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Shared Imagery: Eastern Zhou Decors and Iconographies*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  26 March 2015

Sophia-Karin Psarras
Sophia-Karin Psarras*
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729-C Waverly Street Palo Alto, CA 94301
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In the pre-imperial period of China, lack of written records removes even the limited clarity attainable in the analysis of Qin-Han political structures and diplomatic relations. How do we identify “China” and “Chinese”? We have only a vague understanding, based mostly on our understanding of relatively late philosophical works, of how China defined itself, let alone of its relations with other polities or among its own components. Extrapolating backward from Eastern Zhou, we assume a central, ethnically Chinese authority directly controlling a small geographic area.

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Articles
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Early China , Volume 23 , 1998 , pp. 1 - 88
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Copyright © Society for the Study of Early China 1998

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Footnotes

*

Parts of this article appear in Psarras, Han Material Culture (forthcoming), for which I received funding from the National Endowment for the Humanities (Summer Stipend), gratefully acknowledged. My thanks are also due to Donald Harper, Nancy Price, and Lothar von Falkenhausen in particular for their valuable editorial aid.

Chronological divisions for early China are of necessity based on those employed in Chinese archaeological publications. As a convenience to the reader, Appendix 3 provides a list of chronological designations used in this article accompanied by Western years (which must be treated as arbitrary in many respects). The Late Springs and Autumns and Warring States archaeological sites that provide the essential data for this article are identified in Appendix 4, which includes a location map. In romanizing the name of the state of Wey , this transcription serves to distinguish Wey from Wei , which was one of the three successors of the state of Jin (Wei, Zhao , and Han ) following its partition in 403 B.C.

References

1. Note that the term “type” in this article refers to classes of objects (i.e., hu jars, guan pots, etc.), while “form” refers to the specific shape of vessel; adjectival use of “formal” follows the first definition of the word, “pertaining to form/shape.”

2. The disappearance of the jia and jue at the end of the Shang is a conspicuous example.

3. See also the debate on the relationship of the Liangzhu culture to the Shang: e.g., Zhixin, Sun, “The Liangzhu Culture: Its Discovery and Its Jades,” Early China 18 (1993), 1–40 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

4. Xueqin, Li , Eastern Zhou and Qin Civilizations, trans. Chang, K. C. (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1985), 105, 107Google Scholar.

5. wenwu yanjiusuo, Hebeisheng, “Hebei Pingshan Sanji gucheng diaocha yu muzang fajue”, , Kaoguxue jikan 5 (1987), 157–93Google Scholar.

6. These are the main authors of Anon., , Zhongshan: Tombes des rois oubliés (Paris: Association Française d'Action Artistique, 1984)Google Scholar.

7. As demonstrated by the following excavation reports: Liiliang diqu wenwu gongzuoshi, Shanxi and Shaoshun, Vang , “Shanxi Shilou Chujiayu Caojiayuan faxian Shangdai tongqi” , Wenwu 1981.8, 51 Google Scholar, Fig. 13; Shaoshun, Vang, “Shanxi Liulinxian Gaohong faxian Shangdai tongqi” , Kaogu 1981.3 Google Scholar, Pl. 5:1; wenhua wenwu gongzuodui, Hebeisheng, “Hebei Qinglongxian Chaodaogou faxian yipi qingtongqi” , Kaogu 1962.12 Google Scholar, Pl. 5:3, cross-datable through pommel forms found on knives from the Fu Hao (Anyang, He'nan) tomb M5:690 ( shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo, Zhongguo, Yinxu Fu Hao mu [Beijing: Wenwu, 1980]Google Scholar, Pl. 66:1). Note that “M” followed by a number is used in both Chinese and Russian archaeological reports to identify tombs by excavation number; inventory numbers assigned to excavated objects are given as a subset of this (e.g., M5:690).

8. wenwu jinghua bianji weiyuanhui, Zhongguo, ed., Zhongguo wenwu jinghua 1993 1993 (Beijing: Wenwu, 1993)Google Scholar, Pl. 99.

9. Hebeisheng wenwu yanjiusuo, “Hebei Pingshan Sanji,” 181, Fig. 33:2–3; 177, Fig. 27:9.

10. For discussion of Chu culture, see especially, Xueqin, Li, “Chu Bronzes and Chu Culture,” in New Perspectives on Chu Culture in the Eastern Zhou Period, ed. Lawton, Thomas (Washington, D.C.: Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Smithsonian Institution, 1991), 1–10 Google Scholar; Lothar von Falkenhausen, “Chu Ritual Music,” in New Perspectives on Chu Culture, 52; and Colin Mackenzie, “Chu Bronze Work: A Unilinear Tradition, or a Synthesis of Diverse Sources?,” in New Perspectives on Chu Culture, 108–9. Other recent studies on aspects of Chu material culture include Ling, Li, “On the Typology of Chu Bronzes,” trans. von Falkenhausen, Lothar, Beiträge zur Allgemeinen und Vergleichenden Archäologie 11 (1991), 57–113 Google Scholar, Pls. 1–11; and Thote, Alain, “Aspects of the Serpent on Eastern Zhou Bronzes and Lacquerware,” in The Problem of Meaning in Early Chinese Ritual Bronzes, ed. Whitfield, Roderick (London: Percival David Foundation of Chinese Art, School of Oriental and African Studies, 1993), 150–60Google Scholar. I have been unable as of yet to obtain studies by Hayashi Minao on bronze decors, referred to in the summaries of Japanese scholarship for 1994, Early China 21 (1996), 226 Google Scholar.

11. In contrast, Chang, Kwang-chih, The Archaeology of Ancient China, 4th ed. (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1986), 370 Google Scholar, Fig. 309, and 400–402, hypothesizes the existence of a “Proto-Chu” contemporaneous with the Shang, suggesting differentiation of object forms and decors as well as cultural practices in the period before the political establishment of the state of Chu. Such a theory implies that the enfeoffment of a lord of Chu merely formalized political recognition of a culturally distinct region. To be demonstrated archaeologically, a body of objects distinct from those of the Shang and the Zhou would need to be identified at least in the region of present-day Hunan. No such corpus may now be identified.

12. This question arose as I attempted to trace the origins of pre-imperial Chinese vessels buried as heirlooms in Han tombs and the influence of such vessels visible on Han productions. In several cases, no place of production for the pre-imperial examples or prototypes could be ascertained even in broad regional terms. Likewise, when evaluating vessels imported from China and found in a non-Chinese context, the impossibility of determining the general region where the Chinese vessel was produced precludes a more detailed understanding of sino-foreign exchange.

13. Other examples of these northern Chinese hu demonstrating the geographic and chronological distribution of each form include, for Fig. 1:1: Wansongmiao (qian-cun) ) (Houma , Shanxi), Late Springs and Autumns Jin, Houma gongzuozhan, Shanxisheng wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, “Shanxi Houma Shangmacun Dong Zhou muzang” Kaogu 1963.5 Google Scholar, Pl. 10:3 (bronze); Niujiapo (Changzhi , Shanxi), Late Springs and Autumns Jin, Hong, Li , Zhongguo qingtongqi quanji (Zhongguo meishu fenlei quanji [Beijing: Wenwu, 1995])Google Scholar, vol. 8.2 (Dong Zhou ), Pl. 75 (bronze); Guwei (Huixian , Henan), Early Warring States Wey, Li Hong, Zhongguo qingtongqi quanji, vol. 8.2, Pl. 186 (bronze); Jincun (Luoyang , Henan), Middle-Late Warring States Zhou, Xueqin, Li, Qingtongqi , 2nd ed. (Zhongguo meishu quanji: gongyi meishu bian 5 5 [Beijing: Wenwu, 1992])Google Scholar, xia , Pl. 119 (bronze with silver and gold plating, inlaid glass); Sanji (Pingshan, Hebei) Ml, tomb of King Cuo of Zhongshan (d. 309 b.c.), Anon., Zhongshan: Tombes des rois oubliés, cat. no. 4 (bronze); Fenshuiling (Changzhi, Shanxi), Late Warring States Wei, wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, Shanxisheng and kaogu yanjiusuo, Shanxisheng, “Shanxi Changzhi Fenshuiling Zhanguo mu dierci fajue” , Kaogu 1964.3 Google Scholar, Pl. 1:13 (M41:l, ceramic), Pl. 2:3 (M336:4, bronze).

For Fig. 1:2: Jiagezhuang (Tangshan , Hebei) M5, Late Springs and Autumns Yan, Zhimin, An , “Hebeisheng Tangshanshi Jiagezhuang fajue bao-gao” , Kaogu xuebao 1953.1–2 Google Scholar, Pl. 10 (copper–inlaid bronze); Zangjiazhuang (Zhucheng , Shandong), Early Warring States Lu, Zhuchengxian bowuguan, Shandong, “Shandong Zhucheng Zangjiazhuang yu Gebukoucun Zhanguomu” , Wenwu 1987.12, 53 Google Scholar, Fig. 12:3 (bronze); Jiagezhuang (Tangshan, Hebei) M23:14, Middle-Late Warring States Van, An Zhimin, “Hebeisheng Tangshanshi Jiagezhuang,” Pl. 4:1 (ceramic).

