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Vocations, Careers, and Talent: Lutheran Pietism and Sponsored Mobility in Eighteenth-Century Germany

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  03 June 2009

Anthony J. La Vopa
Anthony J. La Vopa
Affiliation:
North Carolina State University
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Extract

Every subject of the state, Immanual Kant reasoned in a discussion of “civil equality” in 1793, “must be able to attain the social rank [Stufe eines Standes] … to which his talent, his effort, and his luck can carry him” without hindrance by any “hereditary prerogative.” A year later Kant's former disciple Johann Gottlieb Fichte likewise imagined a society in which “the choice of a Stand” would be “a choice through freedom” to which no “particular action” or “general institution” could pose a legitimate barrier. The two philosophers offered variations on the radical social principle of “careers open to talent,” extending the promise of upward mobility to talented children of the underprivileged. Proclaimed by the French National Assembly in August 1789, the principle also had a German lineage and, in the first decade of the next century, was to figure prominently in the official program for national revival in Prussia.

Type
On Connecting Institutions to Social Class
Information
Comparative Studies in Society and History , Volume 28 , Issue 2 , April 1986 , pp. 255 - 286
Copyright
Copyright © Society for the Comparative Study of Society and History 1986

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References

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15 Podczek, Otto, ed., Der Grosse Aufsatz: August Hermann Francke.s Schrift ?ber eine Reform des Erziehungs-und Bildungswesens als Ausgangspunkt einer geistlichen und sozialen Neuordnung der Evaiigelischen Kirche des 18. Jahrhunderts. Vol. LIII, pt. 3Google Scholar of Abhandlungen der Sächsischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig. Philologisch-historische Klasse (Berlin. 1962), 44–45, 133–34.Google Scholar

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18 LP. VI, 21–23.Google Scholar

19 Francke, , Tiark (1722), 51.Google Scholar

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21 The complete text of Francke's conversion account, with useful editorial information, is in August Hermann Francke, Peschke, , ed., 5–29. See especially 23–24, 28–29.Google Scholar

22 LP, III, 18–19;Google ScholarLP, IV, 32–33, 111–12, 164.Google Scholar

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24 LP, IV, 21.Google Scholar

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28 LP, I, 128–29.Google Scholar See also LP, II, 366–71;Google ScholarLP, IV, 77–87;Google ScholarLP, V. 318–19;Google ScholarLP, VI, 20.Google Scholar

29 LP, IV, 114–15.Google Scholar

30 In many cases, he noted, the father had made the decision, and with the sole thought that “other employments in the world are very uncertain but there has to be a pastor in almost every village.” For others, the “fleshly motive” was simply to avoid learning a manual trade regarded as “contemptible.” LP, V. 62–63.Google Scholar

31 LP, III, 247–55;Google ScholarLP, IV, 29–32;Google ScholarLP, V. 64–68.Google Scholar It is striking that Francke diverged here from Christian Kortholt, one of his former teachers, who had felt that such unsuitable candidates should be encouraged to leave the clergy. Peschke, , Bekehrung und Reform, 47–48.Google Scholar

32 LP, VI, 240–47;Google ScholarLP, VII. 312–13. 331–42.Google Scholar See also August Hermann Francke, Peschke, . ed. 188–89.Google Scholar On Luther's view of “Gaben,” see Lieberg, Hellmut, Amt und Ordination bei Luther und Melanchthon (Göttingen, 1962), 79–80.Google Scholar

33 LP, IV, 50.Google Scholar

34 LP, VII, 312.Google Scholar

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36 Herrlitz, , Studium als Standesprivileg, 36–40, 57–59. 99–108.Google Scholar On the importance of the small-town Latin schools in Prussia, see Jeismann, Karl-Ernst. Das preussische Gymnasium in Staat und Gesellschaft. Die Entstehung des Gymnasiums als Schule des Staates und der Gebildeten, 1787–1817, Vol. XV of Industrielle Welt. Schriftenreihe des Arbeitskreises fOr moderne Sozialgeschichte (Stuttgart, 1974),Google Scholar especially 163–70. Turner considered the “monopoly of credentials” in sponsored mobility to be typical of “societies with well entrenched aristocracies” or of “societies organized on large-scale bureaucratic lines permitting centralized control of upward social movement.” Turner, , “Sponsored and Contest Mobility,” 858.Google Scholar But cf. the attempt to refine Turner's typology, by relating variations in the structures of educational systems to “particularist” and “universalistic” ideologies of selection, in Hopper, Earl, “Educational Systems and Selected Consequences of Patterns of Mobility and Non-mobility in Industrial Societies. A Theoretical Discussion,” in Knowledge, Education, and Cultural Change. Papers in the Sociology of Education, Brown, Richard, ed. (London, 1973), 17–69.Google Scholar

