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Xunzi in the Light of the Guodian Manuscripts*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  26 March 2015

Paul Rakita Goldin
Paul Rakita Goldin*
Affiliation:
Dept. of Asian and Middle Eastern Studies, 847 Williams Hall, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, PA 19104
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Abstract

This article discusses the several previously unknown Confucian texts discovered in 1993 in a Warring States tomb at Guodian, near Jingmen, Hubei Province. I believe that these works should be understood as doctrinal material deriving from a single tradition of Confucianism and datable to around 300 B.C. Of the surviving literature from the same period, they are closer to the Xunzi than to any other text, and anticipate several characteristic themes in Xunzi's philosophy. These are: the notion of human nature (xing 性),and the controversy over whether the source of morality is internar or “external”; the role of learning (xue 學)and habitual practice (xi 習) in moral development; the content and origin of ritual (li 禮), by which human beings accord with the Way; the conception of the ruler as the mind (xin 心) of the state; and the psychological utility of music (yue 樂) in inculcating proper values.

It is especially important for scholars to take note of these connections with Xunzi, in view of the emerging trend to associate the Guodian manuscripts with Zisi, the famous grandson of Confucius, whom Xunzi bitterly criticized.

本文對1993年自湖北荊門郭店戰國墓出土的楚簡中幾篇儒家佚書 進行研究。筆者認爲，這些書籍應被視爲傳自同一系儒家學派的教 義材料，並且將其年代定於公元前300年左右。在來自相同年代的傳世文獻中，這些書籍與《荀子》的接近程度，較與任何其他著作 更甚。它預先提出了若干荀子思想中最具特色的主題：『性』的概 念，及對道德觀是源於內心還是來自外在的爭論：『學』與『習』 在道德發展中所扮演的角色；人類用以配合道的『禮』的內容與本 源；統治者乃是ー國之『心』的觀念：以及，在灌輸適當道德觀念 時，『樂』所起的心理功用。將這批郭店儒家佚書與子思相提並論的趨勢日漸升高。子思雖以 是孔子的孫子著名，但受到荀子嚴厲批判。眼見這樣的趨勢，學者 們對這批佚書與荀子相關性的注意，尤其顯得重要。

Type
Articles
Information
Early China , Volume 25 , 2000 , pp. 113 - 146
Copyright
Copyright © Society for the Study of Early China 2000 

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Footnotes

*

This paper was originally presented at the annual conference of the Association for Asian Studies, Boston, March 12,1999, at a special panel entitled “Challenges to the Classic Texts,” sponsored by the Warring States Project. I have benefited from discussions and correspondence with several people on the Guodian manuscripts: Erica Brindley, E. Bruce Brooks, Chen Ning, Scott Cook, Mark Csikszentmihalyi, Kenneth W. Holloway, Gilbert L. Mattos, Michael Puett, Xu Shaohua, Brook Ziporyn, and other members of the Warring States Working Group. I would also like to thank David Schaberg and an anonymous referee for their careful reading of an earlier draft. Above all, I am indebted to Donald Harper, editor of Early China, whose comments, encouragement, and assistance have gone well beyond the call of duty.

References

1. For the first official report of this excavation, see Hubei sheng Jingmen shi bowu-guan, “Jingmen Guodian yihao Chumu” 荊門郭店一號楚墓， Wenwu 文物1997.7, 35-48. On the date of the tomb, see Boqian, Li, “A Brief Account of the Origins and Development of Chu Culture,” in The Guodian Laozi: Proceedings of the international Conference, Dartmouth College, May 1998, ed. Allan, Sarah and Williams, Crispin (Berkeley: Society for the Study of Early China and Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, Berkeley, 2000), 18–19 Google Scholar; Zuxin, Liu, ‘An Overview of Tomb Number One at Jingmen Guodian,” in Allan, and Williams, , The Guodian Laozi, 31 Google Scholar; Wang Bo 王博, “Meiguo Damusi daxue Guodian Laozi guoji xueshu taolunhui jiyao” 美國 達慕思大學郭店老子國際學術討論會紀要, Daojia wenhua yanjiu 道家文化研究 17 (1999), 2 Google Scholar; Hao, Peng 彭浩, “Guodian yihao mu de mandai ji xiangguan de wenti” 郭店 一號墓的年代及相關的問題 in Ben shiji chutu sixiang wenxian yu Zhongguo gudian zhexue yanjiu lunwenji 本世紀出土思想文獻與中國古典哲學研究論文集, ed. Fubin, Chen 陳福濱 et al. (Taipei: Furen daxue, 1999), vol. 2, 357–64Google Scholar; Hao, Peng, “Guodian yihao mu de niandai yu jianben Laozi de jiegou” 郭店一號墓的年代與簡本老子的結構, Daojia wenhua yanjiu 17 (1999), 13–15 Google Scholar; Baoxuan, Wang 王操弦, “Shilun Guodian Chujian de chaoxie shijian yu Zhuangzi de zhuanzuo shidai: jian lun Guodian yu Baoshan Chumu de shidai wenti” 論郭店楚簡的抄寫時間與莊子的撰作時代: 兼論郭店與包山楚墓的時代問題 Zhexue yanjiu 哲學硏究 1999. 4, 18–29 Google Scholar; Yunhuan, Luo 羅運環， “Guodian Chujian de niandai yongtu ji yiyi” 郭店楚簡的年代用途及意義, Hubei daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 湖北失學學報 (哲學社會科學版） 1999.2,13Google Scholar; and Renyi, Cui 崔仁義， “Shilun Jingmen zhujian Laozi de niandai” 試論荊門竹簡老子的年代, Jingmen daxue xuebao 1997.2, 38–42 Google Scholar.

The identity of the deceased is unclear; the earlier suggestion that he may have been a tutor to the Crown Prince of the state of Chu has recently been challenged. See Wen, Xing, “Scholarship on the Guodian Texts in China: A Review Article,” in Allan, and Williams, , The Guodian Laozi, 246 Google Scholar; and Ling, Li 李零, “Guodian Chujian yanjiu zhong de jige wenti: Meiguo Damusi xueyuan Guodian Chujian Laozi guoji xueshu taolunhui ganxiang” 郭店楚簡研究中的幾個問題：美國達慕思學院郭店楚簡老子 國際學術討論會感想, in Guodian Chujian guoji xueshu yantaohui lunwenji 郭店楚簡國際學術研討會論文集 (Wuhan: Hubei renmin, 2000), 47–49 Google Scholar. Peng Hao, “Guodian yihao mu de niandai yu jianben Laozi de jiegou,” 16, concludes that “the tomb occupant may have been born into a prominent aristocratic family, and, not having attained rank and status, pursued the theories of Daoism and Confucianism.”

2. The reconstructed texts, along with photographs of the original bamboo strips, have been published in shi bowuguan, Jingmen, Guodian Chumu zhujian 郭店楚墓竹簡 (Beijing: Wenwu, 1998)Google Scholar.

3. Since the publication of Guodian Chumu zhujian, scholars dissatisfied with the editorial group's choice of the title “Cheng zhi wen zhi” (the meaning of which was never clear) have begun to refer to this manuscript by various other names. The most common alternate title is “Tian jiang dachang” 天降大常 (Heaven lays down its great constancy), which is the most important phrase in the text (and is discussed further below). See Yi, Guo 享晰， “Guodian Chujian ‘Tian jiang dachang’ (‘Cheng zhi wen zhi’) pian shuzheng” 郭店楚簡天降大常 (成之聞之) 篇疏證, Zhongguo zhexue 郭店楚墓竹 簡 20 (1999), 278–92Google Scholar. In order to avoid confusion, I will refer to the text by the name “Cheng zhi wen zhi.” Guo Yi also presents a new arrangement of this text that is vastly more successful than the version in Guodian Chumu zhujian, but as his article may not be available to all readers, I shall cite the text as it appears in Guodian Chumu zhujian.

4. The complexities of the term xing as it is used in these manuscripts are discussed below.

5. Tang and Yu are the Sage Kings Yao 堯 and Shun 舜, respectively.

6. It should be noted that Ling, Li, “Guodian Chujian jiaodu ji” 郭店楚簡校讀記, Daojia wenhua yanjiu 17 (1999), 477–81Google Scholar, has grouped the fourth “Yucong” with the texts he identifies as Daoist.

7. One of the few publications to make this point is Zehou, Li 李則厚, “Chudu Guodian zhujian yinxiang jiyao” 初讀郭店竹簡印象記要, Daojia wenhua yanjiu 17 (1999), 420–21Google Scholar.

8. The seminal manifesto of this view is Xueqin, Li 李學勤, “Jingmen Guodian Chujian zhong de Zisizi ” 荊門郭店楚簡中的子思子, Zhongguo zhexue 20 (1999), 75–80 Google Scholar; see also, Xueqin, Li, “The Confucian Texts from Guodian Tomb Number One: Their Date and Significance,” in Allan, and Williams, , The Guodian Laozi, 109–10Google Scholar; “Xian-Qin Rujia zhuzuo de zhongda faxian” 先秦儒家著作的重大發現， Zhongguo zhexue 20 (1999), 13–17 Google Scholar; and “Cong jianbo yiji ‘Wuxing’ tandao ‘Daxue’” 從簡帛佚籍五行談到大學, Kongzi yanjiu 孔子硏究 1998.3, 50-51. Li Xueqin's views are summarized in Yue Jin 躍進, “Zhenfen renxin de kaogu faxian: lueshuo Guodian Chumu zhujian de Xueshushi yiyi” 振奮人心的考古發現：略說郭店楚墓竹簡的學術史意義, Wenshi zhishi 文史知識 1998.8, 37-38. See also Guanghui, Jiang 姜廣輝, “Guodian Chujian yu Zisizi: jian tan Guodian Chujian de sixiangshi yiyi” 荊門郭店楚簡與先秦儒學, Zhongguo zhexue 20 (1999), 88 Google Scholar. Jiang concludes that the following texts were all written by Zisi: “Tang Yu zhi dao,” “Ziyi,” “Wuxing,” “Xing zi ming chu,״ “Qiongda yi shi,” “Cheng zhi wen zhi” (which he calls “Qiuji” 求己), “Lu Mugong wen Zisi” 魯穆公問子思, and “Liude.” I believe that we do not know nearly enough about the figure of Zisi, let alone his teachings, to make such specific attributions.

One philological argument in favor of an association with the Zisizi is made by Mingchun, Liao 廖明春 in three separate articles: “Jingmen Guodian Chujian yu xian-Qin Ruxue” 荊門郭店楚簡與先秦儒學, Zhongguo zhexue 20 (1999), 42 Google Scholar; “Guodian Chu-jian Rujia zhuzuo kao” 郭店楚簡儒家著作考, Kongzi yanjiu 1998.3, 71 Google Scholar; and “Cong Jingmen Chujian Iun xian-Qin Rujia yu Zhou-Yi de guanxi” 從荆門楚簡論先秦儒家與周易的關係, Guoji Yixue yanjiu 國際易學硏究 4 (1998), 319 Google Scholar. Liao points out that the Li Shan李善 (d. A.D. 689) commentary to the Wenxuan 文選cites a number of lines from “Ziyi” and attributes them to the Zisizi. See “Sizi jiangde lun” 四子講德論, Liuchen zhu Wenxuan 六臣注文選 (Sibu congkan 四部叢刊 ed.), 51.14b; and “Da He Shao” 答何助, Liuchen zhu Wenxuan, 24.15b. Since the Zisizi still existed in Li Shan's day, Liao Mingchun surmises that it must have included at least part of “Ziyi.” And it is well known that Shen Yue 沈約 (A.D. 441-513) listed “Ziyi,” among other texts, as part of the Zisizi in a memorial recorded in “Yinyue shang” 音樂上, Suishu 隋書 (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1979), 13.288 Google Scholar. However, these points do not convince Yuanmin, Cheng 程元敏, “ Liji ‘Zhongyong,’ Fangji,’ ‘Ziyi’ fei chu yu Zisizi kao” 禮言己中庸坊言己継衣非出於子思子考, in Zhang Yiren xiansheng qizhi shouqing lunwenji 張以仁先生七秩壽慶論女集 (Taipei: Xuesheng, 1999), vol. 1, 30–32 Google Scholar, who argues that Shen Yue was mistaken, and that the ostensible parallels between “Ziyi” and Zisizi are merely repetitions of common Confucian aphorisms.

Other Mainland scholars associate the Guodian manuscripts with Mencian Confu-danism; see Pang Pu龐朴,“Chudu Guodian Chujian” 初讀郭店楚簡, Lishi yanjiu 歷史研究 1998.4,6.

9. To date, the most comprehensive study of the graphs used in the manuscripts is Kwong, Cheung ־yue張光裕, Guodian Chujian yanjiu 郭店楚簡研究 (Taipei: Yee Wen, 1999-), vol. 1 Google Scholar.

10. Private communication from Professor Xu Shaohua, Wuhan University.

11. There is a preliminary account of this material in Feng, Cao 曹峰, “Shanhai haku-butsukan tenji no Sokan ni tsuite” 上海博物館展示の楚簡について, Kakuten Sokan no shisōteki kenkyū 郭店楚簡O思想史的硏究 (Tokyo University) 2 (1999), 122–40Google Scholar.

12. Xianqian, Wang 王先謙 (1842–1918), Xunzi jijie 荀子集解, ed. Xiaohuan, Shen 沈嘯寰 and Xingxian, Wang 王星賢 (Xinbian Zhuzi jicheng 新編諸子集成 ed.; Beijing: Zhonghua, 1988)Google Scholar, “Zhengming” 正名, 16.412.

13. Graham, A.C., “The Background of the Mencian Theory of Human Nature,” Tsing Hua Journal of Chinese Studies 6.2 (1967)Google Scholar; repr. Graham, , Studies in Chinese Philosophy and Philosophical Literature (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 7–66 Google Scholar. See also Goldin, Paul Rakita, Rituals of the Way: The Philosophy of Xunzi (Chicago and La Salle: Open Court, 1999), 11–12 Google Scholar.

