Ritual Manuals And Performance in Early China: The *Ci Mamei Manuscript From Zhangjiashan M336

Abstract

Excavated from the Western Han tomb M336 at Zhangjiashan 張家山, Hubei 湖北, and published in 2022, the *Ci Mamei 祠馬禖 bamboo manuscript has yet to receive much attention. This article serves as a preliminary study of the manuscript, providing an annotated translation of its contents, a description of its codicological features, an examination of the ritual it documents, and a survey of its linguistic characteristics. The *Ci Mamei manuscript is studied in close comparison with the Ma 馬 text from the Qin 秦 tomb M11 at Shuihudi 睡虎地, as well as bamboo strip fragments from the Han 漢 (202 bce–220 ce) Jianshui Jinguan 肩水金關 frontier that document a similar ritual. I argue that *Ci Mamei, like the Shuihudi Ma text, is a ritual manual recording instructions on the performance of a sacrificial ritual. I show that the main purpose of the *Ci Mamei and Ma rituals is to pray for the overall well-being of horses, not specifically for having more newborn foals. I then illustrate that rhyme changes in the *Ci Mamei text denote different phases of the sacrifice. Lastly, I discuss the generic and formulaic properties of the language in *Ci Mamei, noting the possibility that the manuscript was interred because its language was believed to possess apotropaic qualities.

早期中國禮儀指引與實踐——張家山 336 號墓漢簡⟨祠馬禖⟩探賾

鄭楸鋆

⟨祠馬禖⟩出土於湖北張家山 336 號西漢墓，因其新近出版，是以未得學界廣泛關注。本文首先詳細描述⟨祠馬禖⟩之文本形制與語言特徵，並亦提供簡文英譯。本文復將對讀⟨祠馬禖⟩與睡虎地秦簡⟪日書甲種・馬⟫，指出⟨祠馬禖⟩與⟨馬⟩均屬早期中國「禮儀指引」文本，且其所載祠祝儀式之主要目的並非在於為馬匹求子，而在祈願馬匹身體強健；又肩水金關漢簡有「馬禖祝辭」殘簡數枚，本文亦予討論。本文繼而探究⟨祠馬禖⟩祈文與祝辭之用韻特色，說明簡文其實利用換韻以標記祠祝儀式之不同階段。本文最後指出⟨祠馬禖⟩時見襲用互見秦漢以至六朝文獻之祠祝套語，而⟨祠馬禖⟩成為隨葬文本之原因，或是在於漢人相信相關祠祝套語具備辟邪作用。

Introduction

*Ci Mamei 祠馬禖¹ (Sacrifice for the Horse Intercessor)² is a ten-strip bamboo manuscript excavated from tomb M336 (numbered 136 in the initial excavation report)³ in Zhangjiashan 張家山, Jiangling County 江陵縣, Hubei 湖北. Conducted in early 1988, the excavation found 827 bamboo strips in the tomb, 777 of which were wrapped in hemp and stored in a bamboo basket (si 笥) at the southern corner of the head chamber (touxiang 頭箱). In addition to *Ci Mamei, these strips include five other texts, namely Gongling 功令 (Ordinance of Merits), *Chegu shiqi 徹谷食氣 (Forgoing Grain and Ingesting Vapor), Dao Zhi 盜跖 (Robber Zhi), *Han lü shiliu zhang 漢律十六章 (Sixteen Chapters of Han Law), and Qinian zhiri 七年質日 (Official Calendar of the Seventh Year). The remaining 50 strips comprise the tomb inventory list (qiance 遣冊) and were placed separately in the western section of the side chamber (bianxiang 邊箱).⁴

M336 is but 400 meters from M247,⁵ wherein a rich collection of legal, mathematical, and medical texts was found.⁶ Archeologists date M247 to the early Western Han 西漢 (202 bce–8 ce), no later than Emperor Jing’s 景 (Liu Qi 劉啟; r. 157–141 bce) reign.⁷ The Qinian zhiri calendar from M336 records dates that correspond to the seventh year (173 bce) of the reign of Emperor Wen 文 (Liu Heng 劉恆; r. 180–157 bce).⁸ Research into M336’s pottery typology also dates the tomb to the early Western Han around 170 bce,⁹ which is close to the date of M247. There is no evidence revealing the exact identity of M336’s occupant. On the basis of the tomb’s size and layout, as well as the assemblage of grave goods, it has been suggested that the occupant was a scribal official (li 吏) whose rank was above Fifth Grandee (Wu dafu 五大夫).¹⁰

