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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 05 December 2008
1 Lucca, Archivio di Stato, Biblioteca Manoscritti MS 238; see Strohm, R., ‘Ein unbekanntes Chorbuch des 15. Jahrhunderts’, Die Musikforschung, 21 (1968), pp. 40–2.Google Scholar
2 Two good guides to this material might be added to the literature Strohm cites. Raphael de Keyser's thesis, ‘Het St. Donaaskapittel te Brugge (1350–1450): Bijdrage tot de studie van hogere geestelijkheed tijdens de late middeleeuwen’ (University of Louvain, 1972), includes in its third volume an extensive listing of the available documentation on all recorded canons of the church. Although Belgian theses are not normally available for consultation, this volume is deposited in the Bisschoppelijk Archief at Bruges for free use. Published since the completion of Strohm's book is Bisthoven, B. Janssens de and Backer, C. de, Inventaris van het Bisschoppelijk Archief te Brugge (Katholiek Documentatie- en Onderzoekscentrum, Mgr Ladeuzeplein 21, B3000 Leuven, 1984)Google Scholar, which gives an overview of the archive's holdings.
3 Strohm, pp. 29–31, based largely on the findings of Alfons Dewitte, published in ‘Boek- en bibliotheekwezen in de Brugse Sint-Donaaskerk xiiie–xve eeuw’, Sint-Donaas en de voor-malige Brugse Katedraal (Bruges, 1978), pp. 61–95;Google Scholar on pp. 83–95 Dewitte lists payments for copying, binding and repairing books at the church throughout the century.
4 Bruges, Stadsbibliotheek, MS 436, fol. 210v.
5 Op. cit., fol. 211.
6 Two details could be added to the relevant article by Boydell, Barra R. in Sadie, S., ed., The New Grove Dictionary of Musical Instruments (London, 1984)Google Scholar, s.v. ‘Dolzaina’. References to the instrument in fact appear as early as the thirteenth century, in the romance Cleomadès by Adenés li Rois. And Herbert W. Myers has recently offered what seems for the first time to be a highly convincing identification of this instrument in ‘The Mary Rose “Shawm” ’, Early Music, 11 (1983), pp. 358–60.Google Scholar
7 I have summarised the situation as I now see it in the chapter ‘Secular Polyphony: 15th Century’ for Brown, H. M. and Sadie, S., eds., Performance Practice (London, forthcoming).Google Scholar
8 Strohm, p. 81; the source is Bruges, Stadsbibliotheek, MS 436, fol. 211.
9 Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale, MS 13073–4, fol. 201v.
10 See K. von Fischer, ‘Egardus’, in Sadie, S., ed., The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, 20 vols. (London, 1980), vi, p. 62.Google Scholar
11 Utrecht, Universiteitsbibliotheek, MS 6e 37.
12 Strasbourg, Bibliothèque de la Ville, MS 222 c. 22, burned in 1870 and known primarily from Coussemaker's copy in Brussels, Bibliothèque du Conservatoire Royal de Musique, MS 56.286; Prague, Státní Knihovna ČSSR, Universitní Knihovna, MS xi. e. 9; Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, MS n.a.fr. 6771.
13 To this evidence of Arnolfini's interest in painting and music, it is intriguing to be able to add one further detail: the so-called Rohan poetry manuscript (Berlin, Staatliche Museen der Stiftung Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Kupferstichkabinett, MS 78 B 17) contains, on fols. 115–115v, a rondrau Jusque au retour n'aray plaisance with Arnolfini's wife's name as an acrostic: JEHANNE CENAMI; see Löpelmann, M., Die Liederhandschrift des Cardinals de Rohan, Gesellschaft für romanische Literatur 44 (Göttingen, 1923), p. 198.Google Scholar
14 The first of those published in Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Österreich 22, Jg. xi (Vienna, 1904).
15 See Curtis, G. R. K., ‘Jean Pullois and the Cyclic Mass – or a Case of Mistaken Identity?’, Music & Letters, 62 (1981), pp. 41–59.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
16 See in particular her preface to the facsimile, Chansonnier Nivelle de la Chaussée (Geneva, 1984), pp. iv–v.Google Scholar
17 Roth, A., ‘Zur Datierung der frühen Chorbücher der päpstlichen Kapelle’, in Finscher, L., ed., Quellenstudien zur Music der Renaissance, ii: Datierung und Filiation von Musikhandschriften der Josquin-Zeit, Wolfenbütteler Forschungen 26 (Wiesbaden, 1983), pp. 239–68, on p. 268.Google Scholar
18 Wealc, W.H.J., ‘Drame liturgique: Le Missus’, Le Beffroi, 1 (1863), pp. 165–78.Google Scholar
19 The fullest exposition of the argument is in Lowinsky, E.E., The Medici Codex of 1518: Historical Introduction and Commentary (Chicago, 1968), Monuments ofRenaissance Music 3, pp. 219–28.Google Scholar
20 See most recently Rebecca L. Gerber's comments in Johannes Cornago: Complete Works, Recent Researches in the Music of the Middle Ages and Early Renaissance 15 (Madison, 1984), pp. viii–x.
21 While it is gratifying to see Lockwood accept my theory that Seigneur Leon concerns Leonello d'Este, it is puzzling that he should suggest dating the work earlier than Leonello's accession in 1441. I would find it extremely difficult to propose a stylistic context for the music much earlier than 1440.
22 Modena, Biblioteca Estense e Universitaria (henceforth MOe), MS α x.1.11.
23 Lockwood mentions (p. 52) the arrival of six Masses brought to Ferrara by two Frenchmen in June 1447. This is remarkably early for polyphonic Mass Ordinary cycles by other than English composers; and it might be worth entertaining the possibility that they were Mass Proper cycles of the kind copied in Cambrai in the year ending June 1447, see Houdoy, J., Histoire artistique de la Cathédrale de Cambrai (Paris and Lille, 1880), p. 188.Google Scholar As both Alejandro Planchart and I will shortly be pointing out elsewhere, it is extremely tempting to connect that lost repertory with the large group of Mass Proper cycles near the beginning of the MS Trent 88.
24 It is slightly disarming that Lockwood cites as his only evidence for this Gill's, JosephEugenius IV, Pope of Christian Union (London, 1961)Google Scholar, a book with virtually no documentation, which happens merely to mention the matter in passing.
25 Lockwood suggests 1444 or 1446 (p. 65); I have argued that 1444 seems by far the more probable date for the poem, see Fallows, D., ed., Galfridus and Robertus de Anglia: Four Italian Songs (Newton Abbot, 1977);Google Scholar and Lockwood later (pp. 109–10) reaches the same conclusion.
26 Aosta, Biblioteca del Seminario Maggiore, MS a1d 19.
27 Oporto, Biblioteca Pública Municipal, MS 714.
28 Fallows, D., ‘Robertus de Anglia and the Oporto Song Collection’, in Bent, I., ed., Source Materials and the Interpretation of Music: a Memorial Volume to Thurston Dart (London, 1981), pp. 99–128, on p. 113.Google Scholar
29 Fallows, D., Dufay (London, 1982), pp. 75–6Google Scholar, where I also pointed out that the document concerns not the otherwise unknown Gilles Arpin but the well-known Gilles Crepin.
30 Fallows, ‘Robertus de Anglia’, pp. 112–13.
31 MOe MS α M.1.13.
32 To document this Lockwood refers to the edition of Martini's Mass Cucu in Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Österreich 120 (1970), even though its editor did not have access to ModD (which in any case contains only the very opening of the work). A better comparison can be seen from the two versions (ModD and Trent 89) of the anonymous four-voice Mass O rosa bella presented in parallel in Denkmäler der Tonkunst inÖsterreich 22, Jg. xi (1904), pp. 28–69. Laurence Feininger's edition of Dufay's Mass Ave regina celorum, in Monumenta Polyphoniae Liturgicae Sanctae Ecclesiae Romanae 1/ii/iii (Rome, 1963), presents the version in Rome in parallel with that in Brussels, suggesting that ModD more or less equals the Roman version: in fact, as indicated briefly in the preface, the Modena version stands somewhere between the extremes represented by the other two manuscripts.
33 MOe MSS α m.1.11–12.
34 Modena, Archivio di Stato (henceforth MOs), Archivio Segreto Estense, Mandati (henceforth Mand.) 1 (1422–4), fols. 125, 180 and 183v.
35 Mand. 3 (1434–5), fol. 138v; Mand. 4 (1436–8), fols. 77 and 132v.
36 Mand. 4, fol. 163v; Mand. 7 (1445–6), fol. 255.
37 Mand. 4, fol, 150.
38 Mand. 4, fol. 133v.
39 Mand. 4, fol. 187.
40 Mand. 4, fol. 200v.
41 Mand. 4, fol. 151 (9 September) and fol. 158 (10 October) respectively.
42 Mand. 1 (1422–4), fol. 105.
43 Mand. 2 (1424), fol. 26v.
44 Mand. 4 (1436–8), fol. 99.
45 Mand. 4, fols. 117 and 122v.
46 Mand. 4, fol. 135v.
47 Mand. 4, fol. 154v.
48 Mand. 1 (1422–4), fol. 124.
49 MOs Libri Camerali Diversi 96 (1472), fols. 24L, 48R and 99L. I use L and R for those registers that are numbered by openings rather than by folios: normally there is a Roman numeral on the left-hand page of the opening and the same number in arabic numerals on the facing right-hand page.
50 The same is the case with the list for 1504, Memoriale del Soldo 25, for which Lockwood gives a similar caption. And although I did not have the opportunity to check, I am inclined to think that it probably applies to all his lists with such captions from 1487 onwards. It would seem that Lockwood misread his own notes, an understandable lapse in a project lasting many years and involving enormous quantities of note-taking. The same appears to have happened with the salary list he discusses at considerable length on pp. 179–82 as Libri Camerali Diversi 114 (and again on p. 320); its correct number is 113.
51 Howard Mayer Brown seems to have reached the same conclusion, see his A Florentine Chansonnier from the Time of Lorenzo the Magnificent, Monuments of Renaissance Music 7 (Chicago, 1983), text volume, p. 45, note 19.Google Scholar
52 MOs Libri Camerali Diversi 103 (1474), fol. 25R.
53 MOs Memoriale del Soldo 25 (1504). Although Lockwood correctly describes the situation on p. 156, his full list (p. 328) organises all the names alphabetically and adds the word ‘capelano’ to only one of the five.
54 MOs Libri Camerali Diversi 96 (1472), fol. 23L; the same sequence of names, with generally the same monthly payments, appears also on fols. 15R, 53R and 64L.
55 Haberl, F. X., ‘Die römische “schola cantorum” und die päpstlichen Kapellsänger bis zur Mitte des 16. Jahrhunderts’, in his Bausteine für Musikgeschichte, iii (Leipzig, 1888). pp. 48–52.Google Scholar
56 fol. 16R.