14. Zhen, Dai, Mengzi ziyi shuzheng 孟子字義疏證， ed. Wenguang, He 何文光, 2d ed. (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1982), B.25Google Scholar (“Xing” 性); cf. Goldin, , Rituals of the Way, 12–13 Google Scholar. Incidentally, Cheng Yi 程頤 (1033-1107) also observed that Mencius's use of the term xing was different from that of Gaozi 告子 (discussed below). See Xi, Zhu 朱惠 (1130-1200), ed., Henau Chengshi yishu 可南程氏遺書 (Guoxue jiben congshu 國學基本叢書 ed.), 18.229 Google Scholar. Cheng Yi was referring to a peculiar Neo-Confucian dichotomy between the “fundamental xing” (性之本), which corresponds to the principle of the universe, and the “physical xing” (性質之性), which is the imperfect human form made up of qi 氣. But since neither Mencius nor Gaozi (nor Xunzi, for that matter) makes such a distinction, Cheng Yi cannot really be said to have identified the salient difference in usage.

15. “Xing zi ming chu,” strip 9; Guodian Chumu zhujian, 179. All translations in this article are my own. My practice will be to accept silently the palaeographical interpretations suggested by the editors, except where otherwise noted. Compare this passage to Xunzi jijie, “Quanxue” 勸學, 1.2: “The children of Gan, Yue, Yi, and Mo all make the same sounds when born, but grow up to have different customs; teaching makes this so” (干、越、夷、絡之子，生而同聲，長而異俗，教使之然也). This idea probably goes back to Analects 17.2: “[People's] xing are close to one another; practice makes them distant from one another” (性相近也，習相遠也); see Shude, Cheng 程樹德 (1877-1944), Lunyu jishi 論語集釋, ed. Junying, Cheng 程俊英 and Jianyuan, Jiang 蒋見元 (Xinbian zhuzi jicheng ed.; Beijing: Zhonghua, 1990), 34.1177 Google Scholar.

16. For the reading of this character as tian 天, see Chen Ning 陳寧, “Guodian Chumu zhujian zhong de Rujia renxing yanlun chutan 郭店楚墓竹簡中的儒家人性言論初探, Zhongguo zhexue shi 中國哲學史 1998.4, 39. But scholars disagree as to the interpretation of the entire phrase. For example, Fengwu, Zhou 周鳳五, “Guodian Chujian shizi zhaji” 郭店楚簡識字札記, Zhang Yiren xiansheng qizhi shouqing lunwenji, vol. 1, 357–58Google Scholar, suggests that it should read 其生而未有分也，節於爾也 (I think this yields a less satisfactory sense); on the other hand, Li Ling, “Guodian Chujian jiaodu ji,” 515, proposes 其生而未有非志，次於此也，則猶是也.

17. Qiu Xigui 裘錫圭, Guodian Chumu zhujian, 170n.28, suspects that the character mo 莫 should be read as mu 慕, thus: “the Sages cannot be venerated [on account of their xing]”

18. “Cheng zhi wen zhi,” strips 26-28; Guodian Chumu zhujian, 168. Compare Xunzi jijie, “Xing'e” 性惡, 17.438: “That by which the Sage is the same as the populace, and is not different from the populace, is his xing (故聖人之所以同於衆，其不異於衆者，性也).

19. The phrase haowu, xing ye 好惡，性也 (“Xing zi ming chu,” strip 4; Guodian Chumu zhujian, 179), might at first glance be translated as “love of evil is xing”; but it is clear from the next clause—suohao suowu, wu ye, 所好所惡，物也 (“what are liked or disliked are objects”)— that haowu here must mean “liking and disliking.” Cf. Lai, Chen 陳來, “Jingmen zhujian zhi ‘Xing zi ming chu’ pian chutan” 荊門竹簡之性自命出篇初探, Zhongguo zhexue 20 (1999), 295–96Google Scholar.

20. For this translation of qing 情, see Hansen, Chad, A Daoist Theory of Chinese Thought: A Philosophical Interpretation (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992), 405n.14Google Scholar. The “correct” meaning of qing (which is also commonly understood either as “essence” or “emotion”) is the subject of much scholarly controversy and cannot be considered in depth here. I have supported a meaning along the lines of “essence” ( Goldin, , Rituals of the Way, 112n.2Google Scholar), but am persuaded that Hansen's “reality response” works far better for texts such as “Xing zi ming chu.” See also Hansen's, “ Qing (Emotions) 情 in Pre-Buddhist Chinese Thought,” in Emotions in Asian Thought: A Dialogue in Comparative Philosophy, ed. Marks, Joel and Ames, Roger T. (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1995), 181–211 Google Scholar; and Puett, Michael, “The Ethics of Responding Properly: The Notion of Qing in Early Chinese Thought,” in Emotions in Chinese Culture, ed. Eifring, Halvor (Beijing: Culture and Art Publishing House, forthcoming)Google Scholar.

21. “Xing zi ming chu,” strips 3-4; Guodian Chumu zhujian, 179. The editors suggest na 納 for nei 內; the meaning is close in either case.

22. “Yucong yi,” strips 22-23; Guodian Chumu zhujian, 194. The preceding section appears to be missing a strip, but it is clear that the subject of discussion is the same: ‘Of the Way of Humanity, some [components] emerge from inside, some enter from outside. What emerges from inside is humanity, integrity, and trustworthiness; from.…” (人之道也，或由中出，或由外入。由中出者，仁、忠、信。由)—and here the text breaks off. One would be tempted, on the basis of “Liude” (discussed below), to assume that the virtues which enter from outside are morality (義), wisdom (智), and sagehood (聖). However, sagehood and wisdom correspond in that text to the father (父) and the husband (夫), respectively, and those roles are under-stood there to be “internal” (內) social roles. Thus the division of virtues (in “Yucong” and other texts) into “internal” and “external” does not correspond with the division of social roles into “internal” and “external” in “Liude.” The two arrangements agree only that humanity is internal and morality external.

23. “Liude,” strip 26; Guodian Chumu zhujian, 188.

24. Xunzi jijie, “Quanxue,” 1.12. Compare the translation in Knoblock, John, Xunzi: A Translation and Study of the Complete Works (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1988–1994), vol. 1,139–40CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

25. Xunzi jijie, “Quanxue” 1.12.

26. The graph in the manuscript is 法, which the editors tentatively interpreted as feng 逢. For the reading ge 格 “active,” see Ning, Chen, “Guodian Chumu zhujian zhong de Rujia,” 41–42 Google Scholar. Li Ling, “Guodian Chujian jiaodu ji,” 508, suggests ni 逆 (which, I suppose, would mean “lead astray” in this context), but ge here, understood as a causative of xing 行, recalls the earlier statement (see citation in n. 21 above) that the xing becomes active (行) in response to pleasure. Later in the present passage, the graph 達 recurs with xun 訓； Chen Ning interprets the compound as gexun 格訓 “restrain and instruct”; Li Ling as nishun 逆順. Here too, ge seems to yield a more intelligible sense.

27. This is apparently a parenthetical gloss informing the initiated reader that “the Way” is to be understood as “the Way of Humanity.” I do not know precisely what is meant by the “other three techniques,” and do not believe that they are explained in the Guodian corpus.

28. “Xing zi ming chu,” strips 12-18; Guodian Chumu zhujian, 179.

29. “Liude,” strips 24-25; Guodian Chumu zhujian, 188.

30. For the reading zhi 志 (the editors of Guodian Chumu zhujian, 20011.6, suggest either zhi or shi 詩), see Liao Mingchun, “Cong Jingmen Chujian lun xian-Qin Rujia,” 311.

31. “Yucong yi,” strips 37-41; Guodian Chumu zhujian, 194—95. The text goes on to include the Rites, Music, and Documents in the canonical group. Li Ling, “Guodian Chujian jiaodu ji,” 536, argues that the editors of Guodian Chumu zhujian have jumbled the original order of the classics in this passage.

32. Incidentally, some recent unpublished conference papers have suggested that the Guodian manuscripts are speaking here of prototextual “traditions,” rather than actual canonical texts, but the two references to the Springs and Autumns are good evidence that these are indeed to be understood as texts largely as we have received them. I am not aware of any oral tradition of the Springs and Autumns. Pines, Yuri, for example, has suggested provocatively in “Intellectual Change in the Chunqiu Period: The Reliability of the Speeches in the Zuo Zhuan as Sources of Chunqiu Intellectual History,” Early China 22 (1997), 82–86 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, that the received Springs and Autumns derives from ritualistic reports to ancestral spirits inscribed on ce 策 (large bamboo strips)— in other words, that the Chunqiu was a written text from the time of its inception. Moreover, Gilbert L. Mattos (private communication) observes: “The Guodian texts make frequent reference to these [classical] texts, which must already have existed in ‘book form’ well before the time of the deceased's death. Yet at the same time we find discrepancies between them and the received texts. But they are similar enough to suggest that there were competing editions at that time.” See also Guo Qiyong 郭齊勇， “Guodian Rujia jian de yiyi yu jiazhi” 郭店儒家簡的意義與價値， Hubei Daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 1999.2, 6; and Liao Mingchun, “Cong Jingmen Chujian lun xian-Qin Rujia,” 310-14.

33. Xunzi jijie, “Lilun” 禮論,13.346. Compare the translation in Knoblock, , Xunzi, vol. 3, 55 Google Scholar. Compare also the rhetoric in “Yucong er,” strips 10-12; Guodian Chumu zhujian, 203: “Desires are born of human nature; planning is born of desires; anger [?] is born of planning; contention is born of anger; partisanship is born of contention” (欲生於性，慮生於欲，愔生於慮，爭生於愔，黨生於爭).

34. Xunzi jijie, “Xing'e” 性惡，17.441. Compare the translation in Knoblock, , Xunzi, vol. 3, 157 Google Scholar.

35. The xingxing (also written 猩猩) is described in the “Nanshan jing” 南山經 and “Hainei nan jing״海內南經 sections of the Shanhai jing 山海經； see Ke, Yuan 袁珂, Shanhai jing jiaozhu 海內南經 2d ed. (Chengdu: Ba-Shu, 1996), 1.1 and 10.325 Google Scholar, respectively (especially Yuan Ke's discussion in 325n.2).

36. Knoblock, , Xunzi, vol. 1, 296n.53Google Scholar, cites Yu Xingwu 于省吾 (b, 1896) on emending 笑 to 肖. Traditional commentators are baffled by the phrase.

37. Xunzi jijie, “Feixiang” 非相, 3.78-79. Compare the translation in Knoblock, , Xunzi, vol. 1, 206 Google Scholar.

38. Goldin, , Rituals of the Way, 72-74 and 103–5Google Scholar; see also Goldin, Paul Rakita, “Xunzi's Piety,” in Confucian Spirituality, ed. Tucker, Mary Evelyn and Weiming, Tu (Crossroads Press, forthcoming)Google Scholar.

39. “Xing zi ming chu,” strips 18-19; Guodian Chumu zhujian, 179.

40. “Yucong yi,” strip 31; Guodian Chumu zhujian, 194.

41. “Yucong er,” strip 1; Guodian Chumu zhujian, 203.

42. For the reading jiang 降, see Li Ling, “Guodian Chujian jiaodu ji,” 515; Chen Wei 陳偉, “Guodian Chujianbieshi” 郭店楚簡別釋, Jiang-Han kaogu 江漢考古 1998.4, 70; and Yi, Guo, “Guodian Chujian ‘Tian jiang dachang’” 279–80Google Scholar. The character is given in the text as各.

43. For the reading zuo 作, see Ling, Li, “Guodian Chujian jiaodu ji,” 515 Google Scholar. The character is interpreted as zhu 著 in Guodian Chumu zhujian.

44. “Cheng zhi wen zhi,” strips 31-33; Guodian Chumu zhujian, 168. Compare also “Zun deyi,” strips 5-6; Guodian Chumu zhujian, 173: “Yu ordered his people in accordance with the Way of Humanity; Jie disordered his people in accordance with the Way of Humanity. Jie did not change Yu's people before he could disorder them; Tang did not change Jie's people before he could order them. The Sage orders the people by means of the Way of the people” (禹以人道治其民，桀以人道亂其民。桀不易禹民而後亂之，湯不易桀民而後治之。聖人之治民，民之道也).

45. See Zehou, Li, “Chudu Guodian zhujian,” 412–13Google Scholar.

46. “Xing zi ming chu,” strips 2-3; Guodian Chumu zhujian, 179.

47. For a fuller account, see Goldin, , Rituals of the Way, 14–17 Google Scholar.

48. Xunzi jijie, “Zhongni” 仲尼, 3.109; and Xunzi jijie, ״Fuguo״富國， 6.196.

49. Following the commentary of Hao Yixing 郝懿行 (1757-1825) for both emendations.

50. I insert the character you 有 on the basis of the pattern in the next clause.

51. Xunzi jijie, “Qiangguo” 疆國, 11.291. Compare the translation in Knoblock, , Xunzi, vol. 2, 238–39Google Scholar.

52. Xunzi jijie, “Jundao” 君道, 8.234. Compare the translation in Knoblock, , Xunzi, vol. 2, 180 Google Scholar.

53. “Ziyi,” strips 8-9; Guodian Chumu zhujian, 129. For the received version of this passage, which differs slightly from the Guodian version, see Liji zhengyi 禮言己正義 (Ruan Yuan 阮元 [1764-1849], Shisan jing zhushu fu jiaokan ji 十三經注疏附校勘記 ed. [1817; repr., Beijing: Zhonghua, 1980])Google Scholar, “Ziyi,” 55.1650a–b.

