Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-p9bg8 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-27T02:25:33.846Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

TWO STEPS FORWARD

The Slow and Steady March toward Immigrant Political Mobilization

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  26 June 2008

Janelle Wong*
Affiliation:
Department of Political Science and American Studies and Ethnicity, University of Southern California
*
Professor Janelle Wong, VKC 341, MC 0044, Departments of Political Science and American Studies and Ethnicity, College of Letters Arts and Sciences, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, CA 90089. E-mail: [email protected]

Abstract

In this essay, I contend that one can understand neither the development of mass action among contemporary immigrants, nor the sporadic nature of that action, without attending to the historic role of parties and community-based organizations in shaping immigrants' political mobilization. I draw connections between the mass immigrant-rights demonstrations that took place during the spring of 2006 and what we know about how immigrants' political participation in the United States is structured by (1) the declining influence of political parties, and (2) the critical function of community-based organizations. These organizations were the focus of my recent book, Democracy's Promise: Immigrants and American Civic Institutions (2006). Why haven't activists been able to sustain the momentum that brought hundreds of thousands of immigrants and their supporters out into the streets during the spring of 2006? Although they, along with the Spanish-language media, played a critical role in organizing mass demonstrations against punitive immigration legislation in early 2006, labor organizations, workers' centers, advocacy and social service organizations, ethnic voluntary associations, and religious institutions face severe constraints in terms of engaging in sustained, consistent political mobilization and, therefore, mainly achieve limited mobilization. However, voter registration data from the National Association of Latino Elected Officials suggest that the demonstrations may have spurred interest in more traditional types of political participation among immigrants and their supporters. Thus, while it is true that, for the most part, political participation does not take place overnight, there may be ways for U.S. civic institutions to speed up that process through direct mobilization and the provision of information that helps immigrants to feel more comfortable and confident taking part in the political system. Trusted community-based institutions represent a vital potential force in promoting political inclusion for immigrant newcomers who contribute to so many other aspects of American life.

Type
State of the Discourse
Copyright
Copyright © W.E.B. Du Bois Institute for African and African American Research 2007

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

REFERENCES

Andersen, Kristi (1979). The Creation of a Democratic Majority, 1928–1936. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
Brulliard, Karin (2006). A True Believer in Immigration: “One Day, We Will Gather for Celebration. I Believe that This Takes Time.” The Rev. José E. Hoyos. Washington Post, September 20, B1.Google Scholar
CNN (2006). U.S. House of Representatives/National/Exit Poll. ⟨http://www.cnn.com/ELECTION/2006/pages/results/states/US/H/00/epolls.0.html⟩ (accessed February 27, 2008).Google Scholar
DeFrancesco Soto, Victoria and Merolla, Jennifer (2006). Vota por tu Futuro: Partisan Mobilization of Latino Voters in the 2000 Presidential Election. Political Behavior, 28: 285304.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
DeSipio, Louis and de la Garza, Rodolfo O. (2005). Between Symbolism and Influence: Latinos and the 2000 Elections. In de la Garza, Rodolfo O. and DeSipio, Louis (Eds.), Muted Voices: Latinos and the 2000 Elections, pp. 1365. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield.Google Scholar
Erie, Steven P. (1988). Rainbow's End: Irish-Americans and the Dilemmas of Urban Machine Politics. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.Google Scholar
Gans, Curtis (2006). Registration Percentage Unchanged from 2002-Record Percentage Eschew Major Parties. Washington, DC: American University Center for the Study of the American Electorate. November 2. ⟨http://www.american.edu/ia/cdem/csae/pdfs/csae061102.pdf⟩ (accessed February 27, 2008).Google Scholar
Grieco, Elizabeth M. and Cassidy, Rachel C. (2001). Overview of Race and Hispanic Origin. Census 2000 Brief (C2KBR/01-1). Washington DC: U.S. Bureau of the Census.Google Scholar
Jones-Correa, Michael (1998). Between Two Nations: The Political Predicament of Latinos in New York City. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Lien, Pei-te, Conway, M. Margaret, and Wong, Janelle (2004). The Politics of Asian Americans: Diversity and Community. New York: Routledge.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Passel, Jeffrey S. (2004). Election 2004: The Latino and Asian Vote. Washington, DC: Urban Institute. ⟨http://www.urban.org/UploadedPDF/900723.pdf⟩ (accessed January 18, 2007).Google Scholar
Pew Hispanic Center (2007). The Latino Electorate: An Analysis of the 2006 Election. Fact Sheet. ⟨http://pewhispanic.org/files/factsheets/34.pdf⟩ (accessed February 27, 2008).Google Scholar
Portes, Alejandro and Rumbaut, Rubén G. (1996). Immigrant America: A Portrait, 2ed.Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.Google Scholar
Prengaman, Peter (2006). Immigration Rally in LA Attracts 200 Demonstrators. Washington Post. September 6, A03.Google Scholar
Reichley, A. James (1992). The Life of the Parties: A History of American Political Parties. New York: Free Press.Google Scholar
Schier, Steven E. (2002). From Melting Pot to Centrifuge: Immigrants and American Politics. Brookings Review, 20(1): 1619.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Segal, Adam (2004). Bikini Politics: The 2004 Presidential Campaigns' Hispanic Media Efforts Cover Only the Essential Parts of the Body Politic: A Select Group of Voters in a Few Battleground States. Washington, DC: Hispanic Voter Project at Johns Hopkins University. ⟨http://advanced.jhu.edu/communication/hvp_2004_Interim_Report_Segal.pdf⟩ (accessed January 18, 2007).Google Scholar
Stone, Clarence N. (1996). Urban Political Machines: Taking Stock. PS: Political Science and Politics, 29(3): 446450.Google Scholar
Tumulty, Karen (2001). Courting a Sleeping Giant. Time Magazine, June 11. ⟨http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,1000103,00.html⟩ (accessed February 27, 2008).Google Scholar
U.S. Department of State (2008). Martin Luther King's Dream of Racial Equality. (America.gov), January 17. ⟨http://www.america.gov/st/diversity-english/2008/January/20080117180904bpuh9.322757e-02.html#⟩ (accessed February 27, 2008).Google Scholar
Watanabe, Teresa and Becerra, Hector (2006). 500,000 Pack Streets to Protest Immigration Bills. Los Angeles Times, March 6, A1, A20.Google Scholar
Wong, Janelle S. (2006). Democracy's Promise: Immigrants and American Civic Institutions. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar