Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-gxg78 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-26T21:29:33.812Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Women's Rights and Society's Needs: Japan's 1931 Suffrage Bill

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  03 June 2009

Sharon H. Nolte
Affiliation:
DePauw University

Extract

The history of women is different from that of men. Women's history is the highlighting of the cultural construction of gender, the ways in which “men” and “women” are defined in considerable autonomy from biological males and females. The culturally constructed gender system interacts with a society's political system in ways that are just beginning to be explored.1 At the same time, scholars also find their definitions of national states to be in flux. Criticizing both Weberian and Marxist traditions of analysis of the state, Charles Bright and Susan Harding have stressed the open-ended, continuous, and contingent interplay between state structures and initiatives on the one hand, and social movements on the other.2 It is an auspicious time to reconsider the relationships between women and the state in cross-cultural perspective. Here I will examine the women's suffrage movement in Japan (1919–31 ) in its political context in order to encourage comparison with other women's suffrage movements, and to re-examine the interwar Japanese state from the viewpoint of one of its least-studied challengers.

Type
Perspectives on the Position of Women
Copyright
Copyright © Society for the Comparative Study of Society and History 1986

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Ortner, Sherry B. and Whitehead, Harriet, “Accounting for Sexual Meanings,” in Sexual Meanings: The Cultural Construction of Gender and Sexuality, Ortner, S. B. and Whitehead, H.. eds. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981).Google Scholar

2 Bright, Charles and Harding, Susan, eds., Statemaking and Social Movements: Essays in History and Theory (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1984). 34.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

3 Reiko, Shiraishi, “1920–30 nendai Nihon ni okeru fujin kankei hōritsu ni tsuite ichi kōsat-su,” ōsaka gakuhōno. 110 (1979), 63.Google Scholar

4 Kenzō, Adachi, II February 1931. Teikoku Gikai, Daigojūkyūkai, Shūgiin giji sokkiroku. (All Japanese-language books cited in this article were published in Tokyo unless otherwise noted.)Google Scholar

5 Masanao, Kano, “Fusen Kakutoku Dōmei no seiritsu to tenkai: Manshū jihen boppatsu made,” Rekishi hyōron, no. 319 (1974), 79:Google Scholar and Shizue, Ishizuki, “Zen-Kansai Fujin Rengōkai no seiritsu to tenkai,” Historia, no. 70 (1976), 47.Google Scholar The reasons for the feminist leaders' stance will be explored below; while Kano and Ishizuki treat it sympathetically, the latter even treating Peer's rejection of the Hamaguchi bill as a feminist victory, Murakami Nobuhiko accuses the feminist leaders of “opposition for opposition's sake,” which disregarded the real needs of rural women; see his Fujin mondai to fujin kaihō undo,” in Kōza, Iwanami, Nihon rekishi, vol. 18 (Iwanami, 1975), 246–47.Google Scholar

6 Shizue, Ishizuki, “Fujin undo no tenkai,” in Taishōki no kenryoku to minshū, Hitoshi, Koyama, ed. (Hōritsu Bunka, 1980), 156;Google ScholarSievers, Sharon L., Flowers in Salt: The Beginnings of Feminist Consciousness in Modern Japan (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1983), 52;Google ScholarRobins-Mowry, Doro thy, The Hidden Sun: Women of Modern Japan (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press. 1983), 77.Google Scholar

7 Sally A. Hastings, “Women and the Social Services in Japan” (Paper presented to the Berkshire Conference of Women Historians, Smith College, Northampton, Massachusetts, 1 June 1984). The preference of suffragists for American travel and study is not surprising; James T. Conte found that the United States was the most popular destination of nineteenth-century students in “Overseas Study in the Meiji Period: Japanese Students in America. 1867–1902” (Ph.D. diss., Princeton University, 1977), 28–35. Mitani Taiichirō cites the United States as the most influential foreign source of culture in “Taishō demokurashii to Amerika,” in Nihon to Amerika: Hikaku bunka ron, Makoto, Saitōet al., eds. (Nan'undō, 1973).Google Scholar

8 Lebra, Joyce, review of Flowers in Salt: The Beginnings of Feminist Consciousness in Modern Japan,Google Scholar by Sievers, Sharon, American Historical Review, 89:4 (1984), 1137.Google Scholar

