia doctorum piorumque virorum de corrupto ecclesiae statu, poemata, ante nostram aetatem conscripta … ( Basel, J. Oporinus, 1557), pp. 29–89 Google Scholar (of which an annotated copy, with emendations to Quid scire, is London, British Library, [pr. bk.] 238. m. 29). See further on these books Preger, W., Matthias Flacius lllyricus und seine Zeit, 2 vols. (Erlangen, 1859–62), ii, pp. 239ffGoogle Scholar, and Mirković, M., Matija Vlačić llirik, Djela Jugoslavenske Akademije Znanosti i Umjetnosti 50 (Zagreb, 1960), pp. 341–2Google Scholar; see also pp. 58–73, 336ff. For Flacius' ownership of W1 and W2 (D-W MSS Helmst. 628 and 1099) see Reaney, G., Manuscripts of Polyphonic Music, 11th – Early 14th Century, Répertoire International des Sources Musicales, B/iv/1 (Munich and Duisburg, 1966), pp. 97–8, 171.Google Scholar

18 The majority of sources without music for the texts of Dufay's motets are liturgical or devotional collections. Other manuscripts containing these texts include: Erfurt, Wissenschaftliche Bibliothek, MS Amplon. 12° 4; Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Laud. misc. 542; Pavia, Biblioteca Universitaria, MSS 351 and 355. For lists, see the critical commentaries in de Van, G., ed., Gugliemi Dufay: opera omnia 1–2: Motetti qui et cantiones vocantur, 2 vols., Corpus Mensurabilis Musicae 1 (Rome, 1947–8)Google Scholar, omitted from the Besseler revision (Rome, 1966).

19 For collections of Magnus liber poetry without music, see Falck, R., The Notre-Dame Conductus: a Study of the Repertory, Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen 33 (Henryville, Ottawa and Binningen, 1981), pp. 140–52.Google Scholar See also sources cited in Walther, Initia, nos. 2254, 2607, 2763, 3470, 3799, 4349, 6487, 8391, 8394, 8401, 9038, 9150, 11448, 12510, 13814, 16158, 17915, 20563, 21142, 21206 and 21209.

20 Schrade, L., ed., The Roman de Fauvel: the Works of Philippe de Vitry: French Cycles of the Ordinarium Missae, Polyphonic Music of the Fourteenth Century 1 (Monaco, 1956), pp. 104–5 (no. 13)Google Scholar; the motet is omitted from the worklist in Sanders, E., ‘Vitry, Philippe de’, The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, ed. Sadie, S., 20 vols. (London, 1980), xx, p. 27 Google Scholar. For sources see Table 1.

21 Leech-Wilkinson, D., ‘Related Motets from Fourteenth-Century France’, Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association, 109 (1982–1983), pp. 1–22, on p. 11.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

22 For what follows see, among much else, Dotzauer, W., ‘Deutsches Studium und deutsche Studenten an europäischen Hochschulen (Frankreich, Italien) und die nachfolgende Tätigkeit in Stadt, Kirche und Territorium in Deutschland’, Stadt und Universität im Mittelalter und in der früheren Neuzeit, ed. Maschke, E. and Sydow, J., VerÖffentlichungen des Südwestdeutschen Arbeitskreises für Stadtgeschichtsforschung 3 (Sigmaringen, 1977), pp. 112–41Google Scholar; Sottili, , ‘Wege des Humanismus’, pp. 125–49Google Scholar; Sottili, A., ‘L'università italiana e la diffusione dell'umanesimo nei paesi tedeschi’, Humanistica lovaniensia, 20 (1971), pp. 5–22 Google Scholar; Sottili, , ‘I codici … I’, pp. 415–17Google Scholar; Worstbrock, F. J., ‘Francesco Petrarca’, Verfasserlexikon, vii, cols. 471–90, esp. 477−83Google Scholar; Overfield, J. H., Humanism and Scholasticism in Late Medieval Germany (Princeton, 1984), pp. 61–142 Google Scholar; Karnein, A., ‘Petrarca in Deutschland: zur Rezeption seiner lateinischen Werke im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert’, Idee, Gestalt, Geschichte: Festschrift Klaus von See, ed. Weber, G. W. (Odense, 1988), pp. 159–86.Google Scholar For Piccolomini, see Voigt, K., Italienische Berichte aus dem spätmittelalterlichen Deutschland: von Francesco Petrarca zu Andrea de' Franceschi, Kieler Historische Studien 17 (Stuttgart, 1973), pp. 77–153 Google Scholar; Worstbrock, F. J., ‘Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini (Papst Pius II.)’, Verfasserlexikon, vii, cols. 634–69.Google Scholar