For Fig. 1:3: Shanbiaozhen (Huixian , Henan) M1:25, Late Springs and Autumns Wey, Baojun, Guo , Shanbiaozhen yu Liulige (Beijing: Kexue, 1959), 15 Google Scholar, Fig. 7, and Pl. 14 (bronze); Zhiyu (Yuanping , Shanxi), Late Springs and Autumns Jin, Zhang Xishun , Shanxi wenwuguan can zhenpin: qing-tongqi (Taiyuan: Shanxi renmin, n.d.) Pl. 148 (bronze).

For Fig. 1:4: Shanbiaozhen (Huixian, Henan) M1:36, Late Springs and Autumns Wey, Guo Baojun, Shanbiaozhen, Pls. 15–16 (bronze).

For further examples of Fig. 2, see Liulige (Huixian, Henan), Early Warring States Wey, Li Hong, Zhongguo qingtongqi quanji, vol. 8.2, Pl. 184 (bronze); Zhongzhoulu (Luoyang, Henan) M2717:103, Early Warring States Zhou, kexueyuan, Zhongguo, Luoyang Zhongzhoulu (Beijing: Kexue, 1959)Google Scholar, Pl. 64:2 (bronze); Zhongzhoulu (Luoyang, Henan) C1M3750:3, Middle Warring States Zhou, wenwu gongzuodui, Luoyangshi, “Luoyangshi Zhongzhoulu Dong Zhou mu” , Wenwu 1995.8, 11 Google Scholar, Fig. 9 (bronze); Jiagezhuang (Tangshan, Hebei) M34:l, Middle-Late Warring States Yan, An Zhimin, “Hebeisheng Tangshanshi Jiagezhuang,” Pl. 14:2 (ceramic).

Not shown is the northern gourd-shaped hu, examples of which include Huixian (Henan) tomb A, Late Springs and Autumns Wey, Guo Baojun, Shanbiaozhen, Pl. 116:1 (bronze); Shanbiaozhen (Huixian, Henan) M1:26, Late Springs and Autumns Wey, Guo Baojun, Shanbiaozhen, Pl. 13:3 (bronze); Jinsheng (Taiyuan, Shanxi), Late Springs and Autumns Jin, Li Hong, Zhongguo qingtongqi quanji, vol. 8.2, Pls. 81–83 (bronze); Suide (Shaanxi), Late Springs and Autumns Jin, Li Hong, Zhongguo qingtongqi quanji, vol. 8.2, Pl. 84 (bronze).

14. For northern ding as in Fig. 1:5 see: Jinsheng (Taiyuan, Shanxi) M251, Late Springs and Autumns Jin, Zhang Xishun, Shanxi wenwuguan cang zhenpin, Pl. 113 (bronze); Zhongzhoulu (Luoyang, Henan) M2717:123, Early Warring States Zhou, Zhongguo kexueyuan, Luoyang Zhongzhoulu, Pl. 63:5 (bronze); Baijia (Handan , Hebei) M3:73, Middle Warring States Zhao, wenhuaju wenhua gongzuodui, Hebeisheng, “Hebei Handan Baijiacun” , Kaogu 1962.12 Google Scholar, Pl. 4:5 (bronze); West Palace (Luoyang, Henan), Middle-Late Warring States Zhou, Li Xueqin, Qingtongqi, xia, Pl. 175 (bronze).

For Fig. 1:6: Shangma (Houma, Shanxi) M4094:27, Late Middle Springs and Autumns Jin, kaogu yanjiusuo, Shanxisheng, Shangma mudi (Beijing: Wenwu, 1994), 32 Google Scholar, Fig. 19:3 (bronze); Jiagezhuang (Tangshan, Hebei) M28:42, Late Springs and Autumns Yan, An Zhimin, “Hebeisheng Tangshanshi Jiagezhuang,” Pl. 13 (bronze); Huixian (Henan) tomb A, Late Springs and Autumns Wey, Guo Baojun, Shanbiaozhen, Pl. 115:3 (bronze).

For Fig. 1:7: Zhongzhoulu (Luoyang, Henan) M2729:35, Middle Springs and Autumns Zhou, Zhongguo kexueyuan, Luoyang Zhongzhoulu, Pl. 58:1 (bronze).

For Fig. 1:8: Jiagezhuang (Tangshan, Hebei) M18:7, Late Springs and Autumns Yan, An Zhimin, “Hebeisheng Tangshanshi Jiagezhuang,” Pl. 12 (bronze); Shangma (Houma, Shanxi) M2008:14, Late Springs and Autumns Jin, Shanxisheng kaogu yanjiusuo, Shangma mudi, 41, Fig. 28 (bronze); Shangma (Houma, Shanxi) M5218:13, Late Springs and Autumns–Early Warring States Jin, Shanxisheng kaogu yanjiusuo, Shangma mudi, 45, Fig. 52:3 (bronze).

For Fig. 1:9: Shanbiaozhen (Huixian, Henan) M1:183, Late Springs and Autumns Wey, Guo Baojun, Shanbiaozhen, 11, Fig. 6 (bronze).

Not shown is a northern ding form found, for instance, at Jiagezhuang (Tangshan, Hebei) M28:41, Late Springs and Autumns Yan, An Zhimin, “Hebeisheng Tangshanshi Jiagezhuang,” Pl. 14 (bronze); Xinzhou (Shanxi) find, Middle Springs and Autumns Jin, Li Hong, Zhongguo qingtongqi quanji, vol. 8.2, Pl. 10 (bronze); Liyu (Hunyuan , Shanxi), Late Springs and Autumns Jin, Li Hong, Zhongguo qingtongqi quanji, vol. 8.2, Pl. 15 (bronze).

15. Contrary to Li Xueqin, Eastern Zhou and Qin Civilizations, 59.

16. Yiyang diqu wenwu gongzuodui, Hunansheng, “Yiyang Chumu” , Kaogu xuebao 1985.1, 98 Google Scholar, Fig. 19:8.

17. bowuguan, Hubeisheng and shifan xueyuan lishixi, Huazhong, “Hubei Jiangling Taihuiguan 50-hao Chumu” , Kaogu 1977.1, 60 Google Scholar, Fig. 6:2.

18. Other examples of northern hu serving as a source of influence include hu from the tomb of King Cuo of Zhongshan (d. 309 b.c.) for which see Anon., Zhongshan: Tombes des rois oubliés, cat. no. 80. Also the hu from Zhongzhoulu (Luoyang, Henan) M1702:5; see Zhongguo kexueyuan, Luoyang Zhongzhoulu, Pl. 76:4.

19. For the occurrence of these forms (with short legs) in Zeng, see bowuguan, Hubeisheng, Zeng hou Yi mu (Beijing: Wenwu, 1989)Google Scholar, vol. 2, Pl. 50:1 (C96), 2 (C97); Pl. 51:1 (C88). For their occurrence in Cai, see guanli weiyuanhui, Anhuisheng and bowuguan, Anhuisheng, Shouxian Cai hou mu chutu yiwu (Beijing: Kexue, 1956)Google Scholar, Pl. 3; Pl. 5:1; Pl. 4, respectively.

20. bowuguan, Shandongsheng et al., “Ju'nan Dadian Chunqiu shiqi Juguo xunren mu” , Kaogu xuebao 1978.3, 317–36Google Scholar, Pl. 1–8.

21. Shandongsheng bowuguan, “Ju'nan Dadian,” Pl.3:5; Hebeisheng wenwu yanjiusuo, “Hebei Pingshan Sanji,” 177, Fig. 27:8.

22. Including the animal decor on bronze fragments from Huaiyin in bowuguan, Huaiyinshi, “Huaiyin Gaozhuang Zhanguo mu” , Kaogu xuebao 1988.2, 198 Google Scholar, Fig. 11; 202, Fig. 15; 204, Fig. 17, etc.; and including abstract zoomorphic decors used on bronzes in Cai, as in Anhuisheng wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, Shouxian Cai hou mu, Pls. 48–69; Pl. 77. Weber, George W. Jr., The Ornaments of Late Chou Bronzes: A Method of Analysis (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1973), 441–89Google Scholar, analyzes the Marquis Shen of Cai objects and concludes that they are “proto-Liyu” in style—in other words, northern. This attribution is due not to Weber's lack of expertise or data, but to the nature of these decorative patterns themselves, as discussed below.

23. wenwu yanjiusuo, Henansheng et al., Xichuan Xiasi Chunqiu Chumu (Beijing: Wenwu, 1991), 53 Google Scholar, Fig. 43:1.