9 Norton, Mary Beth, “The Evolution of White Women's Experience in Early America,” American Historical Review. 89:3 (1984). 610–12, 618.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

10 Ryan, Mary, The Cradle of the Middle Class: The Family in Oneida County, New York, 1790–1865 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 3042.Google Scholar

11 Hayami, Akira, “The Myth of Primogeniture and Impartible Inheritance in Tokugawa Japan,” Journal of Family History, 8 (1983), 329;CrossRefGoogle ScholarNolte, Sharon H., “Women, the State, and Repression in Imperial Japan,” Women in International Development, Working Paper no. 33, 09 1983;Google Scholar on protest against restrictions on women in the new Meiji laws, see Sievers, 99–113; Degler, Carl N., At Odds: Women and the Family in America from the Revolution to the Present (New York: Oxford University Press, 1980), 332.Google Scholar

12 Kiyoura, , quoted in Mitsuhiro, Sotozaki, Kōchi-ken fujin kaihō undo shi (Domesu, 1975), 124. On women teachers' salaries, see Ishizuki, “Fujin undō no tenkai,” 156.Google Scholar

13 Kazuko, Nagahara, “Ryōsai kenbo shugi kyōiku ni okeru ‘ie’ to shokugyō.” in Nihonjoseishi, vol. 4, KenkyūkatKindai, Joseishi Sōgō Kindai, Joseishi Sōgō, ed., (Tōkyō Daigaku Shuppankai, 1982), 149–51;Google Scholar on how domesticity in America led to public activity, see Matthaei, Julie A.. An Economic History of Women in America (New York: Schocken, 1982), 174, 178–79.Google Scholar

14 Nagahara. 154–55.

15 Ibid., 176.

16 Emiko, Saji, “Gunji engo to katei fujin,” in Onnatachi no kindai, Ken-kyūkai, Kindai Joseishi, ed. (Kashiwa, 1978), 124.Google Scholar

17 Sumiko, Tanaka, ed., Josei kaihō no shisō to kōdō. vol. I, Senzenhen, (Jiji Tsūshin, 1979), 158–61; Nagahara, 160.Google Scholar

18 Nagahara, , 161–62.Google Scholar

19 Takashi, Koyama, The Changing Social Position of Women in Japan (Geneva: United Nations Press, 1961), 2223;Google ScholarHane, Mikiso, Peasants, Rebels, and Outcastes: The Underside of Modern Japan (New York: Pantheon, 1982), 51.Google Scholar

20 Grimes, Alan P.. The Puritan Ethic and Woman Suffrage (New York: Oxford University Press, 1967), 136.Google Scholar

21 Katsuko, Kodama, Fujin sanseiken undō shōshi: Kanshū Ichikawa Fusae (Domesu. 1981).30;Google Scholar see also her Heiminsha no fujintachi ni yoru chian keisatsu hō kaisei seigan undō ni tsuite,” Rekishi hyōron, no. 323 (1977), 7382.Google Scholar

22 Yōichi, Chino, Kindai Nihon fujin kyōiku shi (Domesu, 1979), 165–66, 178.Google Scholar

23 Cole, Robert E. and Tominaga, Ken'ichi, “Japan's Changing Occupational Structure and Its Significance,” in Japanese Industrialization and Its Social Consequences, Patrick, Hugh T., ed. (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1972), 60.Google Scholar

24 Chino, 167, 174–75.

25 Kano, 71.

26 Ishizuki, , “Fujin undo no tenkai,” 167.Google Scholar

27 Michiko, Saitō, “Hani Motoko no shisō,” and Hiromi, Sotani. “Fujin kōron no shisō,” in Onnatachi no kindai, Kenkyūkai, Kindai Joseishi, ed. (Kashiwa, 1978).Google Scholar

28 Kano, 79.

29 Ninon fujin mondai shiryō shūsei, vol. 2, FusaeSeiji, lchikawa Seiji, lchikawa, ed. (Domesu. 1983)Google Scholar

30 Ishizuki, , “Fujin undo no tenkai,” 158.Google Scholar

31 Tamoko, Imanaka, “Taishōki burujoa fujin undo to fujin kyōshi: Shin Fujin Kyōkai Hiroshima-shi bu no setchi o megutte,” Rekishi hvōron, no. 323 (1977), 29.Google Scholar

32 Kano, 78–79.

33 Quoted in Ishizuki, “Zen-Kansai Fujin Rengōkai no seiritsu to tenkai,” 42.

34 Barker, Paula, “The Domestication of Politics: Women and American Political Society, 1780–1920,” American Historical Review. 89:3 (1984), 620–47; Degler, 315–20.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

35 Sayoko, Yoneda, “Fujin kaihōshi ni okeru minshushugi no kadai: chian keisatsu hō shūseiundo no igi ni yosete, 2,” Jinbun gakuhō (Tōkyō Toritsu Daigaku), no. 97 (1974). 9697, 105; Ishizuki, “Fujin undo no tenkai,” 172–73; Kano, 72, 76.Google Scholar

36 Ishizuki, , “Zen-Kansai Fujin Rengōkai no seiritsu to tenkai,” 4245.Google Scholar

37 See, for example, Hatsunosuke, Hirabayashi, “Musan fujin undō e,” Kaizō, 4:7 (1922). 173;Google Scholar and Muramatsu Seigo, “Gendai fujin mondai no igi,” Ibid. 177.

38 Mumeo, Oku, Fujin mondai jūrokkō (Nihon Tosho Sentaa, 1982), 464–65.Google Scholar

39 Kikue, Yamakawa, “Shin Fujin Kyōkai to Sekirankai,” Taiyo, 27:7 (1921). 46.Google Scholar

40 Quoted in Yoneda, 133.

41 Kano, 74; Ishizuki, “Fujin undo no tenkai,” 175.

42 Hikaru, Hayashi, Hahaova ga kawareba shakai ga kawaru: Kawasaki Nalsu den (Sōdo Bunka. 1974), 119.Google Scholar

43 Yamakawa, , “Fujin sanseiken no jūnenkan,” Kaizō, 11:8 (1929), 6869;Google ScholarFujinkōminken.” Kaizō. 11:3 (1929), 6870; Yoneda, 114, 134.Google Scholar

44 Ishizuki, . “Fujin undō no tenkai,” 155; and Michiko, Nagahata, Hono no onna: Taishō joseiseikatsu shi (Shin Hyōron, 1981), 217.Google Scholar

45 Ishizuki, “Fujin undo no tenkai,” 164, 176; Kodama, Kantō Fujin Dōmei to Fusen Kakutoku Kyōdō Iinkai ni tsuite,” Rekishi hyōron, no. 299 (1975), 35, 40; Kano, 75, 79.Google Scholar

46 Hisashi, Asō, “Gikai ni sentan o yusuru tettei fusen o zenkokuteki taishu undō.” Kuizō, 10:3 (1928), 89.Google Scholar

47 Sotozaki, 28.

48 Sievers, 94.

49 Ishizuki, “Fujin undo no tenkai,” 156.

50 Shiraishi, 45.

51 Ishizuki, , “Fujin undo no tenkai,” 170; Rengōkai, Nihon Fujin Dantai, Fujin no ayumi hachijunen (Shin Tokusho, 1960), 4445.Google Scholar

52 Ishizuki, , “Fujin undo no tenkai,” 162: Kano, 7677.Google Scholar

53 Teidai, Omoto, “Musan Fujin Dōmei to senkyosen.” Kaizō, 12:3 (1930), 7374.Google Scholar

54 Waswo, Ann, “The Origins of Tenant Unrest,” in Japan in Crisis: Essays on Taishō Democracy, Silberman, Bernard S. and Harootunian, H. D., eds. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1974).Google Scholar

55 Tanzan, Ishibashi, Ishibashi Tainan zenshū, 15 vols. (Tōyō Keizai Shinpō, 1970–72), II, 338.Google Scholar

56 Raichō, Hiratsuka, Genshi, josei wa taiyō de alla, 4 vols. (ōtsuki, 1975), II, 458;Google ScholarReich, Pauline C., “Japan's Literary Feminists: The Seitō Group,” Signs, 2 (1976). 284.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For other examples of the censorship of feminist works, see my Individualism in Taishō Japan,” Journal of Asian Studies. 43 (1984), 674–75.Google Scholar

57 Robins-Mowry, 67.

58 NFMSS, 166–78; Imanaka. 28–47.

59 NFMSS. 166–78. The term universal suffrage (futsū senkyo) is widely used to refer to the abolition of property qualifications for male electors. In this essay that movement is distinguished as universal manhood suffrage.