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38 Schütz, Christian Gottfried, Geschichte des Erziehungsinstituts bei dem theol. Seminarium zu Halle (Jena, 1781), n. pag.Google Scholar

39 LP, III, 372–75;Google ScholarLP. V. 157–58;Google ScholarLP, VII, 138–39.Google Scholar On the vocatio mediata, see especially Lieberg, , Amt und Ordination, 143–45.Google Scholar

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41 LP, V, 69–73.Google Scholar

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43 LP, III, 291.Google Scholar

44 Peschke, , Bekehrung and Reform, 39–40, 142–44. My reading of Francke's theology, it should be stressed, is limited to the Lectures, which may exaggerate his faithfulness to Luther. In the most thorough and careful treatment of the subject, Peschke characterizes Franke's thought as “einem eigenuilligen Lutherverstandnis,” corresponding considerably to Luther's intentions in the “formale Ansatz der Gedankenführung” but often diverging from them in the “inhaltiliche Durchführung.”Google ScholarIbid., 148–49.

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47 See, e.g., Luther's Works, XLVI, 250–51.Google Scholar See also the remarks on Luther's view of the social order and social mobility in Spitz, Lewis W., “Luther's Social Concern for Students,” in The Social History of the Reformation, Buck, Lawrence P. and Zophy, Jonathan W.. eds. (Columbus, Ohio, 1972), 258–62.Google Scholar

48 Kramer, , August Hermann Francke, II, 486;Google ScholarNiemeyer, August Hermann, Geschichte des königlihen Pädagogiums seit seiner Stifiung his zum Schluss des ersten Jahrhunderts (Halle, 1796).Google Scholar

49 Deppermann, , Der hallesnhe Pietismus, 89–90;Google ScholarKramer, . Francke. II (Appendix). 507.Google Scholar For descriptions of the entire complex, see Oschlies, , Arheits-und Berufspädagogik. 16–21, 41;Google ScholarHinrichs, , Preussentum und Pietismus.Google Scholar

50 The best theological explication of Luther's doctrine of vocation is still Wingren, Gustaf. Luther on Vocation, Rasmussen, Carl C., trans. (Philadelphia, 1957).Google Scholar See also Asheim, . Glaube und Erzieluang bei Luther;Google ScholarLieberg, , Amt und Ordination.Google Scholar

51 This increasing concern to restore authority is emphasized in Strauss, , Luther's House of Learning.Google Scholar

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53 Walzer, Michael, The Revolution of the Saints. A Study in the Origins af Radical Politics (New York, 1970), 210–11. See also Walzer's comments on the Puritan attitude toward social mobility (p. 215).Google Scholar

54 LP, IV, 4–76;Google ScholarA. H. Francke. Pädagogische Schriften, Lorenzen, Hermann, ed. (Paderborn, 1957),Google Scholar especially 32. “When I begrudge someone an hour of my life,” Francke warned students who might want a private consultation with him, “I consider that I am extending him a great gift.” On Francke's view of work and Beruf see also Hinrichs, . Preussentum und Pietismus, 13–15, 342–45;Google ScholarOschlies, , Arbeits-und Berufspädagogik, especially 198–206.Google Scholar

55 The rationalistic influence of seventeenth-century academies and utopian literature is given due emphasis in Hinrichs, , Preussentum und Pietismus, especially 45.Google Scholar

56 A. H. Francke. Pddagogische Schrifren, Lorenzen, , ed., 15. 30–33. 45–47.Google Scholar

57 Ibid., 17, 40–41. 51, 83.

58 Oschlies, , Arbeits-und Berufspadagogik, 124–27;Google ScholarHinrichs, , Preussentuin und Pietismus, 65.Google Scholar