24. Shanxisheng kaogu yanjiusuo, Shangma mudi, 40, Fig. 27; 42, Fig. 29.

25. kaogu yanjiusuo, Shanxisheng, “Shanxi Hunyunxian Liyucun Dong Zhou mu” , Kaogu 1983.8 Google Scholar, Pl. 5:2; Henansheng wenwu yanjiusuo, Xichuan Xiasi, 29, Fig. 21.

26. For the persistence of the form, see Yichang diqu bowuguan, Hubeisheng and daxue kaoguxi, Beijing, Dangyang Zhaojiahu Chumu (Beijing: Wenwu, 1992), 193 Google Scholar, Fig. 154:7 (Jinjiashan , Zhaojiahu, Dangyang, Hubei).

27. For Chu, see Hubeisheng Yichang diqu bowuguan, Dangyang Zhaojiahu, 210, Fig. 167A (Zhaojiabang SHM8.1, Jinjiashan JM9:22); 212, Fig. 168A (Caojiagang CM2:3; Jinjiashan JM2:8). For Jin, see Shanxisheng kaogu yanjiusuo, Shangma mudi, 137, Fig. 99:1 (M1014:3).

28. For Taipu, see So, Jenny F., Eastern Zhou Ritual Bronzes from the Arthur M. Sackler Collections (Ancient Chinese Bronzes from the Arthur M. Sackler Collections, vol. 3 [Washington, D.C.: Arthur M. Sackler Foundation, 1995]), 12 Google Scholar, Fig. 1; for Huixian, see Li Hong, Zhongguo qingtongqi quanji, Pl. 182. Fou are vessels for alcohol.

29. Shang antecedents include Li Xueqin, Qingtongqi, shang , Pl. 60 (Western Sector, Yinxu site, Anyang, Henan).

30. Xinyang diqu wenguanui, Henan and wenguanhui, Guangshanxian, “Chunqiu zaoqi Huangjun Meng fufu mu fajue baogao” , Kaogu 1984.4, 309 Google Scholar, Fig. 9:4–5; 318, Fig. 19:2.

31. Henan Xinyang diqu wenguanhui, “Chunqiu zaoqi Huangjun Meng,” 318, Fig. 19:9.

32. Northern examples include: Shanxisheng kaogu yanjiusuo, Shangma mudi, 60, Fig. 46:1 (M1004:ll); and Li Xueqin, Qingtongqi, xia, Pl. 60 (Fenshuiling , Changzhi, Shanxi). Southern examples include: Henansheng wenwu yanjiusuo, Xichuan Xiasi, 130, Fig. 106 (M2:51), Pl. 81:3 (M3:5), Pl. 95:1 (M10:39), etc.; and Li Xueqin, Qingtongqi, xia, Pl. 32 (Anletuo Yicheng , Hubei; the fou of Marquis Zhu of Cai).

33. Henan Xinyang diqu wenguanhui, “Chunqiu zaoqi Huangjun Meng,” 318, Fig. 19:9.

34. Several examples are documented by So, Eastern Zhou Bronzes, 16, Fig. 6 (Xiao-wangzhuang , Feicheng , Shandong; ca. eighth century b.c. bronze fanghu); 22, Fig. 16a (Tsui Museum of Art, Hong Kong, acc. no. BW8; late sixth century b.c. bronze fanghu); 23, Fig. 17 (Lijialou , Xinzheng , Henan; early sixth century b.c. bronze fanghu); 25, Fig. 19 (Lijialou, Xinzheng, Henan; early sixth century b.c. bronze fanghu); 29, Fig. 26 (Da wang, Xingtai Hebei; late sixth–early fifth century b.c. bronze fanghu); 29, Fig. 27 (Xiadu , Yixian , Hebei; late sixth b.c. ceramic fanghu with fairly rounded belly); etc.

35. For examples of Western Zhou fanghu serving as prototype, see kaogu yanjiusuo, Shaanxisheng et al., Shaanxi chutu Shang Zhou qingtongqi , (Beijing: Wenwu, 1980), vol. 2 Google Scholar, Pl. 132 (Late-Middle Western Zhou, bronze).

36. For Shaanxi, see Li Xueqin, Qingtongqi, shang, Pl. 217 (Zhuangbai , Fufeng , Shaanxi; Middle Western Zhou); for Hubei, see bowuguan, Hubeisheng, “Hubei Zaoyangxian faxian Zengguo muzang” , Kaogu 1975.4 Google Scholar, Pl. 1:4 (Zaoyang , Hubei; state of Zeng; dated to the Late Western Zhou–Early Springs and Autumns). For a fanghu of the same decorative style and the same date also attributed to Zeng, see Rawson, Jessica, Western Zhou Ritual Bronzes from the Arthur M. Sackler Collections (Ancient Chinese Bronzes from the Arthur M. Sackler Collection, vol. 2 [Washington, D.C.: Arthur M. Sackler Foundation, 1990]), vol. 2A, 124 Google Scholar, Fig. 179 (Jingshan , Hubei).

37. Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan, Yinxu Fu Hao mu, Pl. 28:1–2.

38. For example, Henansheng wenwu yanjiusuo, Xichuan Xiasi, Pl. 51 (M2:65).

39. For example, Li Hong, Zhongguo qingtongqi quanji, vol. 8.2, Pls. 144–145 (Luhe , Lucheng , Shanxi). Note also that the use of high relief animal forms on the top of vessel lids, a practice associated with the north, likewise occurs in the south. For the north, see the Zhongzhoulu (Luoyang, Henan) M2717:102 ding lid with ox couchant, in Zhongguo kexueyuan, Luoyang Zhongzhoulu, 91, Fig. 60:1; for the south, see the ding C101 from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng (Leigudun , Suixian , Hubei) with standing oxen, in Hubeisheng bowuguan, Zeng hou Yi mu, vol. 2, Pl. 52.

40. Li Xueqin, Qingtongqi, shang, Pl. 5 (Xiaowangzhuang, Feicheng, Shandong).

41. Hubeisheng bowuguan, Zeng hou Yi mu, vol. 1, 228, Fig. 127.

42. Karlgren, Berhard, “Ordos and the Huai,” Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities 9 (1937), 97–112 Google Scholar; Weber, The Ornaments of Late Chou Bronzes; Bagley, Robert, “Introduction,” in Institute of Archaeology of Shanxi Province, Art of the Houma Foundry (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), 69–85 Google Scholar. Note that Institute of Archaeology of Shanxi Province, Art of the Houma Foundry, 53–55, acknowledges the influence of the western steppe and, ultimately, the early Near East on Jin art, particularly on the Jin bird. This example will not be further pursued in the present article.

43. For Shangma, see Weber, The Ornaments of Late Chou Bronzes, 549–50, cat. 3 (122, 126, 128, 131). For the frequently-reproduced Lijialou fanghu, see So, Eastern Zhou Bronzes, 25, Fig. 19; and Anon., , Zhongguo gu qingtongqi xuan (Beijing: Wenwu, 1973)Google Scholar, Pl. 56.

44. Note that comparison of the decor on a bronze dou from the Zhongshan tomb Sanji (Pingshan, Hebei) M8101:2 to that of the lacquered clothes box E61 from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng (Leigudun, Suixian, Hubei) is implicitly made by Baiming, Tan , “Zeng hou Yi mu yishe yongqi chutan” , Wenwu 1993.6, 83–88 Google Scholar. For Sanji M8101:2, see Hebeisheng wenwu yanjiusuo, “Hebei Pingshan Sanji,” 178, Fig. 29; for the clothes box E61 from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng, see Hubeisheng bowuguan, Zeng hou Yi mu, vol. 1, 357, Fig. 217, upper left. For both, see Fig. 13 of the present article.

45. Guo Baojun, Shanbiaozhen, Pl. 22:1. Cf. Li Xueqin, Qingtongqi, xia, Pl. 40 (Late Springs and Autumns zun, Jinyancheng , Jiangsu), Pl. 43 (Late Springs and Autumns jian, Niuxingshan , Xiangxiang , Hunan).

46. Henansheng wenwu yanjiusuo, Xichuan Xiasi, Pls. 50–51.

47. Hubeisheng bowuguan, Zeng hou Yi mu, vol. 2, Pls. 69–74.

48. Henansheng wenwu yanjiusuo, Xichuan Xiasi, Pl. 52:1.

49. Changzhishi bowuguan, Shanxisheng and Jin dongnan gongzuozu, Shanxisheng wenwu gongzuo weiyuanhui, “Changzhi Fenshuiling 269, 270–hao Dong Zhou mu” 269, 270 , Kaogu xuebao 1974.2, 67 Google Scholar, Fig. 4:5 (Fenshuiling M269:33); 78, Fig. 15 (in less ornate form, Fenshuiling M270:16). See also, Li Xueqin, Qingtongqi, xia, Pl. 68 (Liulige, Huixian, Henan; state of Wey).

50. Anon., Zhongguo gu qingtongqi xuan, Pl. 54 (no provenance, in the collection of the Palace Museum, Beijing). The reason for the anonymous author's Qi attribution is not clear.

51. For instance, see the rear foot of the bird-shaped zun from Jinsheng (Taiyuan , Shanxi), Late Springs and Autumns, in Li Hong, Zhongguo qingtongqi quanji, vol. 8.2, Pls. 52–53.

52. Li Hong, Zhongguo qingtongqi quanji, vol. 8.2, Pls. 38,64,74,81–83 (all Late Springs and Autumns, Liyu, Hunyuan, Shanxi); Pl. 138 (Early Warring States, Fenshuiling, Changzhi, Shanxi).

53. Li Hong, Zhongguo qingtongqi quanji, vol. 8.2, Pis. 71–72.

54. Shanxisheng wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, “Shanxi Houma Shangmacun,” Fig. 12; Pl. 3:5.

55. Liancheng, Lu and Zhisheng, Hu , Baoji Yuguo mudi (Beijing: Wenwu, 1988), vol. 2 Google Scholar, Color Pl. 14:1 (Zhuyuangou BZM19:59); Pl. 119:4 (Zhuyuangou BZM14:22); Pl. 168:1 (Rujiazhuang BRMlb:68). The same adaptations appear in the Yan cemetery of Liulihe (Beijing), in wenwu yanjiusuo, Beijingshi, Liulihe Xi Zhou Yanguo mudi 1973–1977 1973–1977 (Beijing: Wenwu, 1995), 201 Google Scholar, Fig. 117:3–4 (M52:28); 202, Fig. 118:3–4 (M53:34).

56. For example, referring to Figs. 26 and 28 of this article, Western Zhou comparisons include: Fig. 26:2, Late Western Zhou yi (pourer) from Shaochen (Fufeng , Shaanxi) for the vessel form and specific handle form and decor. For vessel form, see Rawson, Western Zhou Ritual Bronzes, vol. 2A, 101, Fig. 143b; for decor, see Rawson, Western Zhou Ritual Bronzes, vol. 2A, 113, Fig. 160 (the Late Western Zhou Da Ke ding, Shanghai Museum); 122, Fig. 175 (Late Western Zhou gui, Lintong , Shaanxi). For Fig. 26:3, compare the Late Western Zhou gui, Avery Brundage Collection, Asian Art Museum of San Francisco, acc. no. B60 B1056, in Rawson, Western Zhou Ritual Bronzes, vol. 2A, 103, Fig. 145. For Fig. 28:1, compare the Late-Middle Western Zhou Shi Qiang pan, Zhuangbai , Fufeng, Shaanxi, in Rawson, Western Zhou Ritual Bronzes, vol. 2A, 17, Fig. 3. For Fig. 28:2, compare the Late Western Zhou Da Ke ding, Shanghai Museum, in Rawson, Western Zhou Ritual Bronzes, vol. 2A, 23, Fig. 11. For Fig. 28:3, compare the Late Western Zhou fanghu inscribed as the Liang Qi hu, Avery Brundage Collection, Asian Art Museum of San Francisco, acc. no. B60 B1012, in Rawson, Western Zhou Ritual Bronzes, vol. 2A, 614, Fig. 95:7.

The Early Springs and Autumns decors of the present article Figs. 26 and 28 further provide direct prototypes for later decors as follows, using illustration references also from the present article: the Fig. 26:1–2 interlace pattern compares to Figs. 15, 17, 60; Fig. 26:1 compares to Figs. 59 and 61; Fig. 28:1 compares to Fig. 61; Fig. 28:3 compares to Figs. 18, 30. As indicated, feline heads with flat ear flanges have Early Western Zhou origins, as seen on a lei from Zhuwajie , Pengxian , Sichuan (see Rawson, Western Zhou Ritual Bronzes, vol. 2A, 39, Fig. 39), while feline heads with flat ear flanges placed horizontally relative to the head have Late Western Zhou prototypes, as seen on Lhe Hu gui, Shanghai Museum (see Rawson, Western Zhou Ritual Bronzes, vol. 2A, 93, Fig. 138). Finally, the fanghu decor of intersecting bands which Rawson calls “relief strapwork” derives from Early Western Zhou vessels such as the you (long-necked jar with handle) from the Princeton University Art Museum, acc. no. V296 (see Rawson, Western Zhou Ritual Bronzes, vol. 2A, 105, Fig. 147, left; vol. 2B, no. 67), and Middle Western Zhou vessels including the Sackler Gallery's Zhong Bo hu, acc. no. S87.0013 (see Rawson, Western Zhou Ritual Bronzes, vol. 2A, 105, Fig. 147, right; vol. 2B, no. 95). This decorative convention was maintained through the Late Western Zhou, where it appears on fanghu such as the Liang Qi hu of the Avery Brundage Collection (Rawson, Western Zhou Ritual Bronzes, vol. 2A, 614, Fig. 95:7), and through the Early Springs and Autumns period, also on fanghu, such as an example from Yicheng , Hubei (Rawson, Western Zhou Ritual Bronzes, vol. 2A, 125, Fig. 180). Its appearance on Xiasi M1:49 (Henansheng wenwu yanjiusuo, Xichuan Xiasi, 74, Fig. 64; reproduced in this article as Fig. 25) and Fenshuiling M269:34 (Shanxisheng Changzhishi bowuguan, “Changzhi Fenshuiling,” Pl. 2:2) results from long maintenance, not revival, of the motif.

57. For instance, bowuguan, Luoyang, “Luoyang Zhongzhoulu Zhanguo chema keng” , Kaogu 1974.3, 171–78Google Scholar; Pls. 1–3. Scholars following White, William Charles, Tombs of Old Lo-Yang (Shanghai: Kelly & Walsh, 1934)Google Scholar have used the term “Jincun” to identify this style of inlay.

58. wenwu kaogu yanjiusuo, Anhuisheng, “Anhuisheng Changfeng Zhanguo wanqi Chumu”, , Kaogu 1994.2, 125 Google Scholar, Fig. 8 (M10:10–11, mislabeled M11.10–11 in the report's text; silver inlay in bronze). wenwu guanlisuo, Liu'anxian and Jinhua, Chu , “Anhuisheng Liu'anxian chengbei Chu mu” , Wenwu 1993.1, 37 Google Scholar, Fig. 21 (low relief in bronze). Jingzhou diqu bowuguan, Hubeisheng, “Jiangling Tianxingguan 1-hao Chumu” , Kaogu xuebao 1982.1, 88 Google Scholar, Fig. 14:1 (M1:44, with the same decor in lacquer); 90, Fig. 16 (M1:203, with the same decor in lacquer); 93, Fig. 18 (bronze except as follows: Fig. 18:2, bronze inlaid with turquoise and gold; Fig. 18:8, bronze inlaid with turquoise; Fig. 18:10,12, 13, gold foil on tin; Fig. 18:14, bronze inlaid with gold). Hubeisheng bowuguan, Zeng hou Yi mu, vol. 1, 320, Fig. 196; 321, Fig. 197:1–2 (bronze).

59. For instance, see Jia, E , Zhongguo yuqi quanji (Zhongguo meishu fenlei quanji [Shijiazhuang: Hebei meishu, 1993]), vol. 3 Google Scholar (Chunqiu, Zhanguo ), Pls. 140–141 (state of Lu , Qufu , Shandong, Group B, M52, Early Warring States).

60. wenwu yanjiusuo, Beijingshi, Beijing kaogu sishinian (Beijing: Yanshan, 1990), 56 Google Scholar, Fig. 30.

61. Weifangshi bowuguan, Shandongsheng and Changlexian wen-guansuo, Shandongsheng, “Shandong Changle Yuejiahe Zhoumu” , Kaogu xuebao 1990.1, 89 Google Scholar, Fig. 17:3, 7 (M123:7, M135:10).

62. Anon., Zhongshan: Tombes des rois oubliés, nos. 78–88, black pottery, tomb of King Cuo.

63. Changjiang gongzuodui, Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo, “Hubei Yunxian Dong Zhou Xi Han mu” , Kaoguxue jikan 6 (1989), 149 Google Scholar, Fig. 10.

64. Shandongsheng Weifangshi bowuguan, “Shandong Changle Yuejiahe,” 89, Fig. 17:5.

65. Anon., Zhongshan: Tombes des rois oubliés, no. 78.

66. See, for example, Anhuisheng wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, Shouxian Cai hou mu, Pl. 5:2; and Hubeisheng bowuguan, Zeng hou Yi mu, vol. 1, 208, Fig. 107 (C109). Both compare to Early Western Zhou gui in Li Xueqin, Qingtongqi, shang, Pl. 131 (Xiduan , Lintong , Shaanxi), Pl. 132 (Gaojiabao Jingyang , Shaanxi); and to Late Western Zhou gui in Li Xueqin, Qingtongqi, shang, Pl. 225 (Qicun , Fufeng , Shaanxi).

