Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-2brh9 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-23T20:37:18.900Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

The Background of the Kong Family of LU and The Origins of Ruism

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  26 March 2015

Robert Eno
Robert Eno*
Affiliation:
Department of East Asian Languages and Cultures , Goodbody Hall 230 Indiana University Bloomington, Indiana 47405, USA
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

While it is generally believed that Confucius's devotion to the Zhou ritual system was, in part, a product of his background as a countryman of the traditionalist Zhou state of Lu, this study suggests that Confucius was raised in and influenced by the cultural sphere of a non-Zhou people, the region associated with the state of Zhulou, to which his mother's family belonged. Evidence from the Zuo zkuan lends support to the Shiji account of Confucius's family background, which has long been questioned. This evidence suggests that Confucius's father was a privileged associate of a leading Lu grandee household, the Zang clan, charged with defending the southern border of Lu, an area of Zhulou culture occupied by Lu in the century before Confucius's birth. Accounts of the Zang clan indicate an unusual family stature, involving ritual expertise and hereditary possession of the Lu office of minister of Crime. Shortly before his death, he himself having moved north with the Zangs, Confucius's father took a concubine from the Yan clan of Zhulou, who remained with her family to raise his orphan, Confucius. Evidence suggests that Confucius and his early followers, including members of the Yan clan, displaced, in some critical respects, the role formerly played in Lu by the Zang clan, after the leadership of that clan was exiled from Lu. Tensions between Zang and Yan clan elements appear to have left significant traces in the corpus of early Confucian texts, and to have played a role in the formation of the Ruist school.

Type
Articles
Information
Early China , Volume 28 , 2003 , pp. 1 - 41
Copyright
Copyright © Society for the Study of Early China 2003

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1. Two previous authors of whom I am aware have noted the possibility that Ruism's origins were connected to the Yi state of Zhulou: Zhihan, Zhang (“Luelun Zhulou wenhua yu Ru-Mo ,” Wenxian 1989.3, 243–48)Google Scholar, and Pulleyblank, E.G., (“Zou and Lu and the Sinification of Shandong,” in Chinese Language, Thought, and Culture, ed. Ivanhoe, Philip J. [Chicago & La Salle: Open Court, 1996])Google Scholar.

2. Shiji (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1959)Google ScholarPubMed, 47.1905. I am postponing discussion of earlier generations of ancestors reported in other sources and linking Kong Qiu to the state of Song and the royal lineage of the Shang Dynasty.

3. Shu, Cui, Zhu-Si kaoxin lu (Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1937), 3 Google Scholar; Jensen, Lionel, “Wise Man of the Wilds: Kongzi,” Early China 20, 408–13Google Scholar. A useful summary of information concerning Kong Qiu's parentage and early life appears in Bruce, E. and Brooks, A. Taeko, The Original Analects (New York: Columbia University Press, 1998), 268–70Google Scholar.

4. Lun yu (Lun yu yinde Harvard-Yenching Institute Sinological Index Series [Taipei reprint edition, 1966] Supplement #16), 3.15. For Shuliang He, see Zuo zhuan (Chun qiujingzhuan yinde , Harvard-Yenching Institute Sinological Index Series [Taipei reprint edition, 1966] Supplement #11) Xiang 10/1 (269); at 17/5 (285) he is referred to as Zou Shu He, “Uncle He of Zou.” The characters , and were pronounced identically, and are usually taken to be alternative forms for a single word (see, e.g., Pulleyblank, “Zou and Lu,” 43). We will look at this more closely later in this discussion.

5. Jensen, “Wise Man of the Wilds,” 409. This position was held also by Creel, H.G. in his Confucius: the Man and the Myth (New York: John Day, 1949), 297–98Google Scholar.

6. Zuo zhuan, Xiang 10/1 (269).

7. Zuo zhuan, Xiang 17/5 (285). The appellation Zou Shu He used here is equated with Shuliang He in Du Yu's commentary. Where Shuliang He might be rendered, “He, known as Uncle Liang,” comprised of a name (He) and a cognomen (Shuliang), Zou Shu He might be rendered, “He, an uncle of Zou,” comprised of a name, and the generic component of the cognomen modified by a place of origin. For an analysis of Shuliang He's name, see Fagao, Zhou ed., Zhou Qin mingzijiegu huishi (original author, Wang Yinzhi ) (Taipei: Taiwan shudian, 1958), 58 Google Scholar.