23 Sottili, , ‘I codici … I’, p. 417 Google Scholar, and the description of Karlsruhe, Badische Landesbibliothek, MS Aug. 48, in ‘I codici … II’, IMU, 11 (1968), p. 384.Google Scholar

24 See especially Sottili, A., ‘Zur Geschichte der “Natio Germanica Ticinensis”: Albrecht von Eyb, Georg Hessler und die Markgrafen von Baden an der Universität Pavia’, Zeitschrift für die Geschichte des Oberrheins, 132 (1984), pp. 107–33, esp. pp. 109–14Google Scholar; Sottili, , ‘Tune floruit Alamannorum natio: Doktorate deutscher Studenten in Pavia in der zweiten Hälfte des 15. Jahrhunderts’, Humanismus im Bildungswesen des 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts, Kommission für Humanismusforschung: Mitteilung xii (Weinheim, 1984), pp. 25–44.Google Scholar

25 Sottili, , ‘Wege des Humanismus’, pp. 127–8.Google Scholar

26 Sottili, , ‘I codici … I’, p. 416.Google Scholar

27 Sottili, , ‘Wege des Humanismus’, pp. 125–6, 128–9, and nn. 26–32Google Scholar; Kleineidam, , Universitas studii Erfordensis, i, p. 142 Google Scholar; Worstbrock, F. J., in Verfasserlexikon, i, cols. 84–93, 180–6Google Scholar; Worstbrock, F. J., in Verfasserlexikon, vi, cols. 1016–35.Google Scholar For Eyb see also Sottili, , ‘Zur Geschichte der “Natio Germanica Ticinensis”’, pp. 113ffGoogle Scholar; for Agricola see also Mommsen, T. E., ‘Rudolf Agricola's Life of Petrarch’, Medieval and Renaissance Studies (New York, 1959), pp. 236–67Google Scholar; Lockwood, L., Music in Renaissance Ferrara, 1400–1505: the Creation of a Musical Centre in the Fifteenth Century (Oxford, 1984), pp. 151–2.Google Scholar

28 Sottili, , ‘Wege des Humanismus’, pp. 134–5Google Scholar, and Pellegrin, E., La bibliothèque des Visconti et des Sforza dues de Milan au XVe siècle, Publications de l'Institut de Recherche et d'Histoire des Textes 5 (Paris, 1955), pp. 45–7.Google Scholar

29 For Capelli see de Mesquita, D. M. Bueno in Dizionario biografico degli italiani, xvii (Venice and Rome, 1975), pp. 727–30.Google Scholar For the dissemination of Petrarch's works after his death see Witt, , Hercules at the Crossroads, pp. 184ff.Google Scholar

30 See Mann, , ‘The Making of Petrarch's “Bucolicum carmen”’, pp. 172–80Google Scholar; Wilkins, , Studies in the Life and Works of Petrarch, pp. 170–1.Google Scholar

31 To those described in van Waesberghe, J. Smits and Fischer, P., The Theory of Music from the Carolingian Era up to 1400, 2 vols., Répertoire International des Sources Musicales, B/iii/1–2 (Munich and Duisburg, 1961–8), i, pp. 107–8; ii, pp. 36–43, 50, 77–9, 89–91, 98–9, 100–1, 102–4Google Scholar, add: (i) Einsiedeln, Klosterbibliothek, MS 689, an early fifteenthcentury book copied in Padua (see Kristeller, , Iter italicum, v, p. 107 Google Scholar; the manuscript is wrongly described as MS 638 in Smits van Waesberghe and Fischer, i, p. 75, whose account also omits the Vitry item); (ii) Florence, Biblioteca Medicea Riccardiana, MS 688 (see Long, M., ‘Francesco Landini and the Florentine Cultural Élite’, Early Music History, 3 (1983), pp. 83–99, on pp. 89–90CrossRefGoogle Scholar; incomplete description in Böhner, P., ‘Ein Gedicht auf die Logik Ockhams’, Franziskanische Studien, 26 (1939), pp. 78–85, on pp. 79–80)Google Scholar; (iii) Chicago, Newberry Library, MS 54.1, copied in Pavia (see Schreur, P. E., Tractatus figurarum: Treatise on Noteshapes), Greek and Latin Music Theory (Lincoln, NE, and London, 1989), pp. 31–3.Google Scholar See also Sachs, K.-J., Der Conlrapunctus im 14. und 15. Jahrhundert: Untersuchungen zum Terminus, zur Lehre und zu den Quellen, Beihefte zum Archiv für Musikwissenschaft 13 (Wiesbaden, 1974), pp. 170–9.Google Scholar

32 Fuller, , ‘A Phantom Treatise of the Fourteenth Century’, pp. 26–7, 33–4.Google Scholar

33 Florence, Biblioteca Medicea Riccardiana, MS 688.

34 See, for example Pognon, E., ‘Notes et documents du nouveau sur Philippe de Vitri et ses amis’, Humanisme et Renaissance, 6 (1939), p. 52 Google Scholar; Schrade, , ‘Philippe de Vitry’, pp. 334–5, 341 Google Scholar; Sanders, , ‘Vitry, Philippe de’, p. 27.Google Scholar

35 A-Wn MS 4195, fol. 157.

36 Listed in Wood, D., Clement VI: the Pontificate and Ideas of an Avignon Pope, Cambridge Studies in Medieval Life and Thought, 4th series, 13 (Cambridge, 1989), pp. 209–15Google Scholar, and, for what follows, see pp. 31–2, 152. For Clement's sermons see also Schneyer, J. B., Repertorium der lateinischen Sermones des Mittelalters für die Zeit von 1150–1350, 11 vols., Beiträge zur Geschichte der Philosophic und Theologie des Mittelalters 43 (Münster, 1969–90), iii, pp. 757–69.Google Scholar

37 Wood, , Clement VI, p. 212 Google Scholar, Sermon 14; see also pp. 75–7.

38 For what follows see Wood, pp. 43–50.

39 For papal claims to universal authority, and the representation of Clement as the successor of St Peter, see Wood, pp. 36, 46, 80, 122, 192.

40 Codices, i/3, cols. 2768–9.

41 ‘Let those who recollect in such a manner meditate with themselves in [their] hearts: when Peter, the head of the church, the father of all and door-keeper of heaven, rebuffed those whom he called and abandoned those whom he took up, when his vicar, the father of the world, remained inhuman to human creatures’. A-Wn MS 4195, fol. 156v.

42 For the election, see Wood, pp. 142–52.

43 For another case see Wathey, A., ‘The Marriage of Edward III and the Transmission of French Motets to England’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 45 (1992), pp. 1–29, on pp. 14–22.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

44 Page, C., The Owl and the Nightingale: Musical Life and Ideas in France, 1100–1300 (London, 1989), p. 119 Google Scholar; Rohloff, E., ed., Die Quellenhandschriflen zum Musiktraktal des Johannes de Grocheio (Leipzig, 1972), p. 144.Google Scholar

45 Fols. 285v–287v; ‘O felix mortale genus’ (Walter of Châtillon, Prouerbia Alexandreidos, x. 433ffGoogle Scholar; a polyphonic setting of this text is in Cambridge, Gonville and Caius College, MS 803/807, fol. 1r–v), ‘Virginitatis flos est et virginis’ (Hildebert of Tours; also in F-Pn MS lat. 3343, fol. 78v), ‘Mortales dominus cunctos’ (Bruno Carthusiensis), and ‘Mater sancta dei’. See Walther, Initia, nos. 12632, 20475, 11284, 10768; nos. 12632 and 11284 also appear together in Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini, De pravis mulieribus (Paris, 1507?), fols. 10v–ll.

46 A-Wn MS 3244, fols. 163v–169. For this letter see Wattenbach, , ‘Peter Luder’, pp. 54, 80–2 (another copy appears in A-Wn MS 4323, fols. 71−6)Google Scholar. A letter by Luder earlier in the volume is followed on fol. 90 by the hexameter Egregius labor, associated in other sources with Colla iugo / Bona condit (see below pp. 143–4).

47 Jena, Universitätsbibliothek, MS Buder 4° 104, fols. 219–25; see Bertalot, , Humanistisches Studienheft, pp. 156–60.Google Scholar

48 D-B MS lat. 2°49, fols. 88v-90v; see Rose, , Verzeichniss, ii/3, p. 1270.Google Scholar

49 Pharsalia, x. 407; see also Bertalot, , Humanistisches Studienheft, p. 158 Google Scholar. Line 4 of this text, ‘Aliena desere quadra convivari’, may allude to Juvenal, Satires, v. 2, ‘… aliene vivere quadra’.

50 Edited in Wolkan, R., Der Briefwechsel des Eneas Silvius Piccolomini, i/1, Fontes Rerum Austriacum 61 (Vienna, 1909), pp. 453–87.Google Scholar On this work see Worstbrock, F. J., ‘Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini’, Verfasserlexikon, vii, cols. 643–4Google Scholar; also Smith, P. M., The Anti-Courtier Tradition in Sixteenth-Century French Literature, Travaux d'Humanisme et Renaissance 84 (Geneva, 1966), pp. 22–4, 41–2.Google Scholar

51 In A-Wn MS 4453, fol. 322; printed in Huemer, J., ‘Lateinische Rhythmen des Mittelalters, II’, Wiener Studien, 6 (1884), pp. 287–96, on pp. 293–6Google Scholar, and Walther, H., ‘Eine misogyne Versnovelle des ausgehenden Mittelalters’, Beiträge zur Forschung: Studien aus dem Antiquariat Jacques Rosenthal, new series, 4 (1932), pp. 37–52.Google Scholar

52 Sanders, , ‘Vitry, Philippe de’, p. 27 Google Scholar; Gomez, M. del Carmen, ‘Más códices con polifonía del siglo XIV en España’, Acta Musicologica, 53 (1981), pp. 58–90, on pp. 85–6.Google Scholar

53 Walther, Initia, no. 5291; Walther, H., Proverbia sententiaeque latinilalis medii aevi: Lateinische Sprichwörter und Sentenzen des Mittelalters, 5 vols., Carmina Medii Aevi Posterioris Latina 2 (Göttingen, 1963–7), i, p. 878, no. 7013Google Scholar; Schumann, O., Lateinisches Hexameter-Lexikon: dichterisches Formelgut von Ennius bis zum Archipoeta, 6 vols., Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Hilfsmittel 4 (Munich 1979–83), i, pp. 373–4.Google Scholar

54 For sources of this verse see Table 1; the verse is so headed in Signum quindecim horribilia de fine mundi et extremo judicio (Cologne, Merlin von Werden, after 1500), and in Trier, Stadtbibliothek, MS 804. For ‘Nocte dieque’ (Walther, Sprichwörter, no. 17056, with further sources), and the Schedel books (Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, clm 460 and 650), see Stauber, R., Die Schedelsche Bibliothek (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1908), pp. 32, 46 Google Scholar. Further related verses are: ‘Ire, redire, sequi regum sublimia castra; Egregius status eximius, sed sic non itur ad astra’ in Weimar, MS Q. 108, copied at Erfurt in the 1470s, among other sources (Walther, Sprichwörter, no. 12925; see also Wattenbach, W., ‘Weiteres aus der Weimarer Handschrift’, Anzeiger för Kunde der deulschen Vorzeit, 28 (1881), col. 246Google Scholar; Dr Fromman, ‘Findlinge’, ibid., 21 (1874), col. 256; Kristeller, , Iter italicum, iii, pp. 463–4)Google Scholar, ‘Qui sequitur castra, non multum cogitat astra’, ‘Qui servit rastro, servire nequit bene castro’ and ‘Sunt et dicuntur miseri, qui castra sequuntur’ (Walther, SprichwÖrter, nos. 24709, 24724, 30723).