This article studies the *Ci Mamei manuscript, focusing on its codicological features, content, language, use of rhymes, and archeological context. An annotated translation of the text is also provided. Additionally, this article looks into the similarities and differences in the language and depiction of ritual performance between the *Ci Mamei and Ma 馬 (Horses)¹¹ texts, the latter from a Qin 秦 tomb M11 in Shuihudi 睡虎地, Yunmeng 雲夢 County, which is in Hubei as well.¹² Bamboo strip fragments from the Han (202 bce–220 ce) Jianshui Jinguan 肩水金關 frontier in present-day Gansu 甘肅 that document a similar ritual are also discussed.¹³ The main goal of the rituals that are recorded in these sources, as I will show, is to pray for the overall well-being of horses, not specifically for their fertility. Moreover, the *Ci Mamei and Ma texts reveal different perceptions of the Horse Intercessor (Mamei 馬禖)—in the Ma text it is viewed as a deity whose influence is only limited to the realm of horses, whereas in *Ci Mamei it is believed to traverse between the worlds of horses and human beings. I also argue that the *Ci Mamei sacrifice might have functioned on a “like-attracts-like” principle, which involves the construction of a ritual locus with a strong symbolism of masculinity for invoking male deities. I then illustrate that rhyme changes in the invocation (qi 祈) and prayers (zhu 祝) of the *Ci Mamei text correspond to different phases of the sacrifice. Lastly, I discuss the generic and formulaic properties of the language in the *Ci Mamei text, noting the possibility that the manuscript was interred because it was believed to possess apotropaic qualities.

Annotated Translation

The following conventions are observed:

1. 1. The transcription provided has been normalized to show the underlying words rather than the original graphs in the manuscript.¹⁴

2. 2. Numbers in square brackets [ ] are strip numbers.

3. 3. Rhymes are underlined and put in bold text. The main rhyme *-aŋ (traditional Yang 陽) is labeled “A.” Rhymes sharing the same main vowel *-a with the main rhyme are labeled “a.” Secondary rhymes (i.e., rhymes not sharing the same main vowel *-a with the main rhyme) are labeled “B.”¹⁵

4. 4. The official publication of the Zhangjiashan M336 manuscripts includes commentaries on the manuscripts by a team of scholars led by Peng Hao 彭浩, hereafter referred to as “the editors.”

5. 5. Repetition marks 重文號 “=” in the original manuscript are omitted in the transcription. Hook marks “ ⌞” are retained.

6. 6. Old Chinese phonological reconstructions are from William H. Baxter and Laurent Sagart, Old Chinese: A New Reconstruction (New York: Oxford University Press, 2014).

The *Ci Mamei text reads as follows:

祠置狀：三席、席四餟。¹⁶ 從者在後，亦四餟。其一席東向，牡石¹⁷ 居中央。¹⁸ [1] 一席南向、一席北向。先餟石上，沃以酒。⌞祠及炊烹¹⁹ 毋令女子。[2] 已食，盡取餘、骨埋地中，毋予女子及犬其骨。²⁰ [3]

The layout of the setup for the sacrifice: three mats, and on each mat [the main officiant of the ritual] makes food offerings four times. The attendant, following [the main officiant], makes food offerings four times as well. One of the mats faces east, on which the male stone is placed at the center. One mat faces south, and one faces north. First, make food offerings on the stone, pouring wine over [the offering]. Do not let women participate in the sacrifice or cook [the food offerings]. After having finished the food, take all the leftover sacrificial meat and bones and bury them under ground; do not give the bones to women or dogs.

Exclaim three times and invoke [the deities], saying,

“I venture to ask [deities of] the Great and Minor Lineages of the Horse Intercessor of Day Bing, the Embellished Horse with a White Forehead, and the Illustrious Deity,

to descend and be received on the mats.

For the sake of my horses, I, so-and-so,

am offering you propitious and fattened sacrificial animals.

My lords, grace us [with your presence], unhitch the horses from your carriages (i.e., to arrive at the site of the ritual),

approach and settle on the mats, and be so-and-so’s (i.e., “my”) great guests.”

Then, pluck the hair [of the sacrificial animals] so as to [prepare them for] the sacrifice.

Pray, saying,

“My lords, [please feel free to] amble at your leisure,

and allow [me, your humble] servitor, to butcher and cook [the sacrificial animals].”

Then, kill a pig, cook [its meat] until done, and make another offering [with it].

Pray, following the previous [prayer], saying,

“From when I previously offered you uncooked [sacrificial animals],

to now when I offer you cooked ones,

my lords, [please] eat and drink with gusto,

and give me, so-and-so, great fortune.

Give a thousand autumns (i.e., longevity) to my horses with a crimson coat and black tail, those with a white face and forehead, those that are purely black, those with a white body, red mane, and golden eyes, as well as those that are gray.

Give [my horses] no infirmities of the mouth,

and let [their mouths] feed upon the hundred grasses and flowers.

Give [my horses] no infirmities of the stomach,

and let [their stomachs] be a pouch for the hundred grasses.

Give [my horses] no infirmities of the neck, and let [their necks] excel at upholding the yoke and crossbar.

Give [my horses] no infirmities of the legs, and let [their legs] excel at galloping and trotting.

Give [my horses] no infirmities of the spine, and let [their spines] be sturdy for the hundred parts of [their] bodies.

Give [my horses] no infirmities of the tail, and let [their tails] repel mosquitoes and horseflies.”

Codicological Features

The *Ci Mamei manuscript consists of 10 bamboo strips that measure 23 cm in length and 0.7 cm in width.³³ The strips are very well-preserved: all of them are intact. Despite having sustained minor scratches on strips 2 and 3, the manuscript’s overall legibility is unaffected. The text recorded on the strips is complete, comprised of 210 graphs. Each fully inscribed strip bears 21 to 24 graphs.

Strips of the *Ci Mamei manuscript are the shortest among those interred in M336,³⁴ indicating that *Ci Mamei was produced as an independent manuscript rather than as a part of other manuscripts from the same tomb.³⁵ The strips were once held together by three binding cords, for which space was left at the top, middle, and bottom of each strip. The middle space on each strip was probably caused by the scribe’s attempts at avoiding the middle binding cord while writing,³⁶ which indicates that graphs were added onto the strips after they were bound.³⁷

The manuscript is written in an early form of the clerical script (guli 古隸), similar to that in other manuscripts from M336, as well as bamboo and silk manuscripts from other Western Han tombs such as Zhangjiashan M247, Mawangdui 馬王堆 M3, Fuyang 阜陽 M1, and Yinqueshan 銀雀山 M1.³⁸ Graphs in the *Ci Mamei manuscript have no significant variation in the quality of their strokes or their graphic structures, indicating that the manuscript is written in one hand, likely by a single scribe. One noteworthy characteristic of the manuscript’s calligraphy is that quite a number of its graphs feature elongated strokes known as “drooping legs” (chuijiao 垂腳),³⁹ a typical trait of the early clerical script which appears in manuscripts from Zhangjiashan M247 as well. Similar elongated strokes are also observed in manuscripts from Qin tombs such as Shuihudi M11 and Zhoujiatai 周家臺 M30 (Figure 1).⁴⁰

Figure 1. “Drooping leg” strokes in manuscripts from Zhangjiashan M336, M247, Shuihudi M11, and Zhoujiatai M30.

Two types of punctuation marks are used in the *Ci Mamei manuscript, namely the repetition mark “=” on strip 1, which indicates the repetition of the preceding graph, and hook marks “⌞” on strips 2, 5, 7, and 8.⁴¹ Hook marks in many early Chinese manuscripts serve a similar function to commas or periods in modern Chinese orthography, dividing text into meaningful units according to its logical, grammatical, or rhetorical structure. In the *Ci Mamei manuscript, the first hook mark appears on strip 2 between the lines “First, make food offerings on the stone, and pour wine over [the food]” (先餟石上，沃以酒) and “Do not let women participate in the sacrifice or cook [the food offerings]” (祠及炊烹毋令女子)—the hook mark separates instructions on what should be done during the ritual from what should not. The second hook mark is on strip 5 between the lines “to be so-and-so’s great guests” (為某大客) and “Then, pluck the hair [of the sacrificial animals] so as to [prepare them for] the sacrifice” (因搣毛以祭). This second hook mark signals the delineation between the former clause, which is the closing line of the invocation (qi 祈), and the latter clause, an instruction on what should be done after reciting the invocation. Four hook marks are observable on strips 7 and 8 among names of horses of different coat colors (駵、⌞駹、⌞驪、⌞馼、⌞騩)—these hook marks are likely to be “separators,”⁴² which serve to clarify that the words in this line denote horses of five distinct colors.

Performance and Taboos of the Sacrifice

The *Ci Mamei text is divided into two sections, the division being marked by a break in the text on strip 3.⁴³ The first section (strips 1–3) describes the setup, paraphernalia, and taboos of the sacrifice, alongside instructions on how food and wine offerings are to be made. In addition to further instructions on how the sacrifice is to proceed, the second section (strips 4–10) consists of an invocation (qi 祈) that invites deities to the site of the ritual, as well as two prayers (zhu 祝), one asking the deities to amble at their leisure while food and wine offerings are being prepared, the other requesting their blessing on the horses and the officiant himself.⁴⁴

The content of *Ci Mamei shares certain similarities with Ma, a text found at the very end of the *Daybook A 日書甲種 manuscript from Shuihudi M11,⁴⁵ as well as a few bamboo strip fragments from the Han Jianshui Jinguan frontier. The Jianshui Jinguan strips are so damaged that only fragments of what is believed to be the ritual’s invocations and prayers remain:

不早不暮，得主君閒暇，肥豚▫乳、⁴⁶ 黍飯清酒，至主君所。主君上方▫▫▫ [73EJT11: 5] ⁴⁷

Neither early nor late, when you are at your leisure, my Master-and-Lord, fattened pigs, milk, millet rice, and clear wine will arrive where [you] reside. [You], my Master-and-Lord, from up above …

… 脊強；毋予皮毛疾，以敝⁴⁸ 身剛；毋予脅疾，以成 … [73EJT11: 23]⁴⁹

… the spine is strong. Give [my horses] no infirmities of the skin and fur, and let [them] reach [the state of] having a strong body. Give [my horses] no infirmities of the ribs, and let [them] achieve …

… 之央；毋予鼻疾 … [73EJT24: 976]⁵⁰

… the center (?) of … Give [my horses] no infirmities of the nose …

… 草英；毋予目疾，令視精 … [73EJT26: 119]⁵¹

… grasses and flowers. Give [my horses] no infirmities of the eyes, and let [them] see the essence …

The content on strip 73EJT11: 5⁵² is highly similar to the line “Today is a favorable day; fattened pigs, clear wine, and beautifully grown white millet have arrived where [you], my Master-and-Lord, reside” (今日良日，肥豚、清酒、美白粱，到主君所) in the Shuihudi Ma text.⁵³ The remaining three strips listed above record formulaic incantations similar to those on strips 8 to 10 of the *Ci Mamei manuscript.⁵⁴

The sacrifices recorded in *Ci Mamei and Ma are similar in the sense that they are both performed to worship the Horse Intercessor, and both are performed for horses.⁵⁵ Although the Jianshui Jinguan fragments do not specify that the ritual was dedicated to the Horse Intercessor and performed for horses, the aforementioned textual similarities bespeak its relevance to the Ma and *Ci Mamei sacrifices. Another notable similarity is that the rituals documented in all three sources involve the offering of fattened pigs (feitun 肥豚) and wine.

Roel Sterckx identifies the Shuihudi Ma text as a “ritual primer” intended not for ritual experts, but for anyone interested in learning about and performing the ritual.⁵⁶ The *Ci Mamei text offers detailed instructions on the ritual, providing a description of the setup and orientation of the sacrificial locus, clearly listing taboos of the ritual, as well as making reminders regarding how the food offerings are to be prepared and how they should be disposed of after the ritual. Hence, it is likely that the *Ci Mamei text is also a primer of a do-it-yourself ritual that is intended for anyone. This would mean that the ritual was not necessarily performed by priests, shamans, or other ritual specialists; rather, it could have been conducted by horse-owners without any relevant knowledge, who learned from the text how the ritual is to be performed. The Jianshui Jinguan strips, however, preserve only fragments of the ritual’s invocation and prayer—whether the original text carried specific instructions on how the ritual was to be conducted is unclear. As a result, it is difficult to determine whether the Jianshui Jinguan strips are parts of a “ritual primer” (like *Ci Mamei and Ma), or merely fragments of a written “script” of the ritual’s invocations and prayers.

Nonetheless, there are significant differences between the Ma and *Ci Mamei rituals, which are summarized in Table 1, and will be further discussed below.

Deities Involved in the *Ci Mamei and Ma Sacrifices

The deities involved in the *Ci Mamei and Ma sacrifices are worthy of further discussion. The Shuihudi Ma text opens with the line Xianmu Ribing Mamei heshen 先牧日丙馬禖合神,⁵⁷ in which the meaning of ribing 日丙 (day bing) is obscure. It has been suggested that day bing is the day of the First Herdsman.⁵⁸ The line should actually be read as “Unite the spirits of the First Herdsman and the Horse Intercessor of Day Bing” (先牧、日丙馬禖合神), because the invocation “I venture to ask the Horse Intercessor of Day Bing …” (敢謁日丙馬禖) in the *Ci Mamei text shows that ribing is part of the name of the Horse Intercessor.

Nevertheless, it is difficult to identify precisely how many deities are involved in the *Ci Mamei sacrifice, because there are multiple ways of parsing the long line of deity names 日丙馬禖大宗小宗馰簪褭皇神 mentioned in the invocation. The interpretation offered in my translation is that this line consists of three groups of deities, namely (1) deities of the “Great Lineage” (大宗) and “Minor Lineage” (小宗) of the Horse Intercessor,⁶⁴ (2) the Embellished Horse with a White Forehead (馰簪褭), and (3) the Illustrious Deity (皇神). On the other hand, one could argue that dazong 大宗 and xiaozong 小宗 refer to two individual deities in lieu of spirits in the lineage of the Horse Intercessor, and thus the line would contain five deities. Another possible (yet unlikely, as I will show below) reading is that the entire line constitutes the very long name of one deity.

The setup for the sacrifice as recorded in the *Ci Mamei text may shed more light on this issue. The ritual locus is comprised of three mats, one facing east, one facing south, and one facing north. A “male stone” (mushi 牡石), presumably representing the deities, is placed at the center of the east-facing mat. As suggested by the phrase “to descend and be received on the mats” (下延次席) in the *Ci Mamei invocation,⁶⁵ the mats are where the deities would settle after arriving at the site of the sacrifice. In other Qin and early Han sacrificial rituals in which mats are used, it is typical that one deity takes up one mat. For example, in a sacrifice performed to worship the First Husbandman (Xiannong 先農) recorded in a bamboo text from Zhoujiatai M30, only one mat is required.⁶⁶ In a sacrifice recorded in the *Daybook B (日書乙種) manuscript from Shuihudi M11, which is dedicated to four deities for the protection of travelers, four mats are used.⁶⁷ As three mats are needed for the *Ci Mamei sacrifice, one can surmise that three deities are involved in the ritual. I suspect that deities of the Great and Minor Lineages of the Horse Intercessor were worshipped as one deity (probably as the Horse Intercessor itself),⁶⁸ and they would take up the east-facing mat carrying the “male stone.” The Embellished Horse with a White Forehead and the Illustrious Deity would settle on the remaining two mats. Another possible arrangement is that deities of the Great Lineage would occupy the east-facing mat; those of the Minor Lineage and the third deity, whose name would be “The Illustrious Deity of the Embellished Horse with a White Forehead” (馰簪褭皇神), would take up the remaining two mats.

The deity Mei 禖 in early Chinese received literature—often referred to as the “Supreme Intercessor” (Gaomei 高禖) or “Intercessor in the Suburbs” (Jiaomei 郊禖)⁶⁹—was worshipped as a fertility spirit,⁷⁰ to which people pray in hopes of obtaining a son (qiuzi 求子).⁷¹ One would, therefore, expect that sacrifices dedicated to the Horse Intercessor are performed for the fertility of horses and reproduction of young foals. Indeed, sexual connotations can be observed in both the Shuihudi Ma and Zhangjiashan *Ci Mamei texts. Roel Sterckx notes that the expression “to unite the spirits” (heshen 合神) in the Ma text is perhaps intended to stimulate the sexual union between horses, and the annual performance of the sacrifice also corresponds to the gestation period of horses, which Han sources calculate at 12 months.⁷² Sexual connotations in the *Ci Mamei text are reflected in the mention of the “male stone” (牡石)⁷³ and the numerology of the number “three,” which will be discussed below.

However, requests that more young foals be born are never explicitly made in either the *Ci Mamei or Ma rituals.⁷⁴ Requests for having more children are always explicitly presented in early Chinese fertility prayers. In fertility prayers inscribed on Zhou 周 (c. eleventh century–256 bce) bronzes, for example, the requests are presented in formulaic expressions such as “[may one have] hundreds of sons and thousands of grandsons” (百子千孫) and “extensively and splendidly [may one have] limitless sons and daughters” (它它熙熙，男女無期).⁷⁵ In Han bronze mirror inscriptions, requests for obtaining children are written as auspicious phrases such as “[it is favorable] to have a son” (宜生子) and “[one’s] sons and grandsons will prosper” (子孫番昌).⁷⁶ It is possible that the horses’ fertility was considered an integral part of their well-being, yet the absence of requests for having more newborn foals in the Ma and *Ci Mamei prayers suggests that the sacrifices were not primarily about praying for the horses’ fertility; rather, they were performed so that the horses could be blessed with favorable physical health conditions.⁷⁷

Furthermore, in addition to praying for the physical well-being of horses, the second prayer in the *Ci Mamei text also asks for great fortune to be given to the officiant (予某大福),⁷⁸ who himself could be the owner of the horses. No such request is made in the Shuihudi Ma text. Perhaps in the ritual narrative of *Ci Mamei it is believed that the well-being of horses is directly associated with that of their owner, which is why the owner asks the deities to bestow fortune upon him before blessing his horses. Additionally, Roel Sterckx notes that in the Shuihudi Ma text, the Horse Intercessor is viewed as a deity whose presence extends beyond the human realm and enters that of domestic animals.⁷⁹ But the *Ci Mamei text shows a different perception of the deity as one who traverses between the worlds of human beings and horses while possessing powers that extend beyond granting fertility, given its capability of bestowing fortune and well-being upon both horses and human beings.

Significance of the Number “Three” in the *Ci Mamei Sacrifice

The significance of day bing in the sacrifice is an important yet unresolved question. Roel Sterckx highlights the hemerological importance of day bing in the Shuihudi Ma text—it is the first “fire” sign and corresponds to the transition from spring to summer,⁸⁰ which is when Sterckx surmises the ritual was performed.⁸¹ However, there is no evidence suggesting that the *Ci Mamei sacrifice was also performed at that time.

The significance of day bing may pertain to the repeated occurrence of the number “three” in the *Ci Mamei ritual. Bing is the third Heavenly Stem (Tiangan 天干). The ritual involves three mats and three deities. The officiant is to “exclaim three times” 三噫 before chanting the invocation. As mentioned above, the repetition of the number “three” in the ritual might have a sexual connotation. The number “three” was believed to be a strong symbol of male potency,⁸² and it also became associated with the yang 陽 essence and the sun in the Han.⁸³ Therefore, it is likely that the Horse Intercessor whose name is Bing—a Heavenly Stem associated with fire and the yang number “three”—is a male deity. The portrayal of the officiant–deity relationship in the *Ci Mamei text as one between “lords” (jun 君) and “servitors” (chen 臣), as well as the depiction of the Supreme Intercessor as having masculine traits in early Chinese received sources, also suggest that deities to which the *Ci Mamei ritual is dedicated are male.⁸⁴ If this is true, the sacrifice might have been designed under some sort of “like-attracts-like” principle—perhaps the ritual functions by exhibiting symbols of masculinity, such as the “male stone” and repetition of the yang number “three,” in order to attract male deities to descend from Heaven and arrive at the site of the sacrifice. This may also explain why the *Ci Mamei text repeatedly stresses that women are prohibited from participating in the ritual—women, carrying the yin 陰essence, would taint the strong and pure yang essence in the sacrificial locus that the ritual attempts to construct for attracting the male deities.

Officiant-Deity Relationship Depicted in the *Ci Mamei Text

As noted by Roel Sterckx, in the Shuihudi Ma ritual the officiant calls himself “Grandee” (dafu 大夫) and puts himself in a hierarchical relationship with the deities, addressing them as “Master-and-Lord” (zhujun 主君).⁸⁵ What Sterckx did not notice is that the word zhu 主 (“master; host”) in zhujun 主君 reveals a secondary relationship between the officiant and the deities—the officiant is a guest (ke 客) who is to bring food and wine to the place where the hosts (i.e., the deities) reside (dao zhujun suo 到主君所).⁸⁶ This is why the Ma text instructs the officiant to place food and wine offerings in a hole or niche in the stable wall, wherein the deities are believed to reside.⁸⁷ The Ma sacrifice, therefore, is to be performed at a specific location. In this regard, the Ma sacrifice is similar to the aforementioned ritual dedicated to the First Husbandman recorded in bamboo strips from Zhoujiatai M30, which is to be performed in a round barn (qun 囷) wherein the deity is thought to live.⁸⁸ On strip 73EJT11: 5 from Jianshui Jinguan, we can see that the deities involved in the ritual it documents are referred to as “Master-and-Lord” as well, reflecting an officiant-deity relationship similar to that of the Shuihudi Ma ritual.⁸⁹

The *Ci Mamei text depicts an officiant–deity relationship that is different from those in the Shuihudi Ma text and the Jianshui Jinguan strips. The officiant refers himself to as “servitor” (chen 臣) while addressing the deities as “lord” (jun 君). Moreover, the deities are invited to the site of the sacrifice as “great guests” (dake 大客), implying that the officiant is playing the role of the host (zhu 主).⁹⁰ Rather than receiving food and wine offerings brought to where they reside, the deities are invited to the site of the sacrifice as guests in the *Ci Mamei ritual, where a banquet of sacrificial animals and wine is prepared by the host, who is the officiant of the sacrifice. This may also be why the location of the *Ci Mamei ritual is not specified in the text. While it is possible that the ritual, like the Shuihudi Ma sacrifice, was still performed near stables or herds of horses, the *Ci Mamei text does not specifically instruct the officiant to conduct the ritual where the deities are thought to reside, because the deities would be summoned to wherever the ritual takes place.

Rhymes and Assonance in the *Ci Mamei Text

The invocation and prayers in the second section of the *Ci Mamei text are rhymed. The rhymes in the invocation are less strict and regular than the *-aŋ rhymes in the formulaic incantations that pray for the physical well-being of horses at the end of the text. The invocation contains assonance involving the main vowel *-a, comprised of words from three different traditional rhyme categories (Yu 魚 [*-a], Duo 鐸 [*-ak], and Ge 歌 [*-aj]). An unrhymed line ending with *sreŋ > sheng 牲 is inserted between lines that rhyme.

The first prayer “My lords, [please feel free to] amble at your leisure, and allow [me, your humble] servitor, to butcher and cook [the sacrificial animals]” (君且仿佯，臣請割烹) has *-aŋ rhymes. The subsequent lines “Then, kill a pig, cook [its meat] until done, and make another offering [with it]” (因殺豚，炊熟，復進) and “Pray, following the previous [prayer], saying” (祝如前⽈), separating the first and second prayers, are unrhymed. The second prayer begins with incantations that have *-uk (traditional Jue 覺) and *-ək (traditional Zhi 職) rhymes.⁹¹ Following an unrhymed line that ends with *tsʰiw > qiu 秋, the prayer returns to using the *-aŋ rhyme in its formulaic incantations at the end.

The use of rhymes in the *Ci Mamei invocation and prayers is similar to that in early Chinese daybook manuscripts. For instance, not all rhymes in the *Ci Mamei invocation and prayers are pure end-rhymes—some feature assonance of the same main vowel (e.g., *-a, *-aŋ, and *-ak).⁹² Furthermore, *-aŋ constitutes the main rhyme in the *Ci Mamei text,⁹³ its significance highlighted by its repeated occurrence in each and every of the formulaic incantations “Give [my horses] no infirmities of X, and let … Y” (勿/毋予X疾，令 … Y)⁹⁴ at the end of the text. As Rens Krijgsman has shown, using the *-aŋ rhyme is a linguistic feature commonly observed in early Chinese daybook manuscripts. The Ma text in *Daybook A from Shuihudi M11, for example, has *-aŋ as the main rhyme in its prayer as well.⁹⁵

Rhyme changes in the *Ci Mamei prayers indicate different phases of the sacrifice.⁹⁶ The invocation uses a different set of rhymes (*-a, *-ak, and *-aj) from the prayers. The introduction of the *-aŋ rhyme in the first prayer signals the end of the invocation and the beginning of the “praying” (zhu 祝) phase of the ritual. The use of two new rhymes *-uk and *-ək denotes the beginning of the second prayer and differentiates it from the first prayer. Additionally, the rhyme change from *-uk and *-ək to *-aŋ in the second prayer indicates that the ritual has entered its final phase, during which the officiant would recite the formulaic incantations. This rhyme change also mirrors the change in the subject of the prayer from the officiant himself (“Give me, so-and-so, great fortune” [予某大福]) to the horses.

Rhyme patterns in the *Ci Mamei invocation and prayers could be a mnemonic device that allowed easier memorization of the invocation and prayers, which in turn would have helped performers of the ritual to recite them during the ritual without referring to the manuscript.⁹⁷ Given that the rhyme changes correspond to the sacrificial process, it is also possible that they were crafted so as to provide an immersive experience of the ritual to readers of the text, which would allow one to experience different phases of the ritual simply by reading the invocation and prayers aloud.⁹⁸

Generic and Formulaic Language of the *Ci Mamei Text

Table 1. Differences between the *Ci Mamei and Ma sacrifices

The presence of the placeholder mou 某 in the *Ci Mamei invocation and prayers suggests that they were not written specifically for the manuscript; rather, they are generic templates of prayers used in similar sacrifices. Mou is to be replaced with the officiant’s name during the actual performance of the ritual.⁹⁹

Another notable characteristic of the *Ci Mamei prayers is the usage of the formulaic expression “[My lords, please] eat and drink with gusto, and give me, so-and-so, great fortune” (強飲強食，予某大福). Parallels of the expression are found in prayers recorded in early Chinese excavated daybook manuscripts and received literature (Table 2).

Table 2. Parallels of the formulaic expression (強飲強食，予某大福) in early Chinese daybook manuscripts and received literature

All of the above expressions consist of two phrases—the first phrase encourages deities of sacrifices (in *Ci Mamei and Shuihudi daybooks) or territorial lords participating in the archery ritual (sheli 射禮) (in Zhouli and Da Dai liji) to feast on food and wine offerings, while the second phrase is a request for blessing.¹⁰⁶ The formulaic nature of these expressions and their occurrence in various excavated and transmitted sources bespeak the sharing of ritualistic rhetoric in early Chinese prayers.¹⁰⁷ The expressions themselves, however, are by no means fixed. They are flexible in terms of meter and wording and can be realized as tetrasyllabic phrases in *Ci Mamei and the Meng prayer in Shuihudi *Daybook A, trisyllabic phrases in the *Ci prayer in Shuihudi *Daybook B, or as longer lines in Zhouli and Da Dai liji. Moreover, the phrases can be separated and used on their own—the closing lines of the Shuihudi Ma text “My Masters-and-Lords, [we] urge [you] to drink and eat [the sacrificial offerings]; I dare not forget [your grace] every year” (主君勉飲勉食，吾歲不敢忘) retain only the first phrase, while the second phrase is changed from a request for the deities’ blessing to a promise that the deities’ grace would always be remembered.

The sharing of ritualistic rhetoric among *Ci Mamei, Ma, and the Jianshui Jinguan fragments is also reflected in their incantations that request deities to bless horses with good health. Table 3 lists prayers recorded in the Ma text and Jianshui Jinguan fragments alongside a similar passage in Qimin yaoshu 齊民要術 compiled by Jia Sixie 賈思勰 (fl. 540).

Table 3. Formulaic passages in Ma and Qimin yaoshu

It must first be clarified that the *Ci Mamei and Ma texts are of a different genus from the Qimin yaoshu passage. The *Ci Mamei and Ma texts are ritual primers recording instructions on the performance of sacrificial rituals, and their passages describing different body parts of horses are from incantations of the rituals—this is also the case for the Jianshui Jinguan fragments. By contrast, the Qimin yaoshu passage is about horse physiognomy (xiangma 相馬), which intends to provide information for evaluating the intrinsic health and quality of horses on the basis of their physical characteristics.¹⁰⁸

Nevertheless, in terms of language, the *Ci Mamei, Ma, and Jianshui Jinguan incantations share a considerable number of similarities with the Qimin yaoshu excerpt, discussed as follows:

1. (1) The incantations recorded in *Ci Mamei, Ma, and the Jianshui Jinguan fragments, as well as the Qimin yaoshu passage, all comprise a series of expressions that are presented in fixed formulas, listed in the Table 4. “X” represents a body part of horses, while “Y” is a rhyme word with the main vowel *-a.

Also note that the *Ci Mamei and Jianshui Jinguan incantations are presented in the same formula “Give [my horses] no infirmities of X, and let … Y” (毋予X疾，令 … Y), whereas those in the Ma text observe a different formula “[Let] the X [of my horses] be able to/be … Y” ((令)(其)X能/為 … Y). This difference might be indicative of the different contexts in which the incantations were composed. The formula of the *Ci Mamei and Jianshui Jinguan incantations, containing the prayer “Give [my horses] no infirmities of X,” shows an ardent wish to defend one’s horses against various illnesses, which suggests that the incantations could have been formulated under pressing circumstances wherein horses were actually plagued by such illnesses.¹¹⁴ On the other hand, the formula of the Ma incantations indicates no urge to free one’s horses from illness, but a simple wish for the horses to be physically healthy.

Table 4. Format of formulaic expressions in *Ci Mamei, Ma, and Qimin yaoshu

In the context of the *Ci Mamei, Ma, and Jianshui Jinguan sacrifices, the repetitive and formulaic nature of the incantations would have allowed performers of the sacrifices to memorize them more easily. The incantatory rhythm of the prayers is also reinforced, which could have been believed to enhance the prayers’ power and efficacy.¹¹⁵

1. (2) The *Ci Mamei, Ma, and Jianshui Jinguan incantations, as well as the Qimin yaoshu passage, all feature the use of the *-aŋ rhyme. The *-aŋ rhyme is commonly used in early Chinese daybooks and other divinatory texts to denote the auspiciousness (or inauspiciousness) of actions and outcomes of divination.¹¹⁶ Consequently, having become an integral part of hemerological and divinatory rhetoric, the rhymes themselves might have been believed to be endowed with apotropaic properties as well.