8. The most prominent members of the clan are most often referred to with the clan name Zang when their posthumous honorifks are used, and as Zangsun when their names (ming ) are used. I will generally refer to them with the clan designation Zang, but will preserve text formulations in translations.

9. Zuo zhuan, Zhao 7/6 (366); the passage is dated to 535, but describes Meng Xizi's death in 518. Because a saying (yan ) is normally a general statement, the final sentence is taken to be the words of Meng Xizi; the possibility that the quote extends through the sentence cannot, however, be ruled out.

10. On the relations of Meng Xiaobo and Zang He, see Zuo zhuan, Xiang 23/11 (300).

11. Zuo zhuan, Xiang 23/11 (299–300).

12. I have pursued research on this through Blakeley, Barry's useful Annotated Genealogies of Spring and Autumn Period Clans (Taipei: Chinese Materials Center, 1983)Google Scholar. A survey of naming patterns yields examples of names that, sometimes with little generational spacing, seem to recur within lineage lines, and some instances of identically named men of the same generation or of one removed in different branches of the same lineage (particularly in the state of Zheng), ruling out strong intra-family taboo rules, and also examples in the state of Qi of ducal sons sharing a name with members of key ministerial families a generation earlier, but I cannot see that any clear rules concerning shared names can be inferred or rejected from the evidence. It should be borne in mind that the database for this research is relatively small.

13. For an overview of customs concerning personal names, see Yaotian, Xiao , Zhongguo renming de yanjiu (Beijing: Xinhua, 1987), 23–27 Google Scholar.

14. Shi ji, 47.1915.

15. Keyu, Guo, , Lu guo shi (Beijing: Renmin, 1994), 134–35 Google Scholar.

16. Zuo zhuan, Xiang 4/fu2 (259).

17. The common orthography for the term is .

18. The sense of dancer is quite common; for usage in the sense of jester, see Shi ji, 126.3202.

19. See The Confucian Creation of Heaven (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 190–92Google Scholar, for a full consideration of the evidence.

20. This statement must be qualified by noting that the Zhou li refers to Ru in its description of the Duke of Zhou's model administration. I take this to be an ahistorical generic projection into the distant past, in a late Warring States or Qin-Han text.

21. See the Suoyin and Zhengyi commentaries to the Shi ji account, 47.1906.

22. Kongzi jiayu, “Ben xing” ( Kongzi jiayu zhuzi suoyin , Institute for Chinese Studies Concordance [Hong Kong: Commercial Press, 1992], 39.1/72/22–23)Google Scholar. Specifying a woman's ming is highly unusual in early texts; in fact, reference to Zhengzai as the name of Kong Qiu's mother appears in the much earlier Li ji , “Tan Gong” II ( Li ji zhuzi suoyin , Institute for Chinese Studies Concordance [Hong Kong: Commercial Press, 1992], 4.53/28/9Google Scholar).

23. Shizuka, Shirakawa , Kōshi den (Tokyo: Chūyō Kōronsha, 1972), 16–18 Google Scholar.

24. Kongzi jiayu, “Ben xing”, 39.1/72/21; Shi ji (Suoyin commentary), 47.1906.

25. Lun yu, 5.2.

26. Shi ji, 47.1906–7; Li ji, “Tan Gong” I,3.10.

27. The point has recently been made by the Brooks' (Original Analects, 282). In addition to disciples themselves, note that the Shi ji identifies the brother-in-law of the senior disciple Zilu as a member of the Yan clan (47.1919,1932). It is, of course, possible that at some point in the development of the Ru school Yan-family disciples invented for Kong Qiu a Yan-clan mother.

28. Shin'ichirō, Takezoe , Saden kaisen ([originally published as Sashi kaisen] Kanbun taikei edition, Taipei reprint: Fenghuang, 1977), 15.3 (Xiang 10)Google Scholar.

29. Takezoe is the strongest opponent of the identification (Saden kaisen, 15.3). Traditional commentary favors the identification (see Faren, Cheng , Chun qiu Zuo shi zhuan diming tukao [Taipei: Guangwen, 1967], 200 Google Scholar). We will explore this issue further later on.