60 Mini, Yamanouchi, Yamanouchi Mina jiden (Shinjuku, 1975). 204; Yoneda, 104.Google Scholar

61 NFMSS, 193.

62 Tomozō, Itano, 27 02 1921. Gikai, Teikoku, Daiyonjūyonkai, Shūgiin giji sokkiroku.Google Scholar

63 Teishirō, Kawamura and Kinpei, Arimitsu, Chian keisatsu hō ron IKailei) (Ryōsho Fukyukai, 1924), 1–2, 193.Google Scholar

64 Jun'ichirō, Kisaka. “Kakushin Kurabu ron.” in Taishōki no seiji to shakai, Tetsujirō, Inoue, ed. (Iwanami, 1969), 294.Google Scholar

65 Hayashi. 129.

66 Bandō Kōtaro den (Asahigawa-shi: Asahigawa-shi, 1981), 158–62; see also Kano, 73.Google Scholar

67 On the relationship of American nuptiality, sex ratios by state, and immigration to the suffrage issue, see Grimes, esp. 69–70, 87–88; Degler, 330, 335. On the high Japanese nup-tiality rate, which was fairly even across prefectures, see Mosk, Carl, Patriarchy and Fertility- Japan and Sweden, 1880–1960 (New York: Academic Press, 1983), 155.Google Scholar

68 Kira, , quoted in Kodama, Fujin sanseiken undo shōshi: Kanshū lchikawa Fusae, 101;Google Scholar on Fujimura, see ibid., 67–68; and NFMSS, 192, 194; Hara, “Chian keisatsu hō-chō kaisei horit-suan, gaisanken iinkai, daiikkai,” 12 March 1925, Teikoku Gikai, Daigojūk i, Shūgiin linkai giroku.

69 Tsuchiya, 27 February 1921, Teikoku Gikai, Daiyonjūyonkai, Shūgiin sokkiroku; Kataoka, “Chian keisatsu hō-chū kaisei hōritsuan, gaisanken Iinkai, daiyonkai,” 23 March 1925, Teikoku Gikai, Daigojūkai, Shūgiin linkai giroku: Yoshida, “Chian keisatsu hō-chū kaisei horitsuan, gaisanken Iinkai, daiyonkai,” 23 March 1925, Teikoku Gikai, Daigojūkai, Shūgiin linkai giroku.

70 Takahashi, , “Chian keisatsu hō-chō kaisei hōritsuan, gaisanken iinkai, dainikai.” 14 04 1925,Google Scholar Teikoku Gikai, Daigojūkai, Shūgiin linkai giroku; Katayama, quoted in Matsuyama Jirō, “Fujin kominken'an no suii,” Hōgaku ronshū (Komesawa University), no. 7 (1970), 93; Yamaguchi, “Chian keisatsu hō-chū kaisei hōritsuan, gaisanken Iinkai, daiikkai,” 12 March 1925, Teikoku Gikai, Daigojūkai, Shūgiin linkai giroku; Arima, “Chian keisatsu hō-chū kaisei hōritsuan, gaisanken Iinkai, daigokai,” 24 March 1925, Teikoku Gikai, Daigojūkai, Shūgiin linkai giroku; Suematsu, “Shisei-chū kaisei hōritsuan, gaigoken Iinkai. daiikkai,” 9 May 1930, Teikoku Gikai, Daigojūhachikai, Shūgiin linkai giroku: Takagi, “Chian keisatsu hō-chū kaisei hōritsuan, gaisanken Iinkai, dainikai,” 12, 14 March 1925, Teikoku Gikai, Daigojūkai, Shūgiin linkai giroku; Matsumoto, “Chian Keisatsu hō-chū Kaisei hōritsuan, gaisanken iinkai, daiyonkai,” 23 March 1925, Teikoku Gikai, Shūgiin Iinkai giroku.