55 Described in A. Wathey, ‘European Politics and Musical Culture at the Court of Cyprus’, a paper delivered at a Congress on the Cypriot-French Repertory of the Manuscript Torino J. ii. 9, Paphos, 20 March 1992; see also ‘The Marriage of Edward III’, p. 12, n. 18.

56 ‘Postquam tamen ab Avinione redivissem Parisius … magister Philippus de Vitriaco, vir utique excellentis ingenii, moralis philosophic, hystorie ac etiam antiquitatis zelator precipuus et in cunctis mathematicis scienciis eruditus, dictum gallicum librum michi tradidit, in quo procul dubio multas bonas exposiciones, tarn allegoricas quam morales, inveni’ (‘But after I returned from Avignon to Paris … master Philippe de Vitry, a man, to be sure, of excellent intellect, an exceptional ardent lover of moral philosophy, history, and also antiquity, and learned in all the mathematical sciences, handed to me the aforesaid French book, in which I found without doubt many good expositions, allegorical as well as moral‘); quoted, with errors, in Samaran, ‘Pierre Bersuire’, pp. 342–3. Bersuire also cited Vitry as an authority, in the description of a large warlike fish in his Reductorium (ix, cap. 136): ‘Zytiron, id est miles marinus: monstrum est marinum sicut dicit liber de natura rerum … Ab altero viro audivi semel in eodem mari [Britannico[ prope insulam ciocam parvulum piscem captum, ad formam armati militis figuratum, casside et scuto et lorica armatum. Cuius simile audivi a venerabili viro magistro Philippo de Vitriaco, asserente in Normandia similem militem vidisse’ (‘Zytiron, that is marine knight: it is a marine monster, as the book De natura rerum says …. From another man I heard once in the same sea near the isle of Cioca (?) a tiny fish [was] taken, shaped to the form of an armed knight, armed with a helmet and shield and breastplate. The like of which I have heard from the venerable man master Philippe de Vitry, asserting that he had seen in Normandy a similar knight’); Pictaviensis, Petrus Berchorius, Reductorii moralis … libri quatuordecim (Venice, Gasparo Bindoni, 1589), p. 310.Google Scholar

57 The known examples of Vitry's seals survive in F-Pn p. o. 3032 (MS fr. 29516), dossier ‘Vitry’ (67183): (i) attached to nos. 6 and 8, quittances issued at Paris by Vitry on 17 August 1346 and 3 January 1350, bearing the legend ‘sigillum secreti phi[…]’, and portraying Hercules with a club resting on his right shoulder, the defeated lion's head under his right arm, and a shield decorated with a ram rampant in his left hand; (ii) attached to no. 12, a quittance issued by Vitry at Villeneuve-lés-Avignon on 29 September 1350, without surviving legend, bearing a lion surmounted by Hercules and David, both armed with clubs. Both seals are damaged, and the descriptions in the unprinted third volume of Roman, J., Inventaire des sciaux de la collection des piéces originates du Cabinet des Titres à la Bibliothèque nationale, i (Paris, 1909; vols. ii and iii in microfiche: Paris, Archives Nationales, 1987), iii, p. 908 Google Scholar, made when the seals' deterioration was less advanced, are therefore valuable. For the Hercules legend, see Witt, , Hercules at the Crossroads, pp. 216–17Google Scholar; Gaeta, F., ‘L'avventura di Ercole’, Rinascimento, 5 (1954), pp. 227–60Google Scholar; Mommsen, T. E., ‘Petrarch and the Story of the Choice of Hercules’, Medieval and Renaissance Studies (New York, 1959), pp. 175–96.Google Scholar