67. Compare Anhuisheng wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, Shouxian Cai hou mu, Pl. 9:12 and Pl. 13:1, to Late Shang zun in Li Xueqin, Qingtongqi, shang, Pl. 55 (western sector, Yinxu, Anyang, Henan), as well as to Early Western Zhou examples in Li Xueqin, Qingtongqi, shang, Pl. 133 (Gaojiabao, Jingyang, Shaanxi) and Pl. 146 (Jiacunyuan , Baoji, Shaanxi).

68. Anhuisheng wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, Shouxian Cai hou mu, Pl. 23:5; Shanxisheng kaogu yanjiusuo, Shangma mudi, Pl. 29:3 (M4078:23,22; M1284:4–1, 2); compare Lu Liancheng and Hu Zhisheng, Baoji Yuguo mudi, vol. 2, Pl. 33:3 (Zhuyuangou BZM13: 213, 212, 214, 216).

69. For the vertical scale motif, see Rawson, Western Zhou Ritual Bronzes, vol. 2B, 304, Fig. 22:6 (Late Western Zhou Zhong Yi Fu ling , Shanghai Museum); reapplied on Xiasi M1:55 in Henansheng wenwu yanjiusuo, Xichuan Xiasi, 62, Fig. 50. For the antlered feline head, see Li Xueqin, Qingtongqi, shang, Pl. 195 (Early Western Zhou, Zhuwajie, Pengxian, Sichuan lei,) reapplied extensively, as on Xiasi M1:49 in Henansheng wenwu yanjiusuo, Xichuan Xiasi, 74, Fig. 64. For the feline with twisted ears, see Li Xueqin, Qingtongqi, shang, Pl. 217 (Middle Western Zhou, Zhuangbai, Fu-feng, Shaanxi hu); reapplied on Xiasi M2:50 in Henansheng wenwu yanjiusuo, Xichuan Xiasi, 137, Fig. 114:3. Note that the feline (or other) head with protruding tongue associated with Chu does occur, albeit rarely, in northern China, as on the handle of a Jinsheng (Taiyuan , Shanxi) M251 fanghu illustrated in Zhang Xishun, Shanxi wenwuguan cang zhenpin, Pl. 125. Its use in Pazyryk kurgan 1, long after the Chu examples, cannot yet be traced to any specific source (for illustration, see Rudenko, Sergei I., Frozen Tombs of Siberia: The Pazyryk Burials of Iron Age Horsemen, trans. Thompson, M. W. [London: J. M. Dent & Sons, Ltd., 1970]Google Scholar, Pl. 90b–c). For the dating of currently published Altaian sites of the Late Bronze Age, see Psarras, “The Xiongnu and the West” (forthcoming), and Psarras, Han Material Culture (forthcoming).

70. For the feline with twisted ears, see Zhang Xishun, Shanxi wenwuguan cang zhenpin, Pl. 137 (the Chen Xi hu, Taiyuan, Shanxi find); for the antlered feline head, see Shanxisheng Changzhishi bowuguan, “Changzhi Fenshuiling,” 70, Fig. 9.

71. Zhang Xishun, Shanxi wenwuguan cang zhenpin, Pl. 137 (the Chen Xi hu, Taiyuan, Shanxi find).

72. Li Hong, Zhongguo qingtongqi quanji, vol. 8.2, Pl. 175 (Huixian, Henan).

73. Li Hong, Zhongguo qingtongqi quanji, vol. 8.2, Pl. 174 (Huixian, Henan), which compares to Late Western Zhou examples in Zhang Xishun, Shanxi wenwuguan cang zhenpin, Pl. 93 (Chaicun , Ruicheng , Shanxi) and Pl. 89 (Yongningbao , Hongdong , Shanxi).

74. Jettmar, Karl, Art of the Steppes, trans. Keep, Ann E. (New York: Crown, 1967), 43 Google Scholar. Jettmar is implicitly followed by Erdy, Miklos, “Hun and Xiongnu Caldrons: Finds throughout Eurasia,” Eurasian Studies 67 (1995), 5–94 Google Scholar, who is cited by So, Jenny F. and Bunker, Emma C., Traders and Raiders on China's Northern Frontier (Seattle, London, and Washington, D.C.: University of Washington Press and Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Smithsonian Institution, 1995), 96–97 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, cat. no. 10; 108, cat. no. 22, as the “most up-to-date research” on the subject. Erdy maintains that the caldron was carried into western Eurasia from the Far East in the period of the mid-second through fourth centuries a.d. This misstatement is in contradiction with western steppe data showing the appearance of the caldron in this region at least as early as the late seventh to early sixth century b.c., as at Kelermes, for which see Galanina, Lioudmila and Gratch, Nonna, L'Art scythe, trans. Spetchinsky, Zénobius (Leningrad: Aurora, 1987)Google Scholar, Pl. 54. For further discussion, see below in the present article. Note that the geographic or cultural distribution of object forms, such as the caldron, does not necessarily correspond to the geographic or cultural distribution of decors, even when a given form and decor have a common origin.

75. Kawami, Trudy S., Ancient Iranian Ceramics from the Arthur M. Sackler Collections (New York: Arthur M. Sackler Foundation, 1992), 15 Google Scholar, Fig. 12; 16, Fig. 14; cat. no. 1, 4, 5, 26.

76. The dating, still the subject of debate, here follows Kohl, Philip L., Central Asia: Palaeolithic Beginnings to the Iron Age (Paris: Editions Recherche sur les Civilisations, 1984)Google Scholar, Pl. 22:I–IX (Sapalli, Terminal Middle Bronze Age, ca. 2200–2100 b.c.; Djarkutan, Initial Late Bronze Age, ca. 2100–1800 b.c.; Molali, Terminal Late Bronze Age, ca. 1800–1500 b.c.). Footed bowls occur in neolithic cultures within the borders of present-day China as well, but not in forms related to the caldron. Of greatest interest among these pieces are examples from the Xinmin (Shenyang , Liaoning) site of Gaotaishan 76M4:2, 76M7:1, in wenhuaguan, Xinminxian and wenwu guanli bangongshi, Shenyangshi, “Xinmin Gaotaishan xinshiqi shidai yizhi 1976-nian fajue jianbao” 1976 , Wenwu ziliao congkan 7 (1983), 89 Google Scholar, Fig. 15, right; 89, Fig. 18, right, respectively. The site has a radiocarbon date of 3370 ± 90 B.P (Before Present), or 1420 b.c. ± 90.

77. Kušnareva, K. X. and Markovin, V. I., Epoxa bronzy Kavkaza I Srednej Azii: Rannjaja srednjaja bronza Kavkaza (Moscow: Nauka, 1994), 83 Google Scholar, Fig. 22:21; 87, Fig. 26:18 (Trialeta group II, kurgan V).

78. Kušnareva and Markovin, Epoxa bronzy Kavkaza, 84, Fig. 23:16 (Trialeta group III, kurgan XV); 87, Fig. 26:8 (Trialeta group III, kurgan VIII). A cup-like bowl with beveled base, slightly curving sides, a flaring lip, and three feet occurs in western Iranian bronzes and ceramic assemblages of the early second millennium b.c. and reappears in bronze with no feet but with two handles placed vertically along the vessel's sides in Trialeta group III, kurgan XV (see, respectively, Muscarella, Oscar White, Bronze and iron: Ancient Near Eastern Artifacts in the Metropolitan Museum of Art [New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1988], 377 Google Scholar, no. 496; Kawami, Ancient Iranian Ceramics, no. 19; and Kušnareva and Markovin, Epoxa bronzy Kavkaza, 87, Fig. 26:4). Like the caldron, this cup-like bowl occurs within the territory of present-day China in the non-Chinese Lower Xiajiadian culture (centered in Liaoning, Jilin, and eastern Inner Mongolia), dating to the Late Shang-Early Western Zhou (see wenwu gongzuodui, Jilinsheng and Dianfu, Li , “Jilinsheng Kulun, Naiman liangqi Xiajiadian xiaceng wenhua yizhi fenbu yu neihan” , Wenwu ziliao congkan 7 [1983], 113 Google Scholar, Fig. 38 [P3hNt:3]). This example has a beveled base with no handles. My dating of Lower Xiajiadian rests particularly on Late Shang-Early Western Zhou ceramic gui occurring in a Lower Xiajiadian burial at Liulihe (Fangshan , Beijing), for which see Beijingshi wenwu yanjiusuo, Beijing sishinian, 32, Fig. 12:3,4. Chinese examples are widespread, including Liulihe M1126:2 (Early Western Zhou), in kaogudui, Liulihe, “1981–1983-nian Liulihe Xi Zhou Yanguo mudi fajue jianbao” 1981–1983 , Kaogu 1984.5, 411 Google Scholar, Fig. 6:7; Dasikong (Anyang, Henan, Late Shang), in Anyang gongzuodui, Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo, “1984–1988-nian Anyang Dasikongcun beidi Yindai muzang fajue baogao” 1981–1984 , Kaogu xuebao 1994.4, 478 Google Scholar, Fig. 8. Additional cross-dating is provided by a northern non-Chinese knife whose handle terminates in an animal head; Lower Xiajiadian-associated examples are provided by Jilinsheng wenwu gongzuodui, “Jilinsheng Kulun, Naiman,” Pl. 7:4 (Baiyinchang , Naiman, Jilin). While comparable to pieces from the non-Chinese tomb of Baifu (Changping , Beijing) M2:40 (see wenwu guanlichu, Beijingshi, “Beijing diqude you yi zhongyao kaogu shouhuo” , Kaogu 1976.4, 252 Google Scholar, Fig. 8:5), reasonably datable to the Early Western Zhou by the rattle terminals on the knives M2:9, 8 (Beijingshi wenwu guanlichu, “Beijing diqude you yi zhongyao kaogu shouhuo,” 255 Fig. 15:8–9). The knife is also generally comparable to the Late Shang Fu Hao tomb M5:690, in Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan, Yinxu Fu Hao mu, Pl. 66:1. Overall, the Late Shang through Early Western Zhou date provided by the Liulihe ceramic gui is thus repeated in the animal-headed knife.

79. One example is in the collection of the Royal Ontario Museum (Toronto), acc. no. 993.138.1 (no dimensions given). For further examples, see So and Bunker, Traders and Raiders, 96–97, cat. no. 10 (height 21.8 cm, width 18.8 cm); and Changqi, Wang , “Xi'anshi wenguanhui cang E'erduosishi qingtongqi ji qi tezheng” , Kaogu yu wenwu 1991.4, 7 Google Scholar, Fig. 13 (find). The latter, like the Xi'an caldrons of later (indeterminable) date, is without archaeological context (compare to examples in Wang Changqi, “Xi'anshi wenguanhui cang,” 7, Figs. 2, 3, 6, 7).

80. Identified, however, asa gui, in Li Hong, Zhongguo qingtongqi quanji, vol. 8.2, Pl. 32 (Early Springs and Autumns, Shangguo , Wenxi , Shanxi). Height is given as 29.2 cm; diameter of the mouth, 27.2 cm.

81. Shanxisheng kaogu yanjiusuo, Shangma mudi, 73, Fig. 60:2 (M2008:45; height 6.0 cm, mouth 5.2 cm); 143, Fig. 103:2 (M1010:15; height 6.0 cm, mouth 5.0 cm). Shanxisheng wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, “Shanxi Houma Shangmacun,” 240, Fig. 13:5; 241, Fig. 14:17 (both M13; height 7.5 cm, mouth 6.0 cm). Contrast the size of Han-era Xiongnu caldrons, for example in Guangjin, Tian and Suxin, Guo , E'erduosishi qingtongqi (Beijing: Wenwu, 1986), 397 Google Scholar, Fig. 3:2–4 (all from Budonggou , Dongsheng , Inner Mongolia, all in iron: M5:2, height 21 cm, mouth 15 cm, width 18 cm; M7:l, height 36 cm, mouth 24 cm, width 31 cm; M4:l, no measurements given).

82. See above, n. 79.

83. Li Hong, Zhongguo qingtongqi quanji, vol. 8.2, Pl. 46 (Late Springs and Autumns, Liyu, Hunyuan, Shanxi); An Zhimin, “Hebeisheng Tangshanshi Jiagezhuang,” Pl. 9 (M18:3).

84. Li Hong, Zhongguo qingtongqi quanji, vol. 8.2, Pl. 178 (Late Springs and Autumns–Early Warring States, Huixian, Henan; height 41.5 cm, mouth 35.5 cm); Pl. 198 (Early Warring States, Liuzhuang , Yuanping , Shanxi; height 21.4 cm, mouth 20.5 cm).

85. Hebeisheng wenwu yanjiusuo, “Hebei Pingshan Sanji,” 165, Fig. 8:7 (habitation site 1).

86. Shanxisheng wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, “Shanxi Changzhi Fenshuiling,” Pl. 5:7 (M53:25).

87. wenhuaju wenhua gongzuodui, Hebeisheng, “Hebeisheng Handan Baijiacun Zhanguo mu” , Kaogu 1962.12, 626 Google Scholar, Fig. 21:5–7 (M3:64, M3:78, M57:17). Note that the lacquer patterns on the bottom of the double cup stand from the Chu site of Baoshan (Jiangling , Hubei) M2:189 repeat the pattern of Baijia M3:78; for illustration, see Jing Sha tielu kaogudui, Hubeisheng, Baoshan Chumu (Beijing: Wenwu, 1991), vol. 2 Google Scholar, Pl. 42:3.

88. Zhongguo kexueyuan, Luoyang Zhongzhoulu, 105, Fig. 73:1 (M2717:86).

89. Muscarella, Bronze and Iron, 101, cat. no. 166.

90. For Xicun examples, see Yongcheng kaogudui, Zizhi, Li , and Zhiru, Shang , “Shaanxi Fengxiang Xicun Zhanguo Qinmu fajue jianbao” , Kaogu yu wenwu 1986.1, 21 Google Scholar, Fig. 15:3 (80M118:38), 4 (80M118:47), 5 (80M162:04); 23, Fig. 17:3. For Zhongshan, see Anon., Zhongshan: Tombes des rois oubliés, cat. no. 28.

91. wenwu gongzuozhan, Yikezhaomeng , “Yijinhuoluoqi Shihuigou faxiande E'erduosishi wenwu,” Neimenggu wenwu kaogu 1992.1/2, 92 Google Scholar, Fig. 1:4 (drawing); 93, Fig. 3, left (photo). I have elsewhere assumed a date of ca. 309 b.c. for the upper horizon of known Xiongnu sites in present-day China, as in Psarras, Han and Xiongnu: A Reexamination of Cultural and Political Relations (Nettetal: Monumenta Serica, in press); and Psarras, , “Exploring the North: Non-Chinese Cultures of the Late Warring States and Han,” Monumenta Serica 42 (1994), 1–125 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. This has carried over into my examination of the culture of Upper Xiajiadian, for which I find no pre-ca. 309 b.c. evidence, as in Psarras, , “Upper Xiajiadian,” Monumenta Serica 47 (1999), 1–126 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

92. Zhang Xishun, Shanxi wenwuguan cang zhenpin, Pl. 85 (Shangguo, Wenxi, Shanxi); Hubeisheng Yichang diqu bowuguan, “Dangyang Caojiagang,” 497, Fig. 45:1 (Caojiagang M5).

93. For the griffin (eagle head and wings, lion body), see Crowley, Janice L., The Aegean and the East: An Investigation into the Transference of Artistic Motifs between the Aegean, Egypt, and the Near East in the Bronze Age (Jonsered: Paul Åström, 1989), 46–51 Google Scholar. For winged ibex/goats, see Collon, Dominique, First Impressions: Cylinder Seals in the Ancient Near East (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987), 59 Google Scholar, Fig. 241; 60, Fig. 248. When only the hind legs and wings are depicted, as on the Freer bo, we have no way of knowing whether the prototype was of a winged lion or a griffin.

94. Lothar von Falkenhausen and Thomas D. Rossing, “Accoustical and Musical Studies on the Sackler Bells,” in So, Eastern Zhou Bronzes, 447, M43.

95. Hubeisheng bowuguan, Zeng hou Yi mu, vol. 2, Pl. 40; Pl. 41:3.

96. Li Xueqin, Qingtongqi, xia, Pl. 108.

97. For example, see Changtaiguan (Xinyang , Henan) M1:694, late fourth century b.c., in wenwu yanjiusuo, Henansheng, Xinyang Chumu (Beijing: Wenwu, 1986)Google Scholar, Pis. 58–59.

98. Given the small number of non-Chinese sites published thus far for the Bronze Age and Han as a whole, the lack of datable material from the Springs and Autumns and Early-Middle Warring States is not surprising. It must be noted that much of the material identifiable as non-Chinese is known from museum collections and was never scientifically excavated. A significant amount of scientifically excavated material is not yet datable (particularly in the northeast, apart from Lower and Upper Xiajiadian, and in the southwest). We do ourselves a disservice to assume that these objects or the sites where they were found date to any given period because they “look” to be that age or because the site included datable Chinese ritual bronzes or weapons. The non-Chinese context cannot be assumed to follow the same rules applying to the association of one type of object with another that we have developed for the Chinese context. Unfortunately, with few points of reference, the tendency among scholars dealing with these questions remains one of subjective interpretation; as an example, see Tian Guangjin and Guo Suxin, E'erduosishi qingtongqi.

99. Huaiyinshi bowuguan, “Huaiyin Gaozhuang,” 194, Fig. 5:1 (M1:18); 198, Fig. 11 (M1:3); 202, Fig. 15 (M1:0147), etc.

100. For example, Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan, Yinxu Fu Hao mu, Color Pl. 30:4 (M5:983); Color Pl. 31:2 (M5:982); Pl. 138:1 (M5:361).

101. Huaiyinshi bowuguan, “Huaiyin Gaozhuang,” 211, Fig. 25:2 (fragment M1:0154).

102. Huaiyinshi bowuguan, “Huaiyin Gaozhuang,” 209, Fig. 22 (M1:114–2).

103. Huaiyinshi bowuguan, “Huaiyin Gaozhuang,” 202, Fig. 15 (M1:0147); 211, Fig. 25:2 (M1:0154).

104. Huaiyinshi bowuguan, “Huaiyin Gaozhuang,” 211, Fig. 25:1 (M1:0153).

105. Li Xueqin, Qingtongqi, xia, Pl. 31. Li calls the tigers “dragons.”

106. Li Xueqin, Qingtongqi, xia, Pl. 30.

107. This mythology is preserved in folklore from Siberia, as well as in native North American cultures, where ritual practices including the reassembly of the bones of the animal are felt to assure the animal's return to life. Other associated rituals may be performed seasonally or before the hunt to ensure a continuous supply of game through the appeasement of guardian spirits. For folklore, see, among other works, Hulpach, Vladimir, Légendes et contes des Indiens d'Amérique (Paris: Gründ, 1966)Google Scholar; Tvrdikova, Michaela, Contes de Sibérie (Paris: Gründ, 1980)Google Scholar; Naguichkine, Dimitri, Les contes du fleuve Amour (Paris: La Farandole, 1983)Google Scholar; Riordan, James, The Sun Maiden and the Crescent Moon: Siberian Folk Tales (New York: Interlink Books, 1989)Google Scholar. For studies, among others, see Frazer, James George, The Golden Bough (one volume abridgment; New York: MacMillan, 1978)Google Scholar; Campbell, Joseph, The Mythic Image (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1974)Google Scholar; and Eliade, Mircea, Shamanism: Archaic Techniques of Ecstasy, 2nd ed., trans. Trask, Willard R. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1974)Google Scholar. As widespread as these myths are, their application to early artefacts across the steppe and related cultural areas remains a projection created by modern scholars seeking to understand early thought patterns as conveyed in imagery. Whether such application is accurate is therefore open to debate. Use of these myths does, however, give us coherent, practical means to identify closely related images found over a broad geographic range. When these same images appear in China, I have interpreted them according to the steppe/Central Asian mythology; I by no means assume that the Chinese interpretation of the images matched my own.

108. Contrast Jenny F. So, writing in So and Bunker, Traders and Raiders, 42, who assumes that these decors were made for foreign export. Because Chinese vessels with humanoid-figured decor are not currently attested on published northern non- Chinese sites but do occur in Zhongshan, I must assume that So here refers to Zhongshan as foreign. What other clientele she has in mind is not clear.

109. Hubeisheng bowuguan, Zeng hou Yi mu, vol. 2, Color Pl. 2:3–4.

110. Barnard, Noel, The Ch'u Silk Manuscript: Translation and Commentary (Studies on the Ch'u Silk Manuscript, part 2; Canberra: Australian National University, Department of Far Eastern History, Research School of Pacific Studies, Institute of Advanced Studies, 1973), 209 Google Scholar, Figs. 1, 2, 8; 210, Fig. 9.

111. Hubeisheng bowuguan, Zeng hou Yi mu, vol. 1, 365, Fig. 224:1.

112. Huaiyinshi bowuguan, “Huaiyin Gaozhuang,” 211, Fig. 25:1.

113. As seen on the silver vessels from Maikop (northern Caucasus), in Chernykh, E. N., Ancient Metallurgy in the U.S.S.R.: The Early Metal Age, trans. Wright, Sarah (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 68 Google Scholar, Fig. 22.

114. Collon, Dominique, Ancient Near Eastern Art (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1995), 73 Google Scholar, Fig. 56 (cylinder seals); 67, Fig. 50 (mosaic from grave 779 of the Royal Cemetery of Ur, al-'Ubaid, Iraq).

115. Collon, Ancient Near Eastern Art, 65, Fig. 47.

116. Collon, Ancient Near Eastern Art, 69, Fig. 51, with production attributed to Iran “or further east.”

117. In later examples, Hasanlu (western Iran) Period IV (Iron Age II), beginning in the mid-twelfth century b.c. and continuing for three hundred to three hundred and fifty years (see Muscarella, Bronze and Iron, 16; 42–45, cat. no. 48–49, especially) provides contemporaneous prototypes of square-jawed, open-mouthed, with teeth, felines couchant matching the Fu Hao jades of this form (see Zhongguo shehui kexue- yuan, Yinxu Fu Hao mu, Color Pl. 28 [M5:358, 359,1310]) and the Rujiazhuang (Baoji, Shaanxi) BRMla:18, BRMlb:190,189 (see Lu Liancheng and Hu Zhizheng, Baoji Yuguo mudi, vol. 2, Pl. 185:1–3). So and Bunker have published bronze plaques in the form of felines couchant from Yucun (Ningxian , Gansu) in So and Bunker, Traders and Raiders, 112, cat. Fig. 26.1; related piece, 111, cat. no. 26; see also, Junchen, Xu and Dezhen, Liu , “Gansu Ningxian Yucun chutu Xi Zhou qingtongqi” , Kaogu 1985.4, 350 Google Scholar, Fig. 3:4–6. The Late Western Zhou terminus post quern of these pieces, however, indicates that they are not in relation with the Iranian prototypes for the Fu Hao and Rujiazhuang felines, but constitute evidence of different, later contacts with non-Chinese cultures.

118. Collon, Ancient Near Eastern Art, 73, Fig. 56a (resembling finds from Tell Fara, southern Iraq).

119. Muscarella, Bronze and Iron, 192–202, cat. no. 308.

120. Godard, André, Le Trésor de Ziwiyè (Kurdistan) (Haarlem: Joh. Enschede en Zonen, 1950), 20 Google Scholar, Fig. 10; Anon., 7000 Years of Iranian Art (exhibit catalogue, 1964–65), 145, cat. no. 147. Both of these sources date the Ziwiye pectoral to the seventh century b.c., the date to which many other items in the “treasure of Ziwiye” are attributed, but which is perhaps too late for the pectoral itself.

121. Godard, Le Trésor de Ziwiyè, 21, Fig. 11.

122. Godard, Le Trésor de Ziwiyè, 22, Fig. 12.

123. Godard, Le Trésor de Ziwiyè, 24, Fig. 14.

124. Moorey, P. R. S., Ancient Persian Bronzes in the Adam Collection (London: Faber and Faber, 1974), 152–54Google Scholar, nos. 134–135.

125. Moorey, Ancient Persian Bronzes, 154, no. 136. The direction of the head is contrary to Jenny F. So, writing in So and Bunker, Traders and Raiders, 112, who claims that only Chinese, not “Scythian and northern,” felines look ahead. Note that Chinese examples from Jiangxi also look down, as in bowuguan, Jiangxisheng and bowuguan, Shanghai, Jiangxi Xin'gan chutu qingtong yishu (Hong Kong: The Woods, 1994)Google Scholar, Pls. 6–11 (Late Shang).

126. Muscarella, Bronze and Iron, 244–48, cat. no. 342. Note that the Xiongnu silver plaques from Noin-Ula (State of Mongolia) depicting a bull on a mountain revive this convention, although nothing in the modeling of the Noin-Ula pieces bears any mark of the Achaemenid or the Bactrian. For illustration of the pieces, see Rudenko, Sergei I., Die Kultur der Hsiung-Nu und Die Hügelgräber von Noin Ula, trans. Pollems, Helmut (Bonn: Rudolf Habelt, 1969)Google Scholar, Pl. 36:3; Pl. 37:3.

127. The twisted braid motif is attested in the early third millennium b.c. in Mesopotamia by Crowley, The Aegean and the East, 449, Figs. 259 (seal impression, Brak), 261 (vase fragment, Mari), 263 (lamp cover, Telloh).

128. Godard, Le Trésor de Ziiviyè, 14, Fig. 5.

129. Muscarella, Bronze and Iron, 347.

130. Godard, Le Trésor de Ziwiyè, 26, Fig. 16; 116, Fig. 101.

131. Muscarella, Bronze and Iron, 82–85, cat. no. 145.

132. Muscarella, Bronze and Iron, 83. Nikulina, Compare N. N., Iskusstvo lonii I Axeme-nidskogo Irana (Moscow: Iskusstvo, 1994)Google Scholar, Pls. 115–123, which traces the reflection of Ionian influence back toward Achaemenid Iran (539–331 b.c.). Nikulina includes among her examples the figured ceramic vessels to which Muscarella refers, although the decorative elements of these vessels had never ceased to be in use in Iran.