59 In his magisterial study, Carl Hinrichs sees Halle Pietism as a cultural bridge for an ideal of rational progress, rooted in the utopian literature of the seventeenth century and assuming its modern, secular form in Enlightenment optimism. Hinrichs's detailed analysis of Francke's reform projects is not matched by due attention to the inner spirituality that was supposed to impel them. To scholars who have focussed on the psychological dynamics of conversion. Francke's Pietism, like other varieties, prepared the way for a fascination with the self and individual psychology at the end of the century. See, e.g., Stemme, Fritz, “Die Säkularisation des Pietismus zur Erfahrungsseelenkunde.” Zeitschrift für deutsche Philologie, 72, Heft 2 (1953), 144–58.Google Scholar Other important studies of Pietist influence are Kaiser, Gerhard, Pietismus und Patriotismus im literarischen Deutschland. Ein Beitrag zum Problem der Säkularisation (Wiesbaden, 1961).Google ScholarMinder, Robert, Glaube, Skepsis und Rationalismus. Dargestellt aufgrund der autohiographischen Schriften von Karl Philipp Moritz (1936; Frankfurt/Main, 1974).Google Scholar

60 Michaelson, Robert S., “Changes in the Puritan Concept of Calling or Vocation,” The New England Quarterly, 26 (06 1953). 315–36;CrossRefGoogle ScholarDouglas, , “Talent and Vocation.” 295–98.Google Scholar To judge by an excellent study of the Mathers, the evolution of Puritanism in New England was more complex. Cotton Mather, who was Francke's contemporary and conducted a correspondence with him, advocated an “American Pietism” which was open to “secular” trends in some respects but placed increasing emphasis on man's natural depravity and total helplessness in the conversion process. Middlekauf, Robert, The Mathers. Three Generations of Puritan Intellectuals, 1596–1728 (New York. 1971), especially 191–319.Google Scholar

61 Weber, Max, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism. Parsons, Talcott. trans. (New York. 1976),Google Scholar especially 132–39. For a corrective interpretation of Puritanism, see especially Walzer, , Revolution of the Saints;Google Scholar item. “Puritanism as a Revolutionary Ideology,” in The Protestant Ethic and Modern?atmon. A Comparative View, Eisenstadt, S. N., ed. (New York. 1968), 109–34.Google Scholar On the difference between Halle Pietism and Weber's version of Puritanism, see also Hinrichs, , Preussentum und Pietismns, especially 12. 342–51.Google Scholar

62 All of these differences informed divergent views of the relationship between “nature” and “art” (Kunst) in pedagogy. See especially Dohmen, Günther, Die Entstehung des pädagogischen Bildungsbegriffs und seines Bezugs zum Schuhmterrieht, Vol. II of Biltung und Schule, (Weinheim, 1965).Google Scholar

63 See. e.g., Dommerich, M. Jo. Cph., “Gedanken von besserer Einrichtung der Lebensart junger Leute, zum Nutzen der Republik,”Google Scholar reprinted in Krünitz, Johann Georg. “Lebens-Art,” Oekonomisch-technologische Encvklopädie, 67 (1795), 88–99;Google ScholarBöttiger, Carl August, Ueber die besten Minel die Studliersuch derer, die zum Studieren Keinen Beruf haben, zu hemmen (Leipzig, 1789),Google Scholar especially 69–93; Villaume, Peter, “Ob und inwiefern bei der Erziehung die Vollkommenheit des einzelnen Menschen seiner Brauchbarkeit aufzuopfern sei?” in Bildung iind Brauchbarkeit. Texie von Joachim Heinrich Campe und Peter Villaume zur utilitärer Erziehung, Blankertz, Herwig, ed. (Braunschweig, 1965), 106–7Google Scholar (orig. pub. in Allgeineine Revision des gesammten Schul-und Erziehungsuesens, Campe, Joachim Heinrich. ed.. Vol. III (1785)).Google Scholar See also the excellent discussion of Friedrich Gedike's “progressive” reform thought in Müller, Detