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CIRCULATING MUSICAL KNOWLEDGE IN EARLY SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY GERMANY: MUSICA POETICA TREATISES OF JOHANN HERMANN SCHEIN AND MICHAEL ALTENBURG IN THE LIBRARY OF JOHANN CASPAR TROST

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 September 2016

Inga Mai Groote  and
Dietrich Hakelberg
Inga Mai Groote*
Affiliation:
University of Heidelberg/Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel
Dietrich Hakelberg*
Affiliation:
University of Heidelberg/Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel
*
Email: [email protected]; [email protected]
Email: [email protected]; [email protected]
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Abstract

Recent research on the library of Johann Caspar Trost the Elder, organist in Halberstadt, has led to the identification of a manuscript with two unknown treatises on musica poetica, one a lost treatise by Johann Hermann Schein and the other an unknown treatise by Michael Altenburg. Together they offer fresh insights into the learning and teaching of music in the early modern period. The books once owned by Trost also have close connections to his personal and professional life. This article situates the newly discovered manuscript in the framework of book history and Trost’s biography, and discusses the two treatises against the background of contemporary books of musical instruction (Calvisius, Lippius, or Finolt). The historical context of the manuscript, its theoretical sources and its origins all serve to contribute to and further the current understanding of musical education in early modern central Germany. An edition of the treatises is provided.

Type
Research Article
Information
Early Music History , Volume 35 , October 2016 , pp. 131 - 201
Copyright
© Cambridge University Press 2016 

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Footnotes

We are very much indebted to Jill Bepler and Matthew Laube for commenting on an earlier draft and for helping to improve our English prose. Thanks are also due to Christoph Boveland and Jessica Back for valuable information about books featuring Trost’s provenance marks, and to Louis Delpech for setting the music examples. Research on the Trost library was carried out in the project ‘Early Modern Scholars’ Libraries’, undertaken by Dietrich Hakelberg as part of the research network MWW (Marbach Weimar Wolfenbüttel) and funded by the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research, www.mww-forschung.de/. The research of Inga Mai Groote was supported by a grant from the Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel.

References

The following abbreviations are used:

D-Hs Hamburg, Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Carl von Ossietzky

D-HSj Helmstedt, Ehemalige Universitätsbibliothek im Juleum

D-Ju Jena, Friedrich-Schiller-Universität, Thüringer Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek

D-LEu Leipzig, Universitätsbibliothek, Bibliotheca Albertina

D-SCHPp Schkopau, Kirche Schkopau, Pfarrarchiv

D-W Wolfenbüttel, Herzog August Bibliothek

NL-DHk The Hague, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, Nationale bibliotheek van Nederland

RISM B VIÉcrits imprimés concernant la musique, ed. François Lesure, 2 vols. (Répertoire international des sources musicales, B VI; Munich-Duisburg, 1971)

VD16 Verzeichnis deutscher Drucke des 16. Jahrhunderts, www.vd16.de

VD17 Verzeichnis der Drucke des 17. Jahrhunderts im deutschen Sprachraum, www.vd17.de

1 See Niemöller, K. W., ‘Deutsche Musiktheorie im 16. Jahrhundert: Geistes- und institutionsgeschichtliche Grundlagen’, in Deutsche Musiktheorie des 15. bis 17. Jahrhunderts, i: Von Paumann bis Calvisius (Geschichte der Musiktheorie, 8/1; Darmstadt, 2003), pp. 69–98 Google Scholar, esp. pp. 89–98.

2 See the contributions in Murray, R. E., Jr., Weiss, S. F. and Cyrus, C. J. (eds.), Music Education in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance (Bloomington and Indianapolis, Ind., 2010)Google Scholar; van Orden, K., ‘Children’s Voices: Singing and Literacy in Sixteenth-Century France’, Early Music History, 25 (2006), pp. 209–256 Google Scholar; as well as in N. Schwindt (ed.), Rekrutierung musikalischer Eliten: Knabengesang im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert=troja. Jahrbuch für Renaissancemusik, 10 (Kassel, 2013).

3 E.g., Hammond, S. L., Editing Music in Early Modern Germany (Aldershot, 2007)Google Scholar.

4 On this type of text see Owens, J. A., Composers at Work: The Craft of Musical Composition 1450–1600 (New York and Oxford, 1997), pp. 14–17 Google Scholar, and for an overview of texts Apfel, E., Geschichte der Kompositionslehre von den Anfängen bis gegen 1700, ii (Saarbrücken, 1985), pp. 622–680 Google Scholar.

5 Braun, W., Deutsche Musiktheorie des 15. bis 17. Jahrhunderts. Zweiter Teil: Von Calvisius bis Mattheson (Geschichte der Musiktheorie, 8/2; Darmstadt, 1994), pp. 20–36 Google Scholar.

6 On the intrinsic value of historical book collections as a whole and the need for an awareness of book materiality and authenticity see Pickwoad, N., ‘Museums of the Book’, Advances in Librarianship, 24 (2000), pp. 81–101 Google Scholar.

7 Friedrich, F., Der Orgelbauer Heinrich Gottfried Trost. Leben – Werk – Leistung (Wiesbaden, 1989)Google Scholar.

8 Cavicchi, C. and Vendrix, P., ‘L’érudit et l’amateur: Collectionner la musique à la Renaissance’, in D. Herlin, C. Massip, J. Duron and D. Fabris (eds.), Collectionner la musique: Histoires d’une passion, i (Turnhout, 2010), pp. 25–54 Google Scholar; Fenlon, I., ‘Hernando Colón, Heinrich Glarean and Others: Early Sixteenth-Century Collections of Printed Music’, ibid., pp. 55–69 Google Scholar; Charteris, R., Johann Georg von Werdenstein (1542–1608): A Major Collector of Early Music Prints (Detroit Studies in Music Bibliography, 87; Sterling Heights, Mich., 2006)Google Scholar.

9 Hammond, Editing Music, pp. 172–6.

10 Fenlon, I. and Groote, I. M., ‘Heinrich Glarean’s Books’, in I. Fenlon and I. M. Groote (eds.), Heinrich Glarean’s Books: The Intellectual World of a Sixteenth-Century Musical Humanist (Cambridge, 2013), pp. 303–334 Google Scholar.

11 Ongaro, G. M., ‘The Library of a 16th-Century Music Teacher’, Journal of Musicology, 12 (1994), pp. 357–375 Google Scholar, unfortunately does not state the proportion of music and non-music books in Scudieri’s collection, separating the music books from their context. For a further discussion, cf. Fenlon, ‘Hernando Colón, Heinrich Glarean and Others’, p. 63.

12 Praetorius’s estate has thus far not been traced, either in Gurlitt’s working materials for his biography or by later research. It is even entirely unclear whether Praetorius left a library; see Vogelsänger, S. (with W. Elsner), Michael Praetorius, 1571–1621: Hofkapellmeister und Komponist zwischen Renaissance und Barock. Eine Einführung in sein Leben und Werk (Wolfenbüttel, 2008), p. 67 Google Scholar.

13 Praetorius, Michael, Syntagmatis Musici tomus primus complectens duas partes: quarum prima agit de musica sacra vel ecclesiastica, religionis exercitio accommodate (Wittenberg: Johannes Richter, 1615)Google Scholar, now in the library of Leipzig University (D-LEu: Libri sep. A. 2056), via the library of St. Afra in Meißen. On another ‘Schütz’ signature see Pegah, R.-S., ‘Ein Stammbuchblatt von Heinrich Schütz?’, Schütz-Jahrbuch, 32 (2010), pp. 157–159 Google Scholar.

14 Mayr, O., Adam Gumpelzhaimer: Ein Beitrag zur Musikgeschichte der Stadt Augsburg im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert (Augsburg, 1908), p. 27 Google Scholar. The books privately sold by Gumpelzhaimer are listed in Schaal, R., Das Inventar der Kantorei St. Anna in Augsburg: Ein Beitrag zur protestantischen Musikpflege im 16. und beginnenden 17. Jahrhundert (Kassel, 1965), pp. 56–84 Google Scholar. Cf. Charteris, Johann Georg von Werdenstein, p. 26, n. 3, who announces forthcoming work on Gumpelzhaimer’s private library.

15 Manuscript inventories as well as book holdings are housed today in D-Hs, after suffering substantial losses in the Second World War: Neubacher, J., Die Musikbibliothek des Hamburger Kantors und Musikdirektors Thomas Selle (1599–1663): Rekonstruktion des ursprünglichen und Beschreibung des erhaltenen, überwiegend in der Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Hamburg Carl von Ossietzky aufbewahrten Bestandes (Musicological Studies and Documents, 52; Neuhausen, 1997)Google Scholar, lists 438 printed editions and manuscripts; the collection included twenty-six printed theory books and only two books by ancient classical writers (Boethius and Aulus Gellius).

16 La Collection de Sébastien de Brossard, 1655–1730: Catalogue, ed. Y. de Brossard (Paris, 1994); Duron, J., ‘Collectionner la musique: Désirs ou necessités? L’exemple des XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles’, in Herlin et al. (eds.), Collectionner la musique, i, pp. 82–96 Google Scholar.

17 Kümmerling, H., Katalog der Sammlung Bokemeyer (Kieler Schriften zur Musikwissenschaft, 18; Kassel, 1970)Google Scholar.

18 An auction catalogue for Bokemeyer’s library from 1753 is known to have existed in the library of J. C. Gottsched in Leipzig, but is apparently lost; cf. Johann Gottfried Walther, Briefe, ed. K. Beckmann and H.-J. Schulze (Leipzig, 1987), p. 9.

19 For a first overview see Braun, W., ‘Die Musik in deutschen Gelehrtenbibliotheken des 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts’, Die Musikforschung, 10 (1957), pp. 241–250 Google Scholar.

20 Palumbo-Fossati, I., ‘La casa veneziana di Gioseffo Zarlino nel testamento e nell’inventario dei beni del grande teorico musicale’, Nuova Rivista Musicale Italiana, 20 (1986), pp. 633–649 Google Scholar; Judd, C. C., Reading Renaissance Music Theory: Hearing with the Eyes (Cambridge, 2000), pp. 181–182 Google Scholar.

21 Rasch, R. and Wind, T., ‘The Music Library of Cornelis Schuyt’, in A. Clement and E. Jas (eds.), From Ciconia to Sweelinck: Donum natalicium Willem Elders (Chloe, 21; Amsterdam and Atlanta, Ga., 1994), pp. 327–353 Google Scholar.

22 Schwämmlein, K., ‘Die Bibliothek des Andreas Raselius Ambergensis’, Der Eisengau, 1 (1993), pp. 53–77 Google Scholar.

23 Indeed, Stephen Rose believes that the music books could not have belonged to the same person as the medical books, as the music titles seem to indicate that they were owned by a professional musician rather than an amateur. Rose, S., ‘A Lübeck Music Auction, 1695’, Schütz-Jahrbuch, 30 (2008), pp. 171–190 Google Scholar.

24 Mattheson, J., Grundlage einer Ehren-Pforte, woran der tüchtigsten Capellmeister, Componisten, Musikgelehrten, Tonkünstler etc. Leben, Wercke, Verdienste etc. erscheinen sollen (Hamburg, 1740), pp. 106–108 Google Scholar.

25 See Kremer, J., ‘Das Kantorat als Gegenstand der Professionalismusforschung’, in C. Kaden and V. Kalisch (eds.), Professionalismus in der Musik (Essen, 1999), pp. 172–178 Google Scholar; Hobohm, W., Lange, C. and Reipsch, B. (eds.), Struktur, Funktion und Bedeutung des deutschen protestantischen Kantorats im 16. bis 18. Jahrhundert (Magdeburger Musikwissenschaftliche Konferenzen, 3; Magdeburg, 1997)Google Scholar.

26 See Leaver, R. A., Luther’s Liturgical Music: Principles and Implications (Grand Rapids, Mich. and Cambridge, 2007), pp. 277–282 Google Scholar; on the question of practical music education see also Butt, J., Music Education and the Art of Performance in the German Baroque (Cambridge, 1994)Google Scholar.

27 See Küster, K., ‘Musizieren Pfarrer? Lutherische Kantoren zwischen 1580 and 1700’, in J. M. Arnold, K. Küster and H. Otte (eds.), Singen, Beten, Musizieren: Theologische Grundlagen der Kirchenmusik in Nord- und Mitteldeutschland zwischen Reformation und Pietismus (1530–1750) (Studien zur Kirchengeschichte Niedersachsens, 47; Göttingen, 2014), pp. 139–160 Google Scholar.

28 Tobias Michael, son of the Dresden court chapel master Rogier Michael, temporarily took up a position at the chancery of the Sondershausen court after having been chapelmaster at the Neue Kirche; see Spitta, Ph., ‘Leichensermone auf Musiker des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts’, Monatshefte für Musikgeschichte, 3 (1871), p. 22 Google Scholar. Werner Fabricius was ‘notarius publicus Caesareus’ and director of music and organist at the Leipzig university church, while Johann David Heinichen started his career in Weissenfels as a lawyer before becoming involved in the court music establishment.

29 For a recent overview of the music collection in D-W and its provenances, see Limbeck, S., ‘Schichtung und Profil: Die Musiksammlung der Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel und ihre Provenienzen’, in L. Syré (ed.), Musiksammlungen in den Regionalbibliotheken Deutschlands, Österreichs und der Schweiz (Frankfurt/M., 2015), pp. 375–389 Google Scholar. We are indebted to the author for access to his text prior to publication.

30 As the Musica theoretica editions from Trost’s library are present in Franz Dominikus Häberlin’s catalogue of the Helmstedt university library from 1771, the acquisition of the collection must have taken place earlier; see D-W, Bibliotheksarchiv, BA III, 75–99: Catalogus Bibliothecae Academ. Jul. Carolinae Ao. 1771, vol. 19: N Classis Mathematica, pp. 47–8 (in 2o), pp. 103–8 (in 4o), pp. 153–60 (in 8o) and p. 174 (in 12o).

31 Erasmus, Desiderius, Colloquia familiaria selecta. Pro pueris scholae Magdeburgensis (Magdeburg, 1579)Google Scholar (D-W: P 2115 Helmst. 8o).

32 The only extant musica practica from Trost’s library consists of Rist’s, J. Neüer Himlischer Lieder Sonderbahres Buch (Lüneburg, 1651)Google Scholar (D-W: M: Tl 246), Heinrich Schütz’s Psalmen Davids, Hiebevorn in Teutzsche Reimen gebracht, durch Cornelium Beckern (Freiberg, 1628) (D-W: H: Yv 940.8o Helmst.), as well as a single ‘Sexta vox’ partbook, a manuscript with forty-six Italian madrigals by Benedetto Pallavicino, Lelio Bertani, Andrea and Giovanni Gabrieli, Giaches de Wert, Luca Marenzio, Orazio Vecchi and others, and three anonymous German sacred pieces (D-W: Cod. Guelf. 334 Mus. Hdschr.); see Garbe, D., Das Musikalienrepertoire von St. Stephani zu Helmstedt: Ein Bestand an Drucken und Handschriften des 17. Jahrhunderts, 2 vols. (Wolfenbütteler Arbeiten zur Barockforschung, 33; Wiesbaden, 1998), i, pp. 51–53 Google Scholar; ii, pp. 126–30. The manuscript, contrary to Garbe’s assertion, is not in Trost’s hand. The paper, however, comes from an Arnstadt paper mill and dates from c. 1600; www.wasserzeichen-online.de/wzis/struktur/php?klassi+011004007001.

33 See Cavicchi and Vendrix, ‘L’érudit et l’amateur’, pp. 48–50; H.-J. Künast, ‘Buchdruck und -handel des 16. Jahrhunderts im deutschen Sprachraum: Mit Anmerkungen zum Notendruck und Musikalienhandel’, in Lodes, B. (ed.), NiveauNischeNimbus: Die Anfänge des Musikdrucks nördlich der Alpen (Tutzing, 2010), p. 164 Google Scholar.

34 This was first established by Lauterwasser, H., Angst der Höllen und Friede der Seelen: Die Parallelvertonungen des 116. Psalms in Burckhard Großmans Sammeldruck von 1623 in ihrem historischen Umfeld (Abhandlungen zur Musikgeschichte, 6; Göttingen, 1999), pp. 134–136 Google Scholar.

35 The most relevant source for the early Trost family history is an obituary and invitation to the funeral by Johannes Zeisold, rector of Jena University, printed as a broadside on the occasion of Caspar Trost’s death on 26 July 1651: Rector Academiae Ienensis Johannes Zeisoldus M. Physices Professor Publ. et Professores Reliqui L.S.D. a Diuturno, quo lecto affixus decubuit, morbo tandem, Vir ornatissimus & rei Musicæ peritissimus, Casparus Trost/ qui Depositoris hactenus hac in Academia, atque Organici in æde sacra, ærariique; Ecclesiastici munere fuit functus, liberates nudiustertius, hujus vitæ miserias cum æternæ gaudiis commutavit . . . ([Jena]: Caspar Freyschmid, 1651) (VD17 39:151271U). In contrast, the biographical data provided recently by D. Wissemann-Garbe for father and son prove to be erroneous in several places as she made no proper use of Zeisold’s obituary; see ‘Trost, Caspar’, Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, Personenteil, 16 (Kassel, 2006), cols. 1081–2; ‘Trost, Johann Caspar d.Ä.’, ibid., cols. 1078–9. Cf. also Garbe, Das Musikalienrepertoire von St. Stephani zu Helmstedt, i, pp. 125–7.

36 Zeisold, Rector Academiae Ienensis; Lauterwasser, Angst der Höllen und Friede der Seelen, p. 135.

37 Zeisold, Rector Academiae Ienensis; Garbe, Das Musikalienrepertoire von St. Stephani zu Helmstedt, i, pp. 123–4, based on Beier, A., Architectus Ienensis: Abbildung der jenischen Gebäuden/ Das ist: Die F. S. Residentz-Stadt Jena. Nach ihren Umbfange/ Mauren/ Graben/ Fischteichen/ Zwingern/ Thoren/ Thürmen/ Glocken/ Zeigern/ Vorstädten/ Gassen/ Plätzen/ Wohnhäusern/ Schlosse/ Rathhause (Jena, 1681), p. 531 Google Scholar.

38 Drey Christliche Muteten Vmb ein glückseligs Rectorat Ampt Als der . . . Herr Christian Schencke vnd Freyherr zu Tautenburg Frawenbrißnit . . . zum ersten mal verwaltet den 17. Martii, Anno 1618. . . . / Von Georgio Quitschreibern Ecclesiaste in Hännichen vnd Stiberitz. Nicolao Erichio . . . Cantore. Casparo Trosten Organisten zu Jehna (Jena: Weidner, [c. 1618]) (D-SCHPp; as a photocopy in D-Ju: 8 MS 30820[4]).

39 On this publication see Anguish of Hell and Peace of Soul. Angst der Hellen und Friede der Seelen Compiled by Burckhard Großmann (Jena, 1623). A Collection of Sixteen Motets on Psalm 116 by Michael Praetorius, Heinrich Schütz, and others, ed. C. Wolff and D. R. Melamed (Harvard Publications in Music, 18; Cambridge Mass., 1994); Sauer, E., Höllenangst und ihre musikalische Überwindung: Studien zu Burckhard Großmanns Sammeldruck von 1623 (Saarbrücken, 1994)Google Scholar; Lauterwasser, Angst der Höllen und Friede der Seelen.

40 Die Matrikel der Universität Jena, i (1548–1652), ed. G. Mentz and R. Jauernig (Jena, 1944), p. 338.

41 Eckstein, F. A., Beiträge zur Geschichte der Halleschen Schulen, 1. Stück (Halle, 1850), pp. 12–16 Google Scholar. Gueintz was member no. 361 of the Fruchtbringende Gesellschaft; see Conermann, K., Die Mitglieder der Fruchtbringenden Gesellschaft 1617–1650: 527 Biographien, Transkriptionen aller handschriftlichen Eintragungen und Kommentare zu den Abbildungen und Texten im Köthener Gesellschaftsbuch (Weinheim, 1985), pp. 415–417 Google Scholar. On the disputation, see below, §V.

42 Gueintz, Christian [Praes.] and Trost, Johann Caspar [Resp.], Pars Specialis Musicae. Quam divina opulante gratia (Halle/S.: Melchior Oelschlegel, 1635)Google Scholar (VD17 39:140085N).

43 E.g., ‘Johann: Caspar. Trost. Jenensis L.L. Stud. Lipsiae Ao 1635. p.’ on the title page of Estienne, Robert, Dictionariolum Latinogallicum (Paris: Michael Sonnius, 1580)Google Scholar (D-W: P 1134.8o Helmst.).

44 Die iüngere Matrikel der Universität Leipzig, 1559–1809, ii, ed. G. Erler (Leipzig, 1909), p. 463: ‘Trost, Ioh. Casp. Ienen.’

45 E.g., on the title page of Saur, Abraham: Dives Notariorum Penus, Das ist: Ein new, schoen außerlesen Formular vnd volkomlich Notariat-Buch (Frankfurt/M.: Nikolaus Basse, 1598)Google Scholar (D-HSj: III L 1334; VD16 S 1928).

46 Rudolf Wustmann has noted that Leipzig students overran the organist posts in early seventeenth-century Saxony: Wustmann, R., Musikgeschichte der Stadt Leipzig, i: Bis zur Mitte des 17. Jahrhunderts (Leipzig, 1926), p. 131 Google Scholar.

47 Trost, Johann Caspar d.J., Ausführliche Beschreibung deß Neuen Orgelwercks auf der Augustus-Burg zu Weissenfels (Nuremberg, 1677), pp. 4–5 Google Scholar (VD17 3:638783C). For Förner’s organs, see Flade, E., ‘Förner, Christian’, in Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, 4 (Kassel, 1955), cols. 447–450 Google Scholar.

48 Cf. Johann Caspar Trost: Schönes Gebet, welches die weiland edle, viel ehr- und tugendreiche Fraw Catharina, des edlen, vesten und hochweisen Herrn Henning Kramers von Claußbruch, eheliche Haußehr [sic] selige sehr geliebet, täglich, auch in ihrem Todtbette und Sterbstunde gesprochen, und fürbeten lassen, auff Begehren mit vier Stimmen gesetzt Von Joanne Caspare Trosten, Vicario des Käys. ExemptStiffts SS. Simonis und Judae, auch derselben und der Haupt-Kirchen Organisten daselbt (Goslar: Nicolaus Duncker, 1642) (VD17 1:032320E); Trost, Johann Caspar: Viro reverendo admodum, nobilißimo, prudentißimo nec non doctißimo dn. Heinrici Burchtorff, seniori canonico ecclesiae exemptae SS. Simonis & Judae in imperiali nostra Goslaria gravissimo, arcis & territorii Lutter &c. . . . Hoc quale grati animi signum pro felici novi anni auspicio officiose offert Johann Caspar Trost/ Phil. Bacc. p.t. Organoeda d. Eccl. (Goslar: Nicolaus Duncker, 1646)Google Scholar (VD17 23:310421K).

49 Kirchenverbandsamt Goslar, Geburtsregister Zum Markte 1641 / Nr. 17 (Jurgen Hinrich, baptised 1 Apr. 1641) and 1644 / Nr. 47 (Maria, baptised 20 Oct. 1644).

50 Walther, Johann Gottfried, Musicalisches Lexicon oder Musicalische Bibliothec (Leipzig, 1732), p. 620 Google Scholar.

51 In the title of the advertised Adversaria musica, Johann Caspar Trost the Younger refers to his father as ‘Curiae Elector. Halberstad. Advocatus Ordinarius’; see Trost, Orgelwerck, p. 71.

52 Stegmann, Christoph, Eine abgenötigte Rettung des fünfften Verses auß dem geistreichen Sterbe-Liede: Herr Jesu Christ ich weiß gar wohl, daß ich einmahl muß sterben (Leipzig: Christian Michael, 1667)Google Scholar (VD17 39:140871U). The copy in D-W is bound in a Sammelband from Trost’s library (D-W: L 695.4o Helmst. [10]).

53 Goetze, Johann Melchior, Der weit-berühmte Musicus und Organista wurde bey trauriger Leichbestellung des weyland edlen und Kunst-Hoch-erfahrnen Herrn Andreae Werkmeisters, Treu-verdienten Organisten unserer St. Martini-Kirche . . . in einer Standrede dargestellet (s.l., 1707)Google Scholar, fol. 2v. Cf. Spitta, ‘Leichensermone’, pp. 41–4. It is, however, possible that the son of the same name was Werckmeister’s teacher.

54 Catalogus Universalis. Hoc est: Designatio omnium Librorum, qui hisce Nundinis Autumnalibus Francofurtensibus & Lipsiensibus Anni 1673. vel novi, vel emendatiores & auctiores prodierunt (Leipzig, 1673), sigs. C4v–Dr (VD17 1:067732E); see Göhler, A., Verzeichnis der in den Frankfurter und Leipziger Messkatalogen der Jahre 1564 bis 1759 angezeigten Musikalien. Zweiter Teil: 17. Jahrhundert (Leipzig, 1902)Google Scholar, nos. 1555–69. Cf. Garbe, Das Musikalienrepertoire von St. Stephani zu Helmstedt, i, pp. 125–6.

55 Cf. Tollefsen, R. H., ‘Ban, Joan Albert’, Grove Music Online (accessed 7 Nov. 2014)Google Scholar. Rasch, R., ‘Ban’s Intonation’, Tijdschrift van de Vereniging voor Nederlandse Muziekgeschiedenis, 33 (1983), pp. 75–99 Google Scholar.

56 Morley, T., A Plaine and Easie Introduction to Practicall Musicke (London: Humphrey Lownes, 1608)Google Scholar (D-W: 71 Musica div. 2o).

57 Trost, Ausführliche Beschreibung deß Neuen Orgelwercks, pp. 71–2. Walther, Musicalisches Lexicon, p. 620.

58 A prior account of the Trost provenances was given by Garbe, Das Musikalienrepertoire von St. Stephani zu Helmstedt, i, pp. 113–14.

59 For the broader concept of a ‘living library’, see Sherman, W. H., John Dee: The Politics of Reading and Writing in the English Renaissance (Amherst, 1995), pp. 29–52 Google Scholar.

60 Cf. Pickwoad, N., ‘Conservation and the Archaeology of Books’, in A. Corbach (ed.), Auch Bücher altern: Bestandserhaltung in der Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel (Wiesbaden, 2012), pp. 33–50 Google Scholar.

61 For a rare example of a study entirely devoted to a composite volume with music textbooks in the possession of the Breslau Kantor Abraham Ursinus, see Livingstone, E. F., ‘The Theory and Practice of Protestant School Music in Germany as Seen through the Collection of Abraham Ursinus (ca.1600)’ (Ph.D. diss., University of Rochester, 1962), pp. 115–161 Google Scholar.

62 The manuscript, however, appears in the Helmstedt Catalogus Bibliothecae from 1771 (see above, n. 30), p. 105, no. 221, Sig.: H. 785c: ‘Tr. de Musica: MS.’

63 For the entry see Stauff, D., ‘Canons by Tobias Michael and Others in the Albums of Burckhard Großmann the Younger’, Schütz-Jahrbuch, 35 (2013), p. 163 Google Scholar. On Großmann the Younger see Rifkin, J., ‘Heinrich Schütz und seine Brüder: Neue Stammbucheinträge’, Schütz-Jahrbuch, 33 (2011), pp. 151–167 Google Scholar and 162–6, where Caspar Trost’s entry is already mentioned.

64 Until now, the handwriting has been erroneously attributed to Johann Caspar Trost the Elder, and the same applies to the authorship of the work itself; see, amongst others, Garbe, Das Musikalienrepertoire von St. Stephani zu Helmstedt, i, p. 126.

65 The watermark is similar to Briquet no. 1957 (Eisenach 1592/1597). Cf. Weiss, W., Thüringer Papiermühlen und ihre Wasserzeichen (Weimar, 1953)Google Scholar, fig. 10, where the coat of arms of the Thuringian town of Mühlhausen is applied as a watermark, displaying the same crest.

66 Mattheson, Grundlage einer Ehren-Pforte, p. 243. Another text by Schein is listed in Valentin Bartholomäus Haußmann’s library as a – possibly Latin – introduction (‘Herm. Schein’s manuductio ad Musicam poeticam’, p. 106). Mattheson gives the extent of the appendix as one sheet, which would be a quarto gathering with eight pages. The reception of Mattheson’s information by later writers is discussed by G. S. Johnston, ‘Johann Hermann Schein and “Musica poetica”: A Study of the Application of Musical-rhetorical Figures in the Spiritual Madrigals of the “Israelsbrünnlein” (1623)’ (MA thesis, University of British Columbia, 1982), pp. 17–20.

67 See Adrio, A. and Theis, C., ‘Altenburg, Michael’, in Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, Personenteil, 1 (Kassel, 1999)Google Scholar, cols. 546–8; as well as Meinecke, L., ‘Michael Altenburg: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der evangelischen Kirchenmusik’, SIMG 5 (1903–4), pp. 1–45 Google Scholar; Rathey, M., ‘Gaudium christianum: Michael Altenburg und das Reformationsjubiläum 1617’, in Schütz-Jahrbuch, 20 (1998), pp. 107–122 Google Scholar; and Boblenz, F., ‘Zum musikalischen Schaffen des Sömmerdaer Pfarrers Michael Altenburg im Jahre 1637’, in Sömmerdaer Heimathefte, 12 (2000), pp. 38–48 Google Scholar.

68 This information goes back to Just Motschmann, Christoph, Erfordia literata continuata oder Fortsetzung des gelehrten Erfurt, Fünfte Fortsetzung (Erfurt, 1737), p. 650 Google Scholar: ‘[Altenburg] hat zu seiner Zeit den Ruhm eines grossen Musici gehabt, so daß aus Teutschland die Liebhaber der Music ihn kennen zu lernen Gelegenheit suchten, auch der zu solcher Zeit berühmte Musicus in Niedersachsen Mich. Praetorius ihm seine Söhne zur Unterweisung hierinnen anvertraute.’

69 Edited as De “Compositions-Regeln”, ed. H. Gehrmann (Werken van Jan Pieterszn. Sweelinck, 10; The Hague and Leipzig, 1901).

70 Mattheson specifies the content as: the nature of music, the combination of sounds (which may have to be interpreted as the description of intervals), cadences, periods, clefs, pauses and imitation (that is, notation and structuring), as well as the modes; see Mattheson, Ehren-Pforte, p. 243.

71 Ibid.

72 Like the sets included in Hermann Finck’s Musica practica of 1556 or in Christoph Praetorius’s Erotemata of 1574, concerning good articulation, clear pronunciation and vocal technique. On Praetorius’s text, see also Groote, I. M., ‘“KinderMusic”: Musiklehre und Allgemeinbildung für Chorknaben’, in Schwindt (ed.), Rekrutierung musikalischer Eliten, pp. 125–126 Google Scholar and p. 141.

73 Quitschreiber, G., De Canendi Elegantia, Octodecim Praecepta, Musicae Studiosis necessaria (Jena: Johannes Weidner, 1606)Google Scholar, fol. [4v]. On Quitschreiber, see also Butt, Music Education and the Art of Performance, pp. 58–60.

74 For these verses, allegedly by Hieronymus, see Praetorius, Syntagmatis Musici Tomus Primus, p. 9; see also Lauterwasser, Angst der Höllen und Friede der Seelen, p. 49.

75 This is the only qualitative remark in the St. Anna inventory: ‘Besihe daß Compendium Gumpelzhaimerj, so wirstu finden, wie sich der Herr Beringer im außschreiben so fein meisterlich gebraucht hat’; Schaal, Inventar, p. 70, n. 4.

76 For a more detailed discussion, see Ruhnke, M., ‘Der Weißenburger Kantor Maternus Beringer’, in Festgabe Hans Schneider zum 60. Geburtstag (Musik in Bayern, 22; Tutzing, 1981), pp. 89–98 Google Scholar; for Gumpelzhaimer’s remark see p. 98.

77 Cf. Hettrick, W. E., ‘Gumpelzhaimer, Adam’, Grove Music Online (acc. 17 Nov. 2014)Google Scholar.

78 For an overview see Apfel, E., Geschichte der Kompositionslehre von den Anfängen bis gegen 1700. Erweiterte Grundfassung (Saarbrücken, 1985), ii, pp. 604–605 Google Scholar; also H. von Loesch, ‘Musica – Musica practica – Musica poetica’, in Deutsche Musiktheorie des 15. bis 17. Jahrhunderts, i, pp. 99–264.

79 Cf. also Groote, I. M., ‘Henning Dedekind und seine musikpraktischen und musikdidaktischen Werke’, in M. Goltz and B. Schrammek (eds.), Johann Steurlein (1546–1613) – Amtsdiener, Komponist und Poet (Beeskow, 2014), pp. 159–170 Google Scholar.

80 Aber, A., Die Pflege der Musik unter den Wettinern und wettinischen Ernestinern von den Anfängen bis zur Auflösung der Weimarer Hofkapelle 1662 (Bückeburg, 1922), p. 128 Google Scholar.

81 Cf. Löw, O., ‘Jena’, in Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, Sachteil, 4 (Kassel, 1996)Google Scholar, cols. 1446–51; Wennig, E., Chronik des musikalischen Lebens der Stadt Jena, Teil 1: Von den Anfängen bis zum Jahre 1750 (Jena, [1937])Google Scholar; Kraft, G., Die thüringische Musikkultur um 1600 (Würzburg, 1941)Google Scholar; Voss, S., Die Musikaliensammlung im Pfarrarchiv Udestedt: Untersuchungen zur Musikgeschichte Thüringens im 17. und 19. Jahrhundert (Schriften zur mitteldeutschen Musikgeschichte, 10; Schneverdingen, 2006)Google Scholar.

82 For an overview see Braun, Deutsche Musiktheorie, pp. 392–3; on the different aspects of Calvisius’s works, see Schröder, G. (ed.), Tempus musicae – tempus mundi: Untersuchungen zu Seth Calvisius (Studien zur Geschichte der Musiktheorie, 4; Hildesheim, 2008)Google Scholar.

83 Werner, A., Städtische und fürstliche Musikpflege in Weissenfels bis zum Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts (Leipzig, 1911), pp. 43–44 Google Scholar.

84 See the biographies in Lauterwasser, Angst der Höllen und Friede der Seelen, pp. 120–37.

85 Mentioned in Sauer, Höllenangst und ihre musikalische Überwindung, p. 17, based on rector Johannes Zeisold’s obituary for Großmann, who mentions ‘Librorum item Musicorum, magno olim aere comparatorum, anno 1634 templo & scholae hujus oppidi facta donatio’. Cf. also Lauterwasser, Angst der Höllen und Friede der Seelen, p. 14. There is no information available on the whereabouts of Großmann’s books.

86 For an overview of seventeenth-century examples, see Butt, Music Education, pp. 55–67.

87 See Hotson, H., Commonplace Learning: Ramism and its German Ramifications, 1543–1630 (Oxford, 2007)Google Scholar, esp. pp. 27–33, and on his writings on music, Thoene, W., Friedrich Beurhaus und seine Musiktraktate (Beiträge zur rheinischen Musikgeschichte, 31; Cologne, 1959)Google Scholar.

88 An overview of the content together with a discussion of the relationship to Zarlino’s Istitutioni had already been given by Benndorf, K., ‘Sethus Calvisius als Musiktheoretiker’, Vierteljahrsschrift für Musikwissenschaft, 10 (1894), pp. 411–470 Google Scholar.

89 For a thorough discussion, see Rivera, B., German Music Theory in the Early 17th Century: The Treatises of Johannes Lippius (Studies in Musicology, 17; Ann Arbor, 1980)Google Scholar. Lippius defended three disputations in Wittenberg (1609/10) and presided over a number of musical disputations in Jena (1610–14).

90 Calvisius, S., Melopoiia sive melodiae condendi ratio quam vulgò Musicam Poeticam vocant, ex veris fundamentis extructa & explicata (Erfurt, 1592)Google Scholar, ch. 1 (unpag.): ‘est autem [melopoiia] ars rectè conjungendi & inflectendi intervalla Harmonica, in diversis sonis concentum efficientia, ac orationi propositae accomodata’.

91 The distinction generatim/speciatim (‘in a general way’/‘in a special way’) possibly also reflects other instances of musica generalis/specialis dichotomies, but there it usually designates the distinction between general principles and qualities of music and specific aspects of composition; see, e.g., Rivera, German Music Theory, pp. 14–15, for the layout of Lippius’s Synopsis.

92 See Anguish of Hell, ed. Wolff and Melamed, Pl. 6.

93 Braun, Deutsche Musiktheorie, pp. 328–30.

94 Calvisius, Melopoiia (1592), sig. I2r (ch. 18): ‘Ita musicus, nisi exercitatissimus sit in inflectendis consonantiis, nequaquam in quolibet Modo, pari facilitate, eosdem quos sententia requirit, affectus producere poterit.’

95 This accentuation can especially be observed in the Musicae epitome ex Glareani Musica and Uß Glareani musick ein ußzug (Basel, 1557/1559) and in subsequent German writers advocating the twelve-mode system; see Groote, I. M., ‘Musikalische Poetik nach Melanchthon und Glarean’, Archiv für Musikwissenschaft, 70 (2013), pp. 227–253 Google Scholar. Zarlino also discussed the sad and cheerful qualities of different modes; on the situation around 1600, see Lester, J., Between Modes and Keys: German Theory 1592–1802 (Stuyvesant, NY, 1989)Google Scholar, ch. 2.

96 See Lippius, J., Synopsis musicae novae omnino verae atque methodicae universae, in omnis sophiae praegustum [Parergos] inventae disputatae et propositae omnibus philomusis (Strasbourg, 1612)Google Scholar, sig. D5v; on this pedagogic tool, cf. Owens, Composers at Work, ch. 5. Selle, Thomas, Anleitung zur Singekunst: An Introduction, Edition, Translation and Facsimile, ed. J. Carter (Ottawa, 2006), p. 30 Google Scholar (‘Generale seu Universale Systema, welches alle sonos und claves in sich hat, und daher das gantze Clavier genennet wird, . . . begreifft in sich 15 linien und 14 spacia.’)

97 Lippius, Synopsis, sig. E6v. This again goes back to Zarlino’s classification of ‘sad’ and ‘happy’ intervals in Istitutioni harmoniche (Venice, 1558), book III, ch. 10; see Rivera, German Music Theory, pp. 82–3.

98 See Braun, Deutsche Musiktheorie, p. 165. See also Printz, Wolfgang Caspar, Exercitationes Musicae Theoretico-Practicae Curiosae de Concordantiis Singulis, Das ist Musicalische Wissenschafft und Kunst-Ubungen ... de Quarta. Das ist: Fünfte Curiöse Musicalische Wissenschafft- und Kunst-Ubung von der Quart (Frankfurt and Leipzig, 1688)Google Scholar (VD17: 1:649079M), p. 15: ‘daß die erste Species CDEF oder GAHC die Lustigste/ die andere DEFG oder AHcd temperirt/ lieblich und Andächtig/ und die dritte EFGA oder Hcde die Traurigste sey’; as well as Printz, Wolfgang Caspar: De Quinta: Das ist: Dritte Curiöse Musicalische Wissenschafft- und Kunst-Ubung von der Quint (Frankfurt and Leipzig, 1687), pp. 18–19 Google Scholar: ‘daß die erst Species Quintæ CDEFG. lustig und munter/ und daher im Krieg, Conviviis und Tänzen/ auch zu lustigen Texten bequem; die andere DEFGA temperirt/ lieblich/ und andächtig/geistlichen und verliebten Texten/ geschickt; die dritte EFGAH traurig und weich/ und daher zu traurigen und kläglichen Texten/Buß- und Passions-Liedern bequem; die viertet FGAHC hart und herbe/ und daher widerwärtigen/ harten und rauhen Text-worten geschickt sey.’ For the fifth, these characteristics are of course closely linked to those of the corresponding modes.

99 See Braun, Deutsche Musiktheorie, pp. 310–13, and Carter, J., ‘A Study of Two Seventeenth-Century Teaching Manuals in Hamburg: Critical Editions and Translations of Thomas Selle’s “Kurtze doch gründtliche Anleitung zur Singekunst” (c. 1642)Google Scholar and Heinrich Grimm’s “Instrumentum Instrumentorum, hoc est, Monochordum vel potius Decachordum” (Ph.D. diss., Florida State University, 2002), available at http://diginole.lib.fsu.edu/etd/4146/ (acc. 18 Nov. 2014), pp. 51–5.

100 See Braun, Deutsche Musiktheorie, pp. 69 and 74. For an account of Calvisius’s treatment, see Benndorf, ‘Sethus Calvisius’, pp. 27–30.

101 Although there is no sign of an abbreviation, it could also mean ‘diesis’; we thank Bonnie Blackburn for this suggestion. See also Selle, Singekunst: ‘Semitonium minus semper est fictum. Fermè quatuor commatibus constat’; quoted after Carter, ‘A Study’, p. 112.

102 This use of chromatic accidentals is explained in a comparable way in Selle’s Anleitung; see Carter, ‘A Study’, pp. 42–6.

103 These are also the two forms described in a similar way by Calvisius in his Melopoiia (Erfurt, 1592), sig. F5v–7v); see also von Loesch, ‘Musica – Musica practica – Musica poetica’, pp. 224–33.

104 See Benndorf, ‘Sethus Calvisius’, p. 430.

105 See Die Kompositionslehre Heinrich Schützens in der Fassung seines Schülers Christoph Bernhard, ed. J. Müller-Blattau (2nd edn., Kassel, 1963); for a more recent discussion, see also Chapin, K., ‘“A Harmony or Concord of Several and Diverse Voices”: Autonomy in 17th-Century German Music Theory and Practice’, International Review of the Aesthetics and Sociology of Music, 42 (2011), pp. 219–255 Google Scholar, who focuses on the question of the existence of autonomous musical structures.

106 For different approaches, including the more symbolic interpretations of the triad as a symbol for the Trinity, see Braun, Deutsche Musiktheorie, pp. 203–21.

107 This has been emphasized by Rivera, German Music Theory, pp. 132–4, who also gives a translation of the relevant chapters of Avianus’s text. On Avianus, see also Sachs, K.-J., ‘Johannes Avianus (um 1555–1617) und die Zeugnisse seines musikalischen Wirkens’, Archiv für Musikwissenschaft, 56 (1999), pp. 263–297 Google Scholar.

108 Rivera, German Music Theory, pp. 133–4.

109 See ibid., pp. 127–32, for an overview of sixteenth-century conceptions.

110 See Burmeister, Musica poetica, ch. 4 (De Consonantiarum syntaxi in harmoniam); cf. Rivera, German Music Theory, pp. 142–3, and Chapin, ‘A Harmony’, pp. 222–3.

111 For an overview of the presentation of rules for two-voice counterpoint, see Braun, Deutsche Musiktheorie, pp. 190–202.

112 Compare e.g. the rules for ‘pure composition’ in Lippius’s Synopsis, listed in Rivera, German Music Theory, p. 175, which cover a similar amount of information.

113 De “Compositions-Regeln”, ed. Gehrmann. Three copies are known, two from the estate of the Hamburg organist Johann Hermann Reincken, and one written by Burchard Gramman, organist in Glückstadt and Stade. See Seiffert, M., ‘Über Sweelinck und seine deutschen Schüler’, Tijdschrift der Vereeniging voor Noord-Nederlands Muziekgeschiedenis, 4/1 (1892), pp. 1–16 Google Scholar, and for a thorough discussion Grapenthin, U., ‘The Transmission of Sweelinck’s Compositions Regeln’, in P. Dirksen (ed.), Sweelinck Studies. Proceedings of the International Sweelinck Symposium, Utrecht 1999 (Utrecht, 2002), pp. 171–198 Google Scholar. For the modal examples, see De “Compositions-Regeln”, ed. Gehrmann, pp. 40–2.

114 See De “Compositions-Regeln”, p. 41.

115 For a useful synoptic listing of characteristics in authors after Glarean and Zarlino, see Rivera, German Music Theory, pp. 204–5; on modal theory in Germany in the first half of the seventeenth century, see also Lester, Between Modes and Keys, pp. 21–71. In Trost’s copy (fols. 13v–14r), the following qualities are given: Dorius: prudentia (prudence), Hypodorius: pietas (piety), Phrygius: gravitas (gravity), Hypophrygius: humilitas (humility), Lydius: modestia (modesty), Hypolydius: humanitas (humanity), Mixolydius: suavitas (sweetness), Hypomixolydius: honestas (repute), Aeolius: magnanimitas (magnanimity), Jonicus: Hilaritas (cheerfulness), Hypoaelius: Melancholia (melancholy), Hypoionicus: blanditia (fondness).

116 Cicero, : Libri tres de officiis. Item: de amicitia: de senectute: paradoxa: et, somnium Scipionis (Leipzig: Valentin Bapst, 1562)Google Scholar (VD16 C 3205) (D-W: M: Lh 491).

117 Sammelband (D-W: J772.8o Helmst.) with (1) Jacob Andreä, Methodus Concionandi (Wittenberg: Gronenberg, 1595) (VD16 A 2661); (2) Wolfgangus Mamphrasius, Erotemata Christianae et invictae concordiae (Jena: Steinmann, 1593) (VD16 M 459); (3) Cyriacus Schneegaß, Isagoges musicae libri duo, tam theoricae quam practicae studiosis inseruire iussi (Erfurt: Georg Baumann, 1591) (VD16 ZV 13967); (4) Schneegaß, Cyriacus, Nova et exquisita monochordi dimensio (Erfurt: Georg Baumann, 1590)Google Scholar (VD16 S 3197).

118 For traces of use in music textbooks, covering the range from beginner to accomplished theorist and composer see Weiss, S. F., ‘Vandals, Students, or Scholars? Handwritten Clues in Renaissance Music Textbooks’, in Murray, Weiss and Cyrus (eds.), Music Education in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, pp. 207–246 Google Scholar; for some examples in the use of school books see Groote, ‘KinderMusic’, pp. 111–41, at 127–39.

119 E.g., Götting, V., Compendium musicae modulativae (Erfurt: Georg Baumann, 1587)Google Scholar; cf. RISM B VI, p. 367.

120 Wittel was active from 1618 and died in 1627. The press was run by his heirs until 1630. See Reske, C., Die Buchdrucker des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts im deutschen Sprachgebiet. Auf der Grundlage des gleichnamigen Werkes von Josef Benzing, 2nd edn. (Beiträge zum Buch- und Bibliothekswesen, 51; Wiesbaden, 2015), p. 227 Google Scholar.

121 Finolt, Andreas, Gar kurtze und einfeltige Anführung (Erfurt, 1622)Google Scholar, sig. A3v: ‘die Generalissima, das ist/ was man am nothwendigsten zum singen haben und wissen muß. . . . Das andere/ vnd wer weiter in Musica begehrt progrediren, wil ich mit der zeit in noch zweyen theilgen/ doch superficialiter . . . auch bald communiciren, daß/ wer nur singen kan/ zugleich auch die fundamenta compositionis verstehen mag.’

122 Ibid., sig. B3v–4r: ‘Erfahre ich nun/ daß du dich fleissig exerciren wirst/ soll in kürtze de artificio compositionis in dergleichen acht oder zwölff Blätlein dir auch communicirt werden/ daß du also das gantze Musicalische wesen gleichsam in einem Speculo ersehen/ vnd dir bekandt machen kanst.’

123 This is more explicitly voiced in Valentin Götting’s ‘Elegia’ in Calvisius, Melopoiia sive melodiae condendae ratio, sig. Aiijv: ‘At cur rara parant lucem passura decennem/Scripta? damus causam: destituuntur ope/Ingenium exercent, scribunt prosúntque juuentæ/Gratia suscepti nulla laboris adest. . . . Ah pudet, at verum est: Artes tractare scholares, Ad paupertatem proxima quæq[ue] via est’ (VD16 K 62).

124 Finolt, Gar kurtze und einfeltige Anführung, sig. A3v: ‘Hier aber bleybt es also vnter des dabey/ denn wenn schon tausendt Bücher in Theoria geschrieben vnd gelernet würden/ hülffe es doch lauter nichts/ wann nicht mit täglichen vnnachlessigen vorsingen/ & usque ad nauseam den Knaben die die [sic] praxis gleichsam einkäwet vnd gebläuet wird: Docta sat dictum.’

125 Braun, Deutsche Musiktheorie, p. 133.

126 Cf. Fenlon, I. and Milsom, J., ‘“Ruled Paper Imprinted”: Music Paper and Patents in Sixteenth-Century England’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 37 (1984), pp. 139–163 Google Scholar. The paper in Trost’s volume resembles the earlier specimens given there (e.g., p. 145).

127 E.g., Götting, Compendium, sig. B[viij]r.

128 ICT. [Johann Caspar Trost] IWT. [Johann Wolfgang Trost] ICrisT. [Johann Christoph Trost?] IHT. [Johann Heinrich Trost?] IDT. [Johann Daniel Trost?].

129 See Gueintz and Trost, Pars Specialis Musicae.

130 On disputations and their ambivalent authorship, see Marti, H., ‘Wissensdiskurse und frühneuzeitlicher akademischer Unterricht’, in T. Burard, M. Hundt, S. Martus, S. Ohlendorff and C.-M. Ort (eds.), Natur – Religion – Medien: Transformationen frühneuzeitlichen Wissens (Berlin, 2013), pp. 249–264 Google Scholar.

131 See Lippius, Synopsis, sig. A1v–2r.

132 Kayserliche Confirmation der Artickel deß Instrumental-Musicalischen Collegii in dem Ober- und Nieder-Sächsischen Crais/ und anderer interessirten Oerter (n.p., 1653). Provenance: Johann Caspar Trost, 1654 (D-W: L 1047.2o Helmst.).

133 Wolschke, M., Von der Stadtpfeiferei zu Lehrlingskapelle und Sinfonieorchester: Wandlungen im 19. Jahrhundert (Regensburg, 1981), pp. 33–36 Google Scholar and the transcription pp. 240–5. For an English summary, see Rose, S., The Musician in Literature in the Age of Bach (Cambridge, 2011), pp. 79–81 Google Scholar.