133. Note that the pattern in Fig. 52:3–4 (Liulige M56:23) occurs on a ceramic lei from Taihuiguan (Jiangling, Hubei) M50:3; Hubeisheng bowuguan, “Hubei Jiangling Taihuiguan 50–hao,” 60, Fig. 6:3.

134. Li Xueqin, Qingtongqi, xia, Pl. 94.

135. Such as Muscarella, Bronze and Iron, 86–88, cat. no. 147; Moorey, Ancient Persian Bronzes, 124, Fig. 98, and 137, Fig. 119.

136. Galanina, L'Art scythe, Pls. 47–48.

137. Such as the leather appliqués from the coffins in Tuekta kurgans 1–2, for which see Rudenko, Frozen Tombs, 270, Fig. 137a–b.

138. Gold appliqué ornaments from Sanguandian (Lingyuan , Liao-ning) in bowuguan, Liaoningsheng, “Liaoning Lingyuanxian Sanguandian qingtong duanjian mu” , Kaogu 1985.2 Google Scholar, Pl. 1:6–9. Upper Xiajiadian, presently-known Xiongnu sites, and the non-Chinese, non-Xiongnu culture of Yuhuangmiao (Beijing area) are all cross-datable with a Han date established by a Chinese garment hook with a circular body bearing a decor of small dots placed in concentric circles (see Psarras, , “Exploring the North,” Monumenla Serica 42 [1994], 113 Google Scholar, Pl. 47c, second row, far left), which the Chinese recognize in other contexts as dating to the Western Han. This piece has not been published in the Yuhuangmiao reports, whose authors ignore the hook in all their dating sequences, none of which allow even a lower horizon of Han date.

139. Francfort, Henri-Paul, Klodzinski, Daniel, and Mascle, Georges, “Pétroglyphes archaïques du Ladakh et du Zanskar,” Arts Asiatiques 45 (1990), 5–27 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

140. Examples from Inner Mongolia include Shanlin, Gai , Wulanchabu yanhua (Beijing: Wenwu, 1989)Google Scholar; for Mongolia, see Novgorodova, E. A., Drevnjaja Mongolija (Moscow: Nauka, 1989)Google Scholar, photographic plates (unnumbered in publication) following page 128 (in effect, Pls. 18–19).

141. Henri-Paul Francfort, personal communication, December 1994.

142. For a summary, see Francfort, Klodzinski, and Másele, “Pétroglyphes archaïques,” 13, Fig. 12; 14, Figs. 13, 15, 16.

143. Moorey, Ancient Persian Bronzes, 137, Fig. 119.

144. Collon, Ancient Near Eastern Art, 67, Fig. 50 (Royal Cemetery of Ur, grave 779).

145. Huaiyinshi bowuguan, “Huaiyin Gaozhuang,” 209, Fig. 22.

146. Hubeisheng bowuguan, Zeng hou Yi mu, vol. 1, 365, Fig. 224:1.

147. Note that the “eagle” associated with northern China, as on the lid of a Late Springs and Autumns bronze hu from Jinsheng (Taiyuan, Shanxi) M251 (Zhang Xishun, Shanxi wenwuguan cang zhenpin, Pl. 124), also appears on the lacquered double cup stand M2:189 from the Chu tomb at Baoshan (Jiangling, Hubei; Hubeisheng Jing Sha tielu kaogudui, Baoshan Chumu, vol. 2, Pl. 42:4). The same kind of bird holding a ball in its beak, as it does in Baoshan M2:189, is seen on a bronze jian from the Zhongshan site of Sanji (Pingshan, Hebei) M8101:4 (Hebeisheng wenwu yanjiusuo, “Hebei Pingshan Sanji,” 180, Fig. 31).

148. Henansheng wenwu yanjiusuo, Xinyang Chumu, Color Pl. 2:3.

149. Li Xueqin, Qingtongqi, xia, Pls. 57–58. This sinicized “genius” is later retransmitted to the steppe, as visible on a gold diadem (chance find) from the Kargaly Valley (Kazakhstan), dated to ca. second to first centuries b.c. This is a “floating” date, therefore subject to modification. For illustration, see Akišev, K., Drevnee zoloto Kazaxstana (Almaty: Oner, 1983)Google Scholar, Pls. 158–169. Also reproduced in Pirazzoli-t'Serstevens, Michèle, “Pour une archéologie des échanges: Apports étrangers en Chine—transmission, réception, assimilation,” Arts Asiatiques 49 (1994), 21–53 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

150. Li Xueqin, Qingtongqi, xia, Pl. 56 (Liyu, Hunyuan, Shanxi); Pls. 105–106 (stands from the tomb of King Cuo of Zhongshan).

151. Tian Guangjin and Guo Suxin, E'erduosishi qingtongqi, 94, Fig. 62:1 (Yanglang , Guyuan , Ningxia; horse and tiger), Fig. 62:2 (find; ram and tiger).

152. The Shihuigou (Yijinhuoluo Banner, Inner Mongolia) silver plaque of Xiongnu- derived prédation iconography (that is, with dead rather than live prey) depicts a tiger whose body is reinforced with volutes (Yikezhaomeng wenwu gongzuozhan, “Yijinhuoluoqi Shihuigou,” 92, Fig. 1:5); the body of the horse on a bronze prédation plaque (Tian Guangjin and Guo Suxin, E'erduosishi qingtongqi, 177, Fig. 124:6) is reinforced with parts of different animals.

153. Li Xueqin, Qingtongqi, xia, Pl. 28.

154. Examples include stone bas-reliefs from tombs such as illustrated in Renxia, Chang , Huaxiang shi huaxiang zhuan (Zhongguo meishu: Huihua bian 18 18 [Shanghai: Renmin meishu, 1988])Google Scholar, Pl. 148 (Tanghe , Henan); Pls. 150, 152, 153 (Nanyang , Henan). For discussion, see Psarras, Han Material Culture (forthcoming).

155. Jacobson, Esther, “The Stag with Bird-Headed Antler Tines: A Study in Image Transformation and Meaning,” Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities 56 (1984), 113–79Google Scholar.

156. Tian Guangjin and Guo Suxin, E'erduosishi qingtongqi, Color Pl. 16:1 (Xiongnu; Aluchaideng , Hangjin Banner , Inner Mongolia; gold plaques); Rudenko, Frozen Tombs, 263, Figs. 130–131 (tattoos of the deceased, kurgan 2, Pazyryk); Galanina, L'Art scythe, Pl. 101 (Scythian, first half of the fifth century b.c., gold appliqué; Ak-Mečet, Crimea, find; State Hermitage Museum, Saint Petersburg; acc. no. Kr 18851/1).

157. For the bird on a tiger, see Hubeisheng Jing Sha tielu kaogudui, Baoshan Chumu, vol. 2, Pl. 13:2 (Baoshan M1:36, wood sculpture/stand); for the bird on a deer, see Thote, Alain, “Une sculpture chinoise en bronze du Ve siècle avant notre ère: Essai d'interprétation,” Arts Asiatiques 42 (1987), 52 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, Fig. 10e (identified only as Xiuzhupo M1, with reference given only as Kaoguxue jikan 1981, 108, Fig. 6).

158. Teng Rensheng, Chu qiqi yanjiu, Pl. 46 (Tianxingguan, Jiangling, Hubei, M1).

159. von Falkenhausen, Lothar, “Issues in Western Zhou Studies: A Review Article,” Early China 18 (1993), 147–48Google Scholar.

160. For discussion, see Lothar von Falkenhausen, “International Symposium on Bronzes from the Wu-Yue Area,” unpublished report on the August 21–23, 1992 conference; and Falkenhausen, “The Use and Significance of Ritual Bronzes in the Lingnan Region During the Eastern Zhou Period,” in Festschrift K. C. Chang (forthcoming). My thanks to the author for making both of these articles available to me.

161. Li Xueqin, Qingtongqi, shang, Pl. 7 (Xiangyang , Zhengzhou , Henan).

162. Li Xueqin, Qingtongqi, shang, Pl. 53 (Hougang , Anyang, Henan).

163. Shanxisheng kaogu yanjiusuo, Shangma mudi, 30, Fig. 17:5 (M1287:7); 31, Fig. 18:1–3 (M4078:ll, M1287:39, 41).

164. For instance, see Li Xueqin, Qingtongqi, shang, Pl. 148 (Early Western Zhou; Licun , Qishan , Shaanxi); Pl. 214 (Middle Western Zhou; Qiangjia , Fufeng , Shaanxi); Pl. 226 (Late Western Zhou; Renjia , Fufeng, Shaanxi).

165. Li Xueqin, Eastern Zhou and Qin Civilizations, 78.

166. Li Xueqin, Eastern Zhou and Qin Civilizations, 84–85.

167. Li Xueqin, Eastern Zhou and Qin Civilizations, 204.