54. “Ziyi,” strips 10-11; Guodian Chumu zhujian, 129. For the received version see Liji zhengyi, 55.1648a. The pattern of this and similar sayings in “Ziyi” is paralleled by Analects 13.4 (Lunyu jishi, 26.897-98): “If the superiors are fond of ritual, none among the people will dare not be reverent; if the superiors are fond of righteousness, none among the people will dare not be submissive; if the superiors are fond of trustworthiness, none among the people will dare not apply their [genuine] disposition” (上好禮，則民莫敢不敬：上好義，則民莫敢不服：上好信，則民莫敢不用情).

55. “Ziyi,” strips 14-15; Guodian Chumu zhujian, 129. For the received version see Liji zhengyi, 55.1647c-48a. Compare also Mencius 3A.2; see Xun, Jiao 焦循 (1763-1820), Mengzi zhengyi 孟子正義, ed. Wenzhuo, Shen 沈文倬 (Xinbian zhuzi jicheng ed.; Beijing: Zhonghua, 1987), 10.330 Google Scholar: “If the superiors have something that they are fond of, there must be those among their inferiors who outdo them in that regard” (上有好者，下必有甚焉者矣).

56. “Zun deyi,” strips 36-37; Guodian Chumu zhujian, 174.

57. “Cheng zhi wen zhi,” strips 1-3; Guodian Chumu zhujian, 167.

58. Perhaps most famous are the examples in the “Jian'ai zhong” 兼愛中 and “Jian'ai xia” 下 chapters of the Mozi 墨子. Here is the “Jian'ai zhong”: “In the past, King Ling of Chu [r. 540—529 B.C.] was fond of slight waists in his warriors; thus King Ling's subjects would all restrain themselves and eat once [a day]” (昔楚靈王好士細要[=腰],故靈王之臣‚皆以一飯爲節); Yujiang, Wu 吳毓江, Mozi jiaozhu 墨子校注, ed. Qizhi, Sun 孫啓治 (Xinbian zhuzi jicheng ed.; Beijing: Zhonghua, 1993), 4.159 Google Scholar.

59. See, for example, Xunzi jijie, “Jiebi” 解蔽， 15.397: “The mind is the lord of the body and the patron of ‘spiritual illumination’ [i.e. deliberation]. It issues commands but does not receive commands” (心者，形之君也，而神明之主也，出令而無所受令). Compare the discussion in Goldin, , Rituals of the Way, 20-21 and 31–32 Google Scholar. A similar idea appears in “Wuxing,” strips 45-46; Guodian Chumu zhujian, 151: “The six [organs]—the ears, the eyes, the nose, the mouth, the hands and the feet—are the mind's servants. If the mind says ‘yes’ none of them dare say ‘no’; [if it] assents, none of them dare not assent” (耳目鼻口手足六者，心之役也。心曰唯，莫敢不唯； 諾，莫敢不諾). Compare the text in Mawangdui Hanmu boshu 馬王堆漢墓帛書(Beijing: Wenwu, 1980), vol. 1, 18–19 Google Scholar; and Tomohisa, Ikeda 池田知久, Baōtai Kanbo hakusho Gogyō-hen kenkyū 馬王堆漢墓帛書五行篇硏究 (Tokyo: Kyüko, 1993), 485 Google Scholar. For the reading yi 役, see Shixuan, Yan 顏世銨, “Guodian Chujian qianshi” 郭店楚簡淺釋, Zhang Yiren xiansheng qizhi shouqing lunwenji, vol. 1, 399–400 Google Scholar.

60. “Xing zi ming chu,” strip 23; Guodian Chumu zhujian, 180.

61. There seems to be a character missing here.

62. “Xing zi ming chu,” strips 36-37; Guodian Chumu zhujian, 180.

63. Xunzi jijie, “Yuelun” 樂論, 14.382. This pejorative sense of wei 僞 can be confusing, since Xunzi normally employs the term to denote the good “artifice” that transforms one's evil xing.

64. This statement is difficult to construe, and there is a conspicuous lack of commentary about it. Perhaps Xunzi means to say that music (“sounds and tones, movement and quietude”) is a technique for improving the xing and thus fulfilling the Way of Humanity; this would be in line with his general views.

65. Unlike most commentators, I prefer not to emend xi 謖 “timorous” here. See also the commentary of Hao Yixing. Coincidentally, cong 謖, which is another possible reading (xi and cong are easily confused because of their graphic similarity), has a comparable meaning.

66. Xunzi jijie, “Yuelun,” 14.379. Compare the translation in Knoblock, , Xunzi, vol. 3, 80 Google Scholar.

67. For references (and discussion of the “Yuelun” in context), see Goldin, , “Insidious Syncretism in the Political Philosophy of Huai-nan-tzu ” Asian Philosophy 9.3 (1999), 177–79CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Goldin, , Rituals of the Way, 78–81 and 137n.64Google Scholar; Goldin, , “Reflections on Irrational-ism in Chinese Aesthetics,” Monumenta Serica 44 (1996), 176–78CrossRefGoogle Scholar; DeWoskin, Kenneth J., A Song for One or Two: Music and the Concept of Art in Early China (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Center for Chinese Studies, 1982), 89–98 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Tse-tsung, Chow, “Early History of the Chinese Word Shih (Poetry),” in Wen-lin: Studies in the Chinese Humantties, ed. Tse-tsung, Chow (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1968), 155 Google Scholar.

68. See Mozi jiaozhu, “Feiyue shang” 非樂上, 8.379-99. The “zhong” 中 and “xia” 下 versions of the chapter are lost.

69. For the readings tao 陶 and ji 悸, see Ling, Li, “Guodian Chujian jiaodu ji,” 509 Google Scholar. The editors interpret the original characters as yao 陶 and ji , respectively.

70. Following the editors' suggestion of zuo 作. I wonder whether zuo 作 “blessed” might not fit the context better.

71. “Xing zi ming chu,” strips 23-26; Guodian Chumu zhujian, 180.

72. For a description of the Wu dance, see Shaughnessy, Edward L., “From Liturgy to Literature: The Ritual Contexts of the Earliest Poems in the Book of Poetry ,” in Shaughnessy, , Before Confucius: Studies in the Creation of the Chinese Classics (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1997), 166–69Google Scholar; and Maspero, Henri, China in Antiquity, tr. Kierman, Frank A. Jr. (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1978), 154–57Google Scholar. “Lai” is the title of Mao 295, an Ode that was sung as part of the Wu dance (which takes its own name from Mao 285). For the Xia dance, see Maspero, , China in Antiquity, 156–57Google Scholar. The Shao is supposedly the music of the Sage King Shun (see Analects 3.25, 7.14, and 15.11).

73. Xunzi jijie, “Fei shier zi” 一十二子, 3.94. This xing 行, of course, is not to be confused with xing 性, the term discussed above.

74. The term Five Constancies (五常) apparently derives from the Han dynasty. See Hanshu 漢書 (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1962), 56.2505 Google Scholar, where the term is explained in a memorial by Dong Zhongshu 董仲舒 (179-104 B.c.). See also the “Wen Kong” 問孔 chapter of Lunheng 論衡; Hui, Huang 黃暉, Lunheng jiaoshi (fu Liu Pansui jijie) 論衡校釋 (附劉盼遂集解, (Xinbian zhuzi jicheng ed.; Beijing: Zhonghua, 1990), 9.408 Google Scholar. Cf. Svarverud, Rune, Methods of the Way: Early Chinese Ethical Thought (Leiden: Brill, 1998), 287 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

75. For example, Guo Moruo 郭沫若, in Qingtong shidai 青銅時代 (in the context of a discussion of the “Hongfan” 洪範 chapter of the Shangshui 尙書); the relevant section is cited in Xincheng, Zhang 張丄、澂, Weishu tongkao 偉書通考, 2d ed. (Shanghai: Shangwu, 1957), vol. 1, 178 Google Scholar. Knoblock, , Xunzi, vol. 1, 215–19 (and 300n.5)Google Scholar, is aware of the Mawangdui “Wuxing” text, but nevertheless prefers to take Xunzi's use of the phrase as a reference to the Five Phases.

76. The pathbreaking article to make this point was Pang Pu, “Mawangdui boshu jiekaile Si-Meng wuxing shuo zhi mi: boshu Laozi jiaben juanhou gu yishu zhiyi de chubu yanjiu” 馬王堆帛書解開了思孟五行說之謎：帛書老子甲本卷後古佚書之一的初歩研究, Wenwu 1977.10, 63-69. See also Pu, Pang, “Zhubo ‘Wuxing’ pian yu Si-Meng wuxing shuo” 竹帛五行篇與思孟五行說, in Fubin, Chen et al., Ben shiji chutu sixiang wenxian, vol. 1, 5451–52Google Scholar; Pu, Pang, “Si-Meng wuxing xinkao” 思孟五行新考, in Boshu Wuxing pian yanjiu 帛書五行篇研究 (n.p.: Qi-Lu, 1980), 71–88 Google Scholar; and Qipeng, Wei 魏啓鵬, “Si-Meng wuxing shuo de zai sikao” 思孟五行說的再思考, Sichuan daxue xuebao (Zheshe ban) 四川大學學報 (哲社版） 1988.4, 82–87 Google Scholar.

It has been assumed until recently that the oldest mention of the famous phrase shen qi du 愼其獨 (“cautious when alone” or “cautious about one's independence” — an attribute of the moral junzi) was in Xunzi jijie, “Bugou” 不苟, 2.46, and that its appearance in such texts as “Wuxing” and Liji, “Zhongyong” 中庸, could be traced back to this usage; cf. Jeffrey Riegel, “Eros, Introversion, and the Beginnings of Shi jing Commentary,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 57.1 (1997), 165-66. (For a less widely cited appearance of the phrase, see also Liji zhengyi, “Liqi” 禮器, 23.1434b.) With the discovery of the Guodian “Wuxing” and the appearance of the phrase in two places in that text (strips 16-18; Guodian Chumu zhujian, 149—50), it is clear now that Xunzi must have borrowed the phrase from a source such as “Wuxing,” and not vice versa. The language of the passage from “Bugou” (with its emphasis on xing 形, or giving the proper internal form to one's de 德) is reminiscent of “Wuxing” (as well as “Zhong-yong”), and may represent a youthful Xunzi's attempts to come to grips with this earlier Confucian tradition. See Goldin, , Rituals of the Way, 19–20 Google Scholar. On the other hand, Knoblock, John H., “The Chronology of Xunzi's Works,” Early China 8 (1982–1983), 28–52 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, considers “Bugou” to be one of Xunzi's last works.

77. The story appears in Xunzi jijie, “Youzuo” 宥坐, 20.526-28. Doubts about the authenticity of this chapter go back to Yang Liang, who attributed it to Xunzi's disciples; see his commentary at Xunzi jijie, 20.520. (See also Xincheng, Zhang, Weishu tongkao, vol. 2, 738 Google Scholar.) Knoblock, , Xunzi, vol. 3, 237—38Google Scholar, presents the attractive argument that “Youzuo” is part of a corpus of traditional materials which Xunzi selected as a “proper curriculum” for Confucians. The implication in “Youzuo” that Heaven can be fickle, and that an individual's talent and virtue do not by themselves guarantee success, is hard to reconcile with Xunzi's philosophy as it is presented in the more reliable chapters of the book.

78. Makeham, John, “Between Chen and Cai: Zhuangzi and the Analects ,” in Wandering at Ease in the Zhuangzi, ed. Ames, Roger T. (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1998) 79–81 Google Scholar. See also Takashi, Watanabe 渡邊卓, Kodai Chūgoku shisō no kenkyū 古代中國思想מ硏究 (Tokyo: Söbunsha, 1973), 107–59Google Scholar.

79. Lunyu jishi, 31.1050. Compare the translation in Lau, D.C., Confucius: The Analects (New York: Penguin, 1979), 132 Google Scholar.

80. “Qiongda yi shi,” strip 11; Guodian Chumu zhujian, 145.

81. Xunzi jijie, “Youzuo,” 20.527.

82. “Qiongda yi shi,” strips 1-2; Guodian Chumu zhujian, 145.

83. Xunzi jijie, “Youzuo,” 20.527. Compare the translation in Knoblock, , Xunzi, vol. 3, 249 Google Scholar.

84. For a different account of the relationship between “Youzuo” and “Qiongda yi shi,” see Mingchun, Liao, “Jingmen Guodian Chujian yu xian-Qin Ruxue,” 43–45 Google Scholar; and Liao, , “Guodian Chujian Rujia zhuzuo kao,” 72 Google Scholar. As the editors of Guodian Chumu zhujian, 145, point out, other close parallels to “Qiongda yi shi” appear in Han-Shi waizhuan 韓詩外傳 and in the “Zayan” 雜言 chapter of the Shuoyuan 說苑. See Shouyuan, Qu 屈守元, Han-Shi waizhuan jianshu 塞疏 (Chengdu: Ba-Shu, 1996), 7.599–601 Google Scholar; and Shuoyuan ( Han-Weicongshu 漢魏叢書 ed. [1592; repr., Changchun: Jilin daxue, 1992]), 17.449a-bGoogle Scholar. The lines of transmission among these texts are blurry; many of the historical examples in “Qiongda yi shi” do not appear in Xunzi's account but are included in the Han-Shi waizhuan and Shuoyuan, despite the fact that the latter two are probably later than Xunzi. Presumably all four texts were making use of a common set of sources or fund of commonplaces.

85. Guodian Chumu zhujian, 164n.16.

86. “Zhongxin zhi dao,” strips 6-7; Guodian Chumu zhujian, 163.

87. Xunzi jijie, “Wangba” 王霸, 7.228. Compare the translation in Knoblock, , Xunzi, vol. 2, 169 Google Scholar.

88. Li Zehou, “Chudu Guodian zhujian,” 421, suggests another possible parallel in “Qiongda yi shi,” strip 1; Guodian Chumu zhujian, 145: “There is Heaven and there is man; there is a division between Heaven and man” (有天有人，天人有分). This is reminiscent of Xunzi's concept of the distinction between Heaven and man. See, for example, his reference in Xunzi jijie, “Tianlun” 天論, 11.308, to “those who are enlightened with respect to the division between Heaven and man” (明於天人之分). Similarly, Wang Bo, “Guanyu ‘Tang Yu zhi dao’ de jige wenti” 關於唐虞之道的幾個問題, Zhongguo zhexue shi 1999.2, 32, argues that the discussion of abdication in Xunzi jijie, “Zhenglun” 正論, 12.331-36, may have been written in response to views like those expressed in “Tang Yu zhi dao.”

89. For a survey of Xunzi's insights into linguistics, see Wang, William S-Y., “Language in China: A Chapter in the History of Linguistics,” Journal of Chinese Linguistics 17.2 (1989), 183–222 Google Scholar.

90. Xunzi jijie, “Bugou,” 2.38. The example of “eggs have hair” is cited also in the “Tianxia” 天卡 chapter of the Zhuangzi 莊子； see Qingfan, Guo 郭慶藩 (1844–1896), Zhuangzi jishi 莊子集釋 ed. Xiaoyu, Wang 王孝魚 (Xinbian Zhuzi jicheng ed.; Beijing: Zhonghua, 1961), 10B.1105 Google Scholar.

91. See Goldin, , Rituals of the Way, 83–95 Google Scholar.

92. Xunzi jijie, “Tianlun,” 11.313-14. Compare the discussion in Goldin, , Rituals of the Way, 47–49 Google Scholar.

93. Following the commentary of Hao Yixing.

94. Following the commentary of Lu Wenchao 盧文弨 (1717-1796).

95. Following the commentary of Wang Niansun 王念孫 (1744–1832).

96. Xunzi jijie, “Yibing,” 10.283-84. Compare the translation in Knoblock, , Xunzi, vol. 2, 230 Google Scholar.

97. For further discussion of Xunzi's view of warfare, see Goldin, , Rituals of the Way, 66–67 Google Scholar; and Junru, Xu 許鈞儒, Xunzi zhexue 荀子哲學 (Taipei: Daxue wenxuan she, 1971), 151 Google Scholar.

98. “Wuxing” is sufficiently vague as to allow for several different interpretations, but I believe that its conception of the five virtues as “formed internally” (形於內； “Wuxing,” strips 1-4; Guodian Chumu zhujian, 149) is incompatible with “Liude,” for example, which affirms that humanity (仁) is internal and morality (義) external. We are probably still correct in taking “Wuxing” as a document closest to the Mencian school of Confucianism. It can be no coincidence, for example, that the five virtues are listed in Mencius 7B.24 (Mengzi zhengyi, 28.991). Nevertheless, it is apparent from the above discussion that Xunzi was aware of the “Wuxing” tradition and referred to it in his works. Lihua, Guo 郭梨華， “Jianbo ‘Wuxing’ de liyue kaoshu 簡帛五行的禮樂考述, in Fubin, Chen, Ben shiji chutu sixiang wenxian, vol. 2, 511–47Google Scholar, suggests that Xunzi intended to criticize the “Wuxing” tradition for its understanding of ritual and music, which were incompatible with his own views.

99. See Wang, Dai 戴望 (1783–1863), Guanzi jiaozheng 管子校正 (Taipei: Shijie, 1990), 10.156 Google Scholar: “Humanity emerges from inside; morality is constructed from outside” (仁從中出，義從外作). Luo Xinhui 羅新慧, “Guodian Chujian yu Rujia de renyi zhi bian” 郭店楚簡與儒家的仁義之辨, Qi-Lu xuekan 齊魯學刊 1999.5, 28, mentions also the passage in Mozi jiaozhu, “Jing xia” 經下, 10B.543, without indicating that this is an intended refutation of the “humanity is internal, morality is external” maxim. Cf. Graham, A.C., Later Mohist Logic, Ethics and Science (London: School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, 1978), 450–51Google Scholar.

100. Graham, , “The Background of the Mencian Theory of Human Nature,” 22 Google Scholar.

101. Cf. Guying, Chen 陳鼓應, ”‘Taiyi sheng shui’ yu ‘Xing zi ming chu’ fawei” 太一生水與性自命出發微, Daojia wenhua yanjiu 17 (1999), 404 Google Scholar; Zehou, Li, “Chudu Guodian zhujian,” 420 Google Scholar; Lai, Chen, “Jingmen zhujian zhi ‘Xing zi ming chu’ pian,” 304 Google Scholar; and Pu, Pang, “Kong-Meng zhi jian: Guodian Chujian zhong de Rujia xinxing shuo” 孔孟之間：郭店楚簡中的儒家心性說, Zhongguo zhexue 20 (1999), 32 Google Scholar. The various extant references to Gaozi are conveniently assembled in Bingnan, Zhang 張秉楠, Jixia gouchen 稷下鉤沉 (Shanghai: Guji, 1991), 76—80 Google Scholar.

102. “Liude,” strips 15-23; Guodian Chumu zhujian, 187-88. Cf. Xinhui, Luo, “Guodian Chujian yu Rujia,” 28–29 Google Scholar. Such lists of virtues appropriate to various social roles were not uncommon in ancient China. See the examples cited in Liao Mingchun, “Jingmen Guodian Chujian yu xian-Qin Ruxue,” 63-65; and Liao, , “Guodian Chujian Rujia zhuzuo kao,” 81 Google Scholar. To Liao's examples one can add the “six forms of compliance” (六順) in the Zuozhuan; see Bojun, Yang 楊伯峻, Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhu 春秋左傳注, 2d ed. (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1990), vol. 1, 32 (Yin 隱 3, 720 B.C.)Google Scholar: “The lord is righteous; the subject carries out [the lord's commands]; the father is kind; the son is filial; the elder brother is loving; the younger brother is respectful〃 (君義，臣行，父慈，子孝， 兄愛，弟敬). See also Mencius 7B.24 (Mengzi zhengyi 28.991): “the relation of humanity to father and son, the relation of righteousness to lord and subject, the relation of ritual to guest and host” (仁之於父子也，義之於君臣也，禮之於賓主也).

103. The text then justifies this schema by describing the various funerary rites observed on the death of different relations. As Qiu Xigui observes (Guodian Chumu zhujian, 198n.16), these ritual prescriptions seem to square with those found in Yili zhushu 儀禮注疏 (Shisan jing zhushu ed.), “Sangfu” 喪服, 30.1103b-5c and 34.1123b.

104. For the sense of sha 殺 as “reduce” rather than “kill,” see Tetsuji, Morohashi 諸橋轍次, Dai Kan-Wajiten 大漢和辭典, rev. ed. (Tokyo: Daishūkan, 1986), vol. 6, 776, no. 16638Google Scholar, 2d register, under the definition そぐ.

105. “Liude,” strips 26-30; Guodian Chumu zhujian, 188.

106. Pu, Pang, “Chudu Guodian Chujian,” 8 Google Scholar, compares the argument in “Liude” with Mencius 7A.35.

107. Lunyu jishi, 27.922-24. Compare the translation in Lau, , Analects, 121 Google Scholar.

108. Mencius 6A.4 (Mengzi zhengyi, 22.743-44). See Goldin, , Rituals of the Way, 35–36 Google Scholar; and Shun, Kwong-loi, Mencius and Early Chinese Thought (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1997), 94–112 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

109. Mencius 6A.3 (Mengzi zhengyi, 22.738-39). Compare the translation in Lau, D.C., Mencius (New York: Penguin, 1970), 160–61Google Scholar.

110. Graham, A.C., Later Mohist Logic, Ethics and Science, 171 Google Scholar, remains the most lucid account of this technique of disputation.

111. Mencius 6A.6 (Mengzi zhengyi, 22.748). Compare the translation in Lau, , Mencius, 162 Google Scholar.

112. “Zun deyi,” strips 22-23; Guodian Chumu zhujian, 174.

113. “Zun deyi,” strips 36-37; Guodian Chumu zhujian, 174. This is apparently a quotation from “Ziyi,” strips 14-15; Guodian Chumu zhujian, 129. See nn. 54-55 above.

114. The attribution is made by Liu Huan 劉辙 (A.D. 433-489), cited in Lu Deming's 陸德明 (556-627) commentary to Liji zhengyi, “Ziyi,” 55.1647b. See also Yuan-min, Cheng, “Liji ‘Zhongyong’,” 34 Google Scholar, As we have seen (n. 8 above), “Ziyi” is also frequently attributed to Zisi rather than to Gongsun Nizi.

115. Hanshu, 30.1725.

116. For the meager information available on Gongsun Nizi, see Yuanmin, Cheng, “‘Liji ‘Zhongyong’” 32–34 Google Scholar; Tingzhuo, Ruan 阮廷焯, “Gongsun Nizi kaoyi” 公孫尼子考佚, in his Xian-Qin zhuzi hoyi ־先秦諸子考佚 (Taipei: Dingwen, 1980), 33–45 Google Scholar; and Forke, Alfred, Geschichte der alten chinesischen Philosophie, (Hamburg: Friederichsen, 1927; repr., Hamburg: Cram, de Gruyter, 1964), 188 Google Scholar. According to Hanshu, 30.1725, he was a disciple of one of Confucius's seventy disciples; this would place him in the mid-fifth century However, B.C., Yuanmin, Cheng, “Liji ‘Zhongyong’” 32–33 Google Scholar, suggests that this notice is incorrect and that Gongsun Nizi was in actuality a disciple of Confucius himself. (Some scholars suspect that the name Gongsun Long 公孫龍, which appears in the list of Confucius's disciples in Shiji 史記[Beijing: Zhonghua, 1959], 67.2219, is an error for Gongsun Ni.) Finally, S. Couvreur, Li Ki ou Mémoires sur les bienséances et les cérémonies, 2d ed. (Ho Kien Fou: Mission Catholique, 1913), vol. 2, 514, says that Gongsun Nizi “vivait, dit-on, deux ou trois siècles avant notre ère.” Unfortunately, Couvreur does not specify the source of his information, and I have not been able to find any documents that corroborate it.

117. See Zhang Shoujie 張守節 (fl. A.D. 737), in his commentary to Ship, 24.1234n. 11. See also Cook, Scott, “ Yue ji 樂言己—Record of Music: Introduction, Translation, Notes, and Commentary,” Asian Music 26.2 (1995), 3–7 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, on Gongsun Nizi and his possible connection to the “Yueji.” The extant “Yueji” is heavily indebted to Xunzi, and Gongsun Nizi (whatever his exact dates) must have lived long before Xunzi. However, some scholars consider it more likely that Xunzi actually borrowed from “Yueji,” rather than vice versa (Edward L. Shaughnessy, private communication).

118. See Xueqin, Li, “Arrangement of Bamboo Slips in Cheng Zhi Wen Zhi and Xing Zi Ming Chu ,” in Williams, Allan and, The Guodian Laozi, 240 Google Scholar. The issue is considered in Ding Sixin 丁四新, “‘Xing zi ming chu’ yu Gongsun Nizi de guanxi” 性自命出與公孫尼子的關係， Wuhan daxue xuebao (Zheshe ban) 武漢大學學報 (哲社版） 1999.5, which I have been unable to find.

119. Lunheng jiaoshi, “Benxing” 本性, 3.132-33 and 141-42.

120. See Ning, Chen, “Guodian Chumu zhujian zhong de Rujia,” 44 Google Scholar; and Lai, Chen, “Jingmen zhujian zhi ‘Xing zi ming chu’,” 309 Google Scholar. Chen, , “Jingmen zhujian zhi ‘Xing zi ming chu’” 305 Google Scholar, also speculates briefly on the possible influence of “Xing zi ming chu” on Xunzi. For a contrary view, see Liao Mingchun, “Jingmen Guodian Chujian yu xian-Qin Ruxue,” 60-62; and Liao, , “Guodian Chujian Rujia zhuzuo kao,” 78–79 Google Scholar.

121. The evidence of the Guodian manuscripts should also put to rest the long-standing debate over whether Gaozi was a Confucian, a Mohist, or a “Daoist.” For the particulars of this controversy, see Shun, Mencius and Early Chinese Thought, 119-26; and Nivison, David S., “Philosophical Voluntarism in Fourth-Century China,” in his The Ways of Confucianism: Investigations in Chinese Philosophy, ed. Norden, Bryan W. Van (Chicago and La Salle: Open Court, 1996), 130–32Google Scholar. It is well known that a figure named Gaozi appears in Mozi jiaozhu, “Gongmeng” 公孟, 12.708-9. It is impos-sible to know whether this is the same Gaozi, but I suspect that it is—in part because this Gaozi also emphasizes the virtues ren and yi. This would imply that Gaozi was Mozi's junior and Mencius's senior (and was born not long before ca. 410 B.C.). See the commentary of Cao Yaoxiang 曹耀湘 (fl. 1906), Mozi jiaozhu, 12.730n.155. See also Mu, Qian 錢穆, Xian-Qin zhuzi xinian 先秦諸子紫年， 2d ed. (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1956; repr., Taipei: Dongda, 1990), § 62 Google Scholar; and Mei, Yi-pao, The Ethical and Politicai Works of Mo tse (London; Probsthain, 1929), 241n.1Google Scholar.

122. See Ning, Chen, “Guodian Chumu zhujian zhong de Rujia,” 44–46 Google Scholar, with which this précis is largely in agreement.

123. As recently as 1997, when “Wuxing” was known only from Mawangdui, it was possible for Riegel, , “Eros, Introversion, and the Beginnings of Shi jing Commentary,” 145n.5Google Scholar, to suppose that “the Wu-hsing p'ien version of early Confucian Innerlichkeit clearly owes a conceptual debt to Xunzi.” Now it is obvious that the debt is the other way around. This is just one example of the many respects in which our under-standing of early Confucianism will have to be revised in the light of the Guodian manuscripts.