71 Takahashi, quoted in Matsuyama, 105–6; see also “Shisei-chū kaisei hōritsuan, gainiken iinkai, daiikkai,” 12 May 1930, Teikoku Gikai, Daigojūhachikai, Kizokuin linkai giroku, in which Takahashi castigated the Peers for a decade of delay on women's rights, invoked the spirit of the Meiji Restoration, and demanded that Japanese women have even more rights than American women. Hoshijima, quoted in Matsuyama, 101; Nishioka, quoted in Shiraishi, 59.

72 Shimizu, , “Fukensei-chu kaisei hōritsuan, gaisanken iinkai, dainikai,” 8 02 1929, Teikoku Gikai, Daigojūrokkai, Shūgiin linkai giroku.Google Scholar

73 Degler. 341.

74 linkai, Taigakai:Naimushō Shi Henshū, Naimushō shi, (Taigakai, 1971), II. 189–93.Google Scholar

75 For example, see “Chian keisatsu hō-chū kaisei hōritsuan, Gaisanken linkai, daiikai.” 11 March 1925, Teikoku Gikai, Daigojūkai, Shūgiin linkai giroku.

76 Matsuyama, 90.

77 Kenzō, Adachi speech in “Shisei-chū kaisei hōritsuan, Gairokken Iinkai, daiikkai,” 9 05 1930, Gikai, Teikoku, Daigojūhachikai. Shūgiin linkai sokkiroku.Google Scholar

78 Chino, 174–75. The army reserve was another official mass organization, but it showed little interest in women before the formation of the Greater Japan National Defense Women's Organization, Dai Nihon Kokubō Fujinkai, in 1932, although the general staff joined other agencies in studying the performance of European women in World War I.

79 Saji, 120–43.

80 Chino, 216.

81 Tsunehisa, Abe, “Senkyūhyakunijū nendai no fujinkai undo ni tsuite: Toyama-ken o rei toshite,” in Nihon no joseishi, vol. 5, Kenkyūkai, Joseishi Sōgō. ed. (Tokyo Daigaku Shup-pankai, 1983), 78, 8081.Google Scholar

82 Chino, 251; Abe, 100–101.

83 Ishizuki, “Fujin undo no tenkai,” 40.

84 Abe, 90–93, 99. 102, 110–11.

85 Chino. 263.

86 Abe, 91–93.

87 Chino, 220–22; Abe, 100–101. On the army's later “voluntary” women's associations there is valuable information in Smith, Robert J. and Wiswell, Ella Lury, Women of Suye Mura (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982)Google Scholar, and I have analyzed it in Women in a Prewar Japanese Village: Suye Mura Revisited,” Peasant Studies, 10 (1983), 185–88.Google Scholar

88 Kano, 81–82; Hayashi, 126.

89 Matsuyama, 12.

90 Karoku, Nomura, in “Shisei-chū kaisei horitsuan, daiikkai,” 12 05 1930, Gikai, Teikoku, Daigojūhachikai, Shūgiin giji sokkiroku; Hayashi, 132.Google Scholar

91 I am indebted to Sally Hastings for the idea that women's wartime participation in mass patriotic organizations may be related to their participation in postwar politics. Susan Pharr has raised the question of whether women's rights provisions under the Allied occupation were initiated by American men, American women, or Japanese women on their staffs; see Interna tional Group for the Study of Women, “Soldiers as Feminists: Debate within U.S. Occupation Ranks over Women's Rights Policy in Japan,” Proceedings of the Tokyo Symposium on Women, 08 1977 (Tokyo: International Group for the Study of Women, 1978).Google Scholar

92 During the early 1930s, a few cities, towns, and villages adopted a system of one vote per household in municipal elections, effectively enfranchising female household heads (especially widows) and the wives of men who were absent for work or military service. These municipalities also permitted women to be elected to local office. The changes were important in the growing acceptance of women as political actors, but they fell far short of the rights that American women enjoyed in many states prior to the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment. See Nihon fujin mondai shirō shūsei, vol. 10, Nenpyō, , Hiiko, Maruoka and Miyoko, Yamaguchi, eds. (Domesu, 1982), 155–88.Google Scholar