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IMMIGRATION AND THE FUTURE OF BLACK POWER IN U.S. CITIES1
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 25 January 2008
Abstract
As a result of urban immigration and White flight over the past three decades, the demography of U.S. cities has changed rather dramatically; approximately one-half of the largest hundred cities are now composed of minority majorities. Many urban scholars expected these demographic shifts to enhance the prospects for minority electoral alliances. In reality, however, few such alliances have emerged. This paper looks to explore the barriers to effective coalition building between native-born African Americans and their immigrant counterparts. In the first half of the paper, I explore the psychological barriers to mass coalitions, focusing on the negative stereotypes and perceived zero-sum conflict that exist between native-born African Americans and Latino immigrants. The second half of the paper argues that material and symbolic incentives fuel ongoing competition between Blacks and Latinos in the political sphere. The paper concludes with a discussion of how immigrant-induced diversity coupled with existing racial hierarchies work against future Black empowerment. Even when changing urban demography makes Whites a numerical minority, White voters often retain their status as urban power players through their ability to divide minority voters at the polls. Divisive electoral strategies that offer political rewards to one group at the expense of others threaten Black incorporation in the urban arena. Unless minority leadership changes the incentive structure embedded in the traditional modes of municipal governance, Whites will persist in their economic dominance, while disadvantaged immigrants and Blacks will continue to make political choices that yield small, short-term rewards at the expense of greater social and economic justice.
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- Copyright © W.E.B. Du Bois Institute for African and African American Research 2007
Footnotes
The author would like to acknowledge Linda Williams and the participants in the American Politics Workshop at the University of Maryland for their constructive feedback and support. I owe special debts of gratitude to Joshua Dyck, Jim Gimpel, Joe Oppenheimer, and Clarence Stone for their counsel and encouragement. Finally, I am grateful to Larry Bobo for inviting me to present this work as a part of the Stanford University lecture series “Black Metropolis: Post-Katrina Politics and Urban Culture.”
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