2. (3) The *Ci Mamei, Ma, and Jianshui Jinguan incantations share a number of highly similar descriptions of the physical traits of horses. For example, incantations of all three rituals pray that the spine (ji 脊) of horses be strong (gang 剛/qiang 強); the *Ci Mamei and Ma incantations also pray that their stomach (fu 腹) become a pouch for the hundred grasses (baicao nang 百草囊), their tail (wei 尾) be good at repelling horseflies (qumeng 驅䖟), and their legs (zu 足) be good at walking (xing 行). Some of the physical traits, such as having a strong spine and extensive (zhang 張) ribs (xie 脅), are also mentioned in the Qimin yaoshu passage. These textual parallels indicate the existence of a repertoire of rhymed “stock expressions” (taoyu 套語) for describing physical traits of horses since the Warring States, which was shared not only among divinatory texts such as *Ci Mamei, Ma, and the Jianshui Jinguan fragments, but also among technical (shushu 數術; “calculations and procedures”) texts on horse physiognomy.¹¹⁹

It should be noted that texts could freely choose from such a repertoire which expressions to use, and the exact wording of the expressions was in flux. For instance, incantations for the horses’ nose, ears, eyes, and ribs are present in Ma yet absent in *Ci Mamei; moreover, the *Ci Mamei incantations pray that the horses’ neck become good at upholding the yoke and crossbar (毋予頸疾，令善持軛衡),¹²⁰ whereas the Ma incantations pray that the horses’ head would become the crossbar of their bodies (令頭為身衡).¹²¹ There is also an incantation for the horses’ skin and fur (pimao 皮毛) in the Jianshui Jinguan fragments (strip 73EJT11: 23),¹²³ which is absent in both Ma and *Ci Mamei. As mentioned above, it is likely that incantations recorded in *Ci Mamei and the Jianshui Jinguan fragments were used in medically urgent situations wherein horses were actually suffering from various illnesses—perhaps the incantations in the two sources concern different body parts, because the actual illnesses plaguing the horses were also different.

Conclusion: The *Ci Mamei Manuscript in the Context of M336

The *Ci Mamei manuscript offers insights into ritual practices associated with animal deities, sacrificial rituals performed for the benefit of animals, as well as the textual and linguistic characteristics of ritual manuals in early China. It documents a sacrificial ritual practiced in the Jiangling 江陵 region of the Western Han empire, which was performed to the Horse Intercessor and two other deities for the well-being of horses and their owners, recording information about the ritual’s setup, paraphernalia, procedures, and taboos.

In this article, I have offered a preliminary study of the manuscript’s codicological features, content, and use of rhymes, as well as its generic and formulaic language. I have shown that the *Ci Mamei sacrifice was not specifically about praying for the fertility of horses; rather, its main purpose was to pray for their overall physical health. I have also discussed the differences in the depiction of the Horse Intercessor and the officiant–deity relationship between *Ci Mamei and the Ma text in *Daybook A from Shuihudi M11. In addition, I have illustrated the sharing of ritualistic rhetoric among prayers in the *Ci Mamei text and those in other early Chinese excavated and transmitted sources, while also noting the possible existence of a common repertoire of rhymed stock expressions about physical traits of horses, which was referenced in early Chinese divinatory and technical texts.

Furthermore, the *Ci Mamei manuscript may shed light on the funerary tradition of entombing texts in early China.¹²⁴ Containing prayers and incantations of a sacrificial ritual that request the blessing of deities, the manuscript could have been believed to carry talismanic properties. The exhortation “give me, so-and-so, great fortune” (予某大福), together with the use of repetition and rhymes that was believed to bolster the efficacy of the incantations, might have been considered apotropaic. The manuscript’s context could have been seen as having extended beyond the ritual setting of the sacrifice and merged with the funerary context of the tomb. Therefore, it is possible that the manuscript was buried in M336 as a talisman so as to ward off evil influences and bless the deceased in his afterlife.¹²⁵

Figure 2. Wooden horse figurine from M336¹²².

There are still many questions about the *Ci Mamei text that require further investigation. For example, little is known about the exact identity of deities listed in the text, especially the Embellished Horse with a White Forehead and the Illustrious Deity. One could also argue that in comparison with the Ma ritual, the *Ci Mamei sacrifice appears to be more intricate, as it involves worshipping deities that seem to have developed a familial lineage (i.e., deities of the “Great” and “Minor” lineages of the Horse Intercessor), in addition to having more detailed instructions and taboos. However, at this moment we do not know whether these differences represent territorial variations of the same ritual or the evolution of a simpler ritual to a more complex one over time. Moreover, it is noteworthy that the tomb inventory list for M336 records the burial of two male liu (crimson) horses (駵牡馬二匹) and two male li (black) horses (驪牡馬二匹). The words liu 駵 and li 驪 are also seen in the *Ci Mamei text,¹²⁶ and four wooden horse figurines were found in M336 (Figure 2),¹²⁷ matching the number of horses recorded on the inventory list. It does not seem to be coincidental that liu 駵 and li 驪 are mentioned in both the *Ci Mamei manuscript and the tomb inventory list, nor does it seem accidental that wooden horse figurines were buried alongside the *Ci Mamei manuscript, which records a sacrifice performed for horses. These observations are perhaps indicative of patterns behind M336’s mortuary program, the details of which await further study.