30. The surname Yan is not discussed in the Bohu tongyi sections on xing or in the Shi ben , where the earliest descriptions of surnames appear.

31. Yan shi jiaxun ( Yan shi jiaxun zhuzi suoyin , Institute for Chinese Studies Concordance [Hong Kong: Commercial Press, 2000]Google Scholar), 14.53/16. It is possible that Yan Zhitui is only using the phrase “Zou-Lu” in the loose sense of “the region of the Ru,” as members of the Ru school are famously referred to by that phrase in the “Tianxia” chapter of the Zhuangzi (see Zhuangzi yinde , Harvard-Yenching Institute Sinological Index Series [Taipei reprint edition, 1966], Supplement #20,33/9Google Scholar).

32. Bao, Lin , Yuanhe xingzuan (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1994), 519 Google Scholar. Lin actually bases his report on three prior sources, all now substantially lost. The third traces the Yan clan to the son of the Duke of Zhou, but Lin questions the reliability of this claim. Lin claims that Yan was the zi of Zhu Gong Yan, which is very unlikely, Yifu being in the form of a zi, thus bringing into conformity with Zhou naming pattern the adoption of his name as a surname (the Song period Tong zhi , by Zheng Qiao also adopts this position [(Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1936), 461], and a similar claim is described in a Tang inscriptional source by Cen Zhongmian [see Yuanhe xingzuan, 519 (B)]). We will encounter Zhu Gong Yan again further on.

33. All relevant information is contained in the “Ben xing” chapter of the Kongzi jiayu, 39.1.

34. Zimu Jinfu is called Qifu in the Shi ben (see, e.g., Shi ben sizhong zhuzi suoyin , Institute for Chinese Studies Concordance [Hong Kong: Commercial Press, 1997], 1.7/15.15Google Scholar).

35. The name for this supposed forebear closely resembles graphs that would point towards the capital city of Zhulou in Kong Qiu's time, located at Yishan , followed by the designation “non-Zhou person” (that is, Yi Yi ). The ming Yi is common among people of this period, but it is nevertheless an odd coincidence that the precursor of Kong Qiu's earliest Shi ji ancestor should bear a name that could so easily be taken to mean “an Yi person of the Zou region.” With this point in mind, it may also be noted that there seems to be, within Kong Qiu's ancestral list, a tendency towards names based on mountains (others may include Fangshu, Shuliang [Liang being the name of several peaks in the Lu region], and Qiu).

36. Zuo zhuan, Zhao 7/6 (366).

37. I have learned of this phenomenon through Mark Csikszentmihalyi's unpublished manuscript, “The Myth of Practice and the Yellow Emperor Inscriptions” (Nov. 2000).

38. Guo yu, “Lu yu” I ( Guo yu zhuzi suoyin , Institute for Chinese Studies Concordance [Hong Kong: Commercial Press, 1999], 2.36/38/10Google Scholar).

39. The name Kongfu Jia consists of a zi cognomen followed by a ming. There is a regular relation in Zhou naming patterns between zi which include the element Kong and the personal name Jia (see Zhou Fagao, Zhou-Qin mingzi, 8–9; also, Shuowen jiezi gulin [Ding Fubao , ed. (Shanghai: Yrxue, 1931–32)], 590)Google Scholar. One manner in which clan names were assigned was by selecting the main character of the zi of the deceased grandfather of the clan head initiating a new lineage branch (see Zuo zhuan, Yin 8/10 [18]). Hence, in the lineages of the state of Zheng we find a ducal son named Gongzi Jia bearing the zi Zikong , and his grandson bearing the family name Kong (Blakeley, Annotated Genealogies, 191–92). The regularity of these relationships, and their instance in the state of Zheng, tends to work against applying to early accounts Jensen's interesting notion that the association of Kong Qiu's surname, with its nominal sense of “a swallow,” linked Kong Qiu to bird-myth material associated with the Shang people, the progenitors of the Song state (“Wise Man of the Wilds,” 425–27).

40. Zuo zhuan, Huan 2/5 (25).

41. Kongzi jiayu, 39.1/72/20.

42. Cui, Zhu-Si kaoxin lu, 3.

43. Li ji, “Tan Gong” 1,3.44/15/17.

44. See Creel, Confucius, 296.

45. The Zangs first appear in the Zuo zhuan at Yin 5, when Xibo (Gongsun Kou ), whose cognomen, Zizang , became the source of the Zang family surname, remonstrates with Duke Yin; when Xibo dies later that year, the duke is portrayed as uneasy over having ignored Xibo's advice. Xibo's son is also portrayed in wise remonstrance (Zuo zhuan Huan 2/6 [25]).

46. Lun yu, 15.14.

47. For example, Shuo yuan ( Shuo yuan zhuzi yinde , Institute for Chinese Studies Concordance [Hong Kong: Commercial Press, 1992]Google Scholar), 12.8.

48. The founding Zhan ancestor was, according to the Zuo zhuan, Gongsun Wuhai a son of Duke Xiao, and so a brother of the Zang clan progenitor (Yin 8/10 [18]). (There is dispute over the generational distance from Duke Xiao of both Gongsun Wuhai and the Zang ancestor Gongsun Kou, but as the issue does not seem to me to bear on arguments here, I do not address it.)

49. Zuo zhuan, Xiang 24/1 (301–2).

50. The instance appears at Xi 26/4 (the narrative has been displaced by one entry relative to the annals). It may be compared with a parallel passage in Guo yu, “Lu yu” I (2.6) in which Zhan Qin plays a key role. In the Zuo account, a different actor fulfills the function Zhan Qin performs in the Guo yu, and Zhan Qin's name seems inserted in a tangential phrase.

51. Wen 2/6. No early texts attest to the matters of the six tax stations or mat weaving, though commentators offer explanations. The episode of the yuanju bird is discussed below. Commentators link the “vain vessel” to a family turtle that will also be discussed later on, but I believe it is more cogent to link the term to an anecdote concerning forged vessels in which Zhan Qin appears, morally protesting bad behavior by the duke of Lu (Lü shi chunqiu [ Lü shi chunqiu zhuzi suoyin , Institute for Chinese Studies Concordance (Hong Kong: Commercial Press, 1994)Google Scholar], 9.4). Zang Wenzhong is absent from that tale as we have it, but I would argue that the Zhongni voice gratuitously ascribes to Zang responsibility for the bad behavior of the state there in the same way it injects him into the case of “contrary sacrifices.” This entire Zuo zhuan passage is discussed in some detail in Eric Henry's recent study of the Zuo zhuan Zhongni voice, but with a different focus, and with different conclusions about the relation of the Zhongni judgment of Zang to judgments in other texts (“‘Junzi Yue’ versus ‘Zhongni Yue’ in Zuozhuan ” [Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 59.1 (1999)], 138–39)Google Scholar.

52. Zhan Qin is also known as Liuxia Ji , or Jizi.

53. Guo yu, “Lu yu” I,2.9/28/21–22.\

54. Guo yu, “Lu yu” 1,2.5–10.

55. “Lu yu” I, 2.8/27/23–25.

56. For example, in the Yantie lun , Zang Wenzhong is moved down to Kong Qiu's generation, and he is upbraided by the disciple Zigong for his oppressive rule in Lu ( Yantie lun zhuzi suoyin , Institute for Chinese Studies Concordance [Hong Kong: Commercial Press, 1994])Google Scholar, 10.3 [#57]; a passage from the Xin xu , preserved in the Qunshu zhiyao , presents a different version of the tale ( Xin xu zhuzi suoyin , Institute for Chinese Studies Concordance [Hong Kong: Commercial Press, 1993], 11.40Google Scholar). In the Lienii zhuan , Wenzhong's own mother upbraids him for his arrogance of character ( Gu Lienü zhuan zhuzi suoyin , Institute for Chinese Studies Concordance [Hong Kong: Commercial Press, 1993], 3.9Google Scholar).

57. The apotheosis of Zhan Qin is signaled in the Lun yu (18.8), the Mengzi (Mengzi yinde , Harvard-Yenching Institute Sinological Index Series [Taipei reprint edition, 1966], Supplement 17,2A.9,5B.1) and the Zhanguo ce ( Zhanguo ce zhuzi suoyin , Institute for Chinese Studies Concordance [Hong Kong: Commercial Press, 1992], 67 [136B]Google Scholar). In the Zhuangzi, he becomes Kong Qiu's friend and the understanding brother of the bandit Dao Zhi . Like Zang Wenzhong, he is portrayed as Kong Qiu's contemporary in the Yantie lun (5.8 [#27]).

58. This is reflected in the following anecdote: “Zang Wuzhong was traveling to

Jin and as his route was passing the district presided over by Yushu, it began to rain. Within his walled stronghold, Yushu was just sitting down with some wine. ‘What use have I for a sage?’ he said. ‘I'm not planning to do anything but drink! Besides, what good is it to be a sage if you don't know to stay out of the rain?’” (Zuo zhuan, Xiang 22/fu 1 [295]).

59. Lun yu, 14.12; Zuo zhuan, Xiang 23/fu (301).

60. The key passages for Zang Wuzhong's early career are at Cheng 18/14, Xiang 4/1, and Xiang 13/4. His increasingly caustic taunts of authority figures appear at Xiang 19 fu 2, Xiang 21/2, and particularly in the portrait of the erratic behavior that led to his exile, at Xiang 23/11. In a remarkable episode closing Wuzhong's career in the Zuo, he is depicted as a recent refugee in Qi, where he learns that the duke intends to present him a gift of land. Wuzhong immediately visits the duke, who has just returned from a surprise attack on Jin during that state's period of mourning for its late ruler, and utterly alienates him by repeatedly comparing his attack on Jin to the behavior of rats. Naturally, the offer of land is never made (Xiang 23/fu).

61. Lun yu, 14.14.

62. Lun yu, 14.12, in contrast to an ironic reference to Zang Wenzhong at 5.18.

63. Kongzi jiayu, 42.8/82/1–3.

64. Kongzi jiayu, 18.4. It should be noted that in the Shuo yuan (13.38), Wenzhong seems to be given superior valuation, though on grounds different from those discussed here.

65. Zhao 31/6 (433).

66. The Gongyang discussion of the tale is tangential to the larger context of the passage, which I will not consider here.

67. Shi ji, 33.1527–28.

68. This is the direction taken by the Tang period shu-commentary to the text, which explains the second point with the phrase: “Because [Yan] had coupled with the pricesses of the inner palace” ( Li, Chen , Gongyang yishu [Taipei: Dingwen, 1973]Google Scholar, 67.12b [680]).

69. Shi ji, 47.1906–7.

70. Qian bases his view on the fact that sacrifices were not made at graves and graves were not mounded ( Mu, Qian , Kongzi zhuan [Taipei: Dongda, 1987], 7–8 Google Scholar).

71. Chengyuan, Ma , Shang-Zhou qingtongqi mingwen xuan (Beijing: Wenwu, 1990) IV, 523–29 Google Scholar.

72. Chen Li, Gongyang yishu, 2.1a (16).

73. Pulleyblank, “Zou and Lu,” 43.

74. E.g., Zuo zhuan Zhao 23/3 (409). Pulleyblank accepts the identification of Zhulou as an Yi state, and suggests that the Yi spoke an Austroasiatic language distinct from that of the core Zhou population (“Zou and Lu,” 45). We have seen some evidence that Zhulou princesses were marriage partners of Lu princes, but this is not inconsistent with their being viewed as Yi; it is not uncommon for consorts of Zhou rulers, including Ji -surname rulers, to take “barbarian” consorts. Inscribed bronze dowry vessels also indicate that marriage relations between the elites of Lu and Zhulou were not unusual ( Xueqin, Li, Eastern Zhou and Qin Civilizations [New Haven, Yale University Press, 1985], 143–44 Google Scholar).

75. Among these were the “twelve lords of the River Si,” discussed by Li Xueqin (Eastern Zhou and Qin Civilizations, 143–53). In the 1930s, Wang Xiantang developed an extensive theory of the influence of Zhulou. In studies recently published as Yan-Huang shizu wenhua kao [ed. Yixue, Jiang (Jinan: Qi-Lu, 1985)]Google Scholar, Wang takes the name of Zhulou as the root generic term for the Yi peoples as a whole (even claiming the etymological identity of the words zhulou and yi [29]). For Wang, the Zhulou peoples were descendants of the adversaries of the Yellow Emperor, an alternative ethnic branch of the larger racial group (see esp. 85). Much of his research on this topic consists of geographical philology, arguing that a variety of place names in Shandong and elsewhere are different graphic renderings of the spoken word underlying the term zhulou. Wang's research is certainly relevant to issues raised here, and would magnify their importance to cultural history. In my view, however, his arguments are speculative and imprecise.

76. Several sources stress the proximity of Lu to Zou; see Pan, Chen , Chun qiu dashibiao lieguo juexing ji cunmie zhuanyi (Taipei: Zhongyang Yanjiuyuan, Lishi Yuyan Yanjiusuo monograph #52, 1969)Google Scholar, 2.135b. The interchangeability of the name Zhulou with various graph forms attributed to Kong Qiu's home, discussed further below, indicates that this was the earlier capital that Duke Wen chose to flee, presumably as a result of pressure from Lu, which was in tension with Zhulou throughout the Chunqiu period. On the capital at Mt. Yi, see Cheng Faren, Chun qiu Zuo shi zhuan diming tukao, 103. This site, known now as Jiwang cheng (located about 10 km. south of modern Zouxian), has been excavated (Li Xueqin, Eastern Zhou and Qin Civilizations, 144–46).

77. Texts variously report Zou as being extinguished by Lu and by Chu (see Chen Pan, Chun qiu dashibiao, 2.135). It seems likely that the northern regions of Zhulou were in the process of absorption by Lu from the seventh century, and that Chu merely absorbed the remaining portions in the process of its third-century expansion to the northeast. Note, however, that the “defection” of Lan reported in the Gongyang zhuan entry for Zhao 31 (discussed earlier) suggests that parts of southern Zhulou were aligning with Lu during the late sixth century. As Zhulou was in a long-term alliance with Qi, Lu's powerful northern neighbor, such defections may have been unstable.

78. Although it is generally agreed that Zou is a loan for Zhu, or for the binomial Zhulou, there is dispute over the identity between Zou , on the one hand, and the Zou represented by the graphs , and in the Lun yu, Zuo zhuan, and Shiji respectively. Pulleyblank assumes the identity of these places (“Zou and Lu,” 55n4), and most sources make the same claim (see Cheng Faren, Chun qiu Zuo shi zhuan ditning tukao, 200; numerous claims and arguments for loan equivalence among these various graphs can be found in the entries for the characters in Shuowen jiezi gulin 2842, 2857–58). For counter-arguments, which claim that there were two “Zous,” extremely close to one another, and that Kong Qiu's home was not a former capital of Zhulou, see Takezoe Shin'ichirō, Saden kaisen, 15.3.1 do not think the distinction between the two positions is essential with regard to my arguments. In Li Daoyuan's US i t ft notes to the Shui jing , Mt. Yi, rather than the earlier capital of Zhulou, is identified as the home city of Kong Qiu and his father ( Guowei, Wang , Shuijing zhu jiao [Shanghai: Renmin, 1984], 809 Google Scholar).

79. Perhaps in order to avoid this question, some traditional texts dealt with the association of Kong Qiu's father to Zou by claiming that he was, in fact, merely an appointed governor of Zou, rather than a native. (See the early pseudo-Kong commentary in Lun yu jijie [3.15] and Pei Yin's Song-period Jijie-commentary to the Shi ji, 47.1905. In Du Yu's Jin-period commentary to the Zuo zhuan, Shuliang He is described as a grandee of Zou, and Zou is described as a city in Lu.) However, I know of no other instance where a non-hereditary appointee is given as a surname-like identifier the location of his service in this way, although Takezoe, following Tang commentary, claims it as a rule in his comments to Xiang 10/1.

80. Lun yu, 3.15.

81. See Shude, Cheng , Lun yu jishi (Taipei: Yiwen, 1965), 161 Google Scholar.

82. Li ji, “Tan Gong” I,3.6.

83. Chia-li Luo, “Coastal Culture and the Religion of Early China” (Indiana University Ph.D. dissertation, 1999), 262–66. Luo's thesis elaborates contrasts in religious practices between the Yi peoples, whom she describes very broadly in terms of a family of coastal cultures, and those of people of the “Zhongyuan,” or central plains regions. The Lu/Zhulou contrast I am drawing would represent the interface of these two cultural spheres. Luo's religious model correlates well with the linguistic model suggested in Pulleyblank, “Zou and Lu.”

84. Were the tale factual, as it clearly is not, tradition would place it in Kong Qiu's twenty-fourth year, well before the date at which he is said to have first received disciples, much less the period of his exile (see Tonglai, Xu , Kongzi nianpu [Taipei: Zhonghua wenhua chuban shiye weiyuanhui, 1955], 34–35 Google Scholar). Shirakawa takes this phrase to reflect Kong Qiu's awareness of his outsider status as a shamaness's son (Kōshi den, 23). Kimura Eiichi — suggests that the place where Kong Qiu initially interred his mother, the Crossroads of Wufu, was a travelers’ service point in Lu, frequented by outsiders, which would resonate with this theme ( Kōshi to Rongo [Tokyo: Sōbunsha, 1971], 24 Google Scholar).

85. Li ji, “Tan Gong” 1,3.20–21. The tale appears in Kongzi jiayu, 42.18.

86. The term zhua may be yet another rendering of Zou/Zhulou. Du Yu gives an alternative name for Shuliang He's home city, Cuo , which shares with zhua both graphemic and phonetic elements (Takezoe, Saden kaisen, 15.3).

87. Lun yu, 11.l.

88. The association of the yeren of this passage with Zhulou has been made by Zhang Zhihan in “Luelun Zhulou wenhua yu Ru-Mo” (246). In his brief article, Zhang builds on the theories of Wang Xiantang to argue that Zhulou culture was the origin of the philosophies of both the Ruists and the Mohists. Zhang's argumentation is more enthusiastic than analytic, but his conclusions anticipate aspects of what I argue here.

89. Cheng Faren, Chun qiu Zuo shi zhuan dinting tukao, appended maps, sector map 4.

90. The Shi ben states that Fangshu was a grandee of Fang, and his name signified this (e.g., 1.7/15.15-16). An explanation for Fangshu's name, linked specifically to the mountain, appears in the Shandong tongzhi ([Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1934], 1129)Google Scholar, citing the Da-Qing yitong zhi .

91. Zuo zhuan, Zhuang 29/ 5 (76); on the famine, see Zhuang 28/7 (75).

92. Zuo zhuan, Xiang 13/4 (277).

93. Cheng Faren, however, locates it well north of Qufu, and posits four different locations called Fang within the state of Lu (including Mt. Fang); others assume three. The disagreement is material to issues concerning the Zang family, but not, I think, to this discussion. For Cheng's arguments, see Chun qiu Zuo shi zhuan diming tukao, 60–66. Some historical maps suggest that the location of Fang was east of the Jun River valley, perhaps near the Eastern Wen River.

94. Zuo zhuan, Xi 22/3 (118–19).

95. Zuo zhuan, Xiang 4/fu 2 (259).

96. Zuo zhuan, Xiang 17/5 (285).

97. Zuo zhuan, Xiang 23/11 (300).

98. The force of this argument should not be overstated—Zhulou was a haven for Lu refugees in a number of recorded instances. Nevertheless, if Zang's estate was to the east, he would have needed, in his flight, to cross from the Si River valley to the Jun River valley by a northern route. Zang did ultimately flee to his estate, and then to Qi, and his intermediate southern stop in Zhulou would not have been a logical step without a good reason, such as an attempt to gather a supporting guard to protect him as he reentered Lu. The mountains east of the region of Zhulou do not feature passes that could have made a transit from Zhulou to Fang the escape route of choice.

99. Zuo zhuan, Zhao 11/7; fu (374–75). Commentary tells us that “Wei family” should be read as “Lady Wei,” a concubine whom Meng Xizi had provided with a separate residence. By either interpretation, the practice of providing a remote establishment for a concubine with children is indicated.

100. Shi ji 67.2186. In his history of Lu, Guo Keyu devotes a chapter to the early Ru traditions of Lu, consisting entirely of an account of these two men (Lu guo shi, 299–324).

101. Gongsun Kou's appearance is a remonstrance against breaches of ritual (Yin 5/1 [11–12]); Zang He's initial appearances in the Zuo zhuan focus on his critiques of li violations (Cheng 18/14 [252]; Xiang 4/1 [257]).

102. Lun yu, 5.18.

103. Zuo zhuan, Xiang 23/11 (300); he is criticized for this in the Lun yu 14.14.

104. The turtle is generally referred to in the texts as a “cai ,” which some commentators explain by identifying the southern state Cai as the locale where such turtles were found. The Zuo zhuan also refers to it as the Zangs' “precious turtle lougou” (bao gui lougou ; Zhao 25/fu3 [419]), employing as the name of their turtle a binome similar in structure to possible Austroasiatic linguistic evidence associated with Zhulou (see n. 74 above and the discussion below). This may suggest the turtle's connection with the cultural region of which Zhulou was a part. (I am grateful to an anonymous reviewer who brought this evidence to my attention.)

105. Reconstructions are according to Karlgren, Bernhard, Grammata Serica Recensa (Stockholm: 1957)Google Scholar, which I use, rather than more recent phonetic reconstructions, only because it is more complete than most published lists available to me, and because its forms are widely understood. I wish to hang nothing on Karlgren's specific analyses.

106. Cited in Shuowen jiezi gulin, 2857a.

107. For Li Lou, see Mengzi 4A.1. For Li Zhu, see Thompson, Paul, The Shen Tzu Fragments (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1979), 274 Google Scholar, and Wang Xiantang, Yan-Huang shizu, 69, where instances are noted in the Zhuangzi and Liezi. I am treating the difference between and as inconsequential; they are exact homophones for Karlgren.

108. I am, in this discussion, indebted to William Boltz, who suggested to me the possibility of analyzing binomes in this way. Boltz discusses this process, which he calls “dimidiation,” in The Origin and Early Development of the Chinese Writing System (New Haven: American Oriental Society Series, vol. 78, 1994), 109 Google Scholar. I lack the training to assess specific cases critically, as Boltz does, and so the speculative analysis I make in this section should be understood as a suggestion, rather than as a strong claim.

109. Eno, The Confucian Creation of Heaven, 192.

110. The pun, to speculate beyond my skills, would have been on the two vocalizations zhuru/⋆ t⌢i⌢uńi⌢u and Zhu-zhuru/⋆t⌢i⌢u-t⌢ńi⌢u, imagining the words could be rendered in either “Lu” binome form or “Zhu” consonant cluster form.

111. Preliminary analysis suggests that Kong Qiu's prospects may have benefited from tensions between the powerful Mengsun and Jisun clans in Lu, which a generation earlier brought down Zang He. The Lun yu seems much more favorably disposed towards members of the Mengsun clan, and the marriage alliances it records Kong Qiu arranging for his own family appear to be with a branch of that clan and a family that the Zuo seems to portray as explicitly alienated from the Ji. (Recall also that Kong Qiu's career as a teacher is said to have been inaugurated by a Mengsun clan patriarch with Zhulou connections [see page 34, above].) The evidence is not straightforward, however, and more detailed consideration of the data will be required to determine if this line of analysis can yield a fully coherent scenario.

112. See Brooks and Brooks, The Original Analects, 281,283.

113. Mengzi, 1B.16. Blakeley locates Zang Cang within the Zang clan, but his sources appear to have based their identification on no apparent grounds, as the chronology is far out of alignment with the Mencius. Whether there was such a person at all is moot; the issue is the tension between Mengzi and the Zangs that the editors chose to suggest.

114. Lun yu, 19.22.

115. See Brooks and Brooks, The Original Analects, and Kimura, Kōshi to Rongo.

116. There are many versions of this tale. I have translated that in He Xiu's Gongyang commentary (Ding 10). Among other early texts, the Shi ji account refers to “actors and zhuru”; the Guliang zhuan account refers to “Yi-Di” people. The Zuo zhuan account is most likely the earliest and differs slightly; it stigmatizes Yi, but they are specifically from a place other than Zhu, and the action is without violence. The most interesting account appears in the early Han text Xin yu , which is one of several accounts that breaks the action into two scenes. In the Xin yu account, it is in a post-ceremonial encounter that the zhuru (actually, a man identified as a zhuru in the Shi ji) is dismembered. What makes the account of particular interest, however, is that at the initial conflict during the ceremonial encounter of the two lords, Kong Qiu's speech includes the statement, “When two rulers meet … they do not rudely conjoin iyehe),” an unusual use of the phrase so problematic in the Shi ji biography of Kong Qiu. (A survey of accounts of the Jiagu incident appears in Chen Li, Gongyang yishu, 71.3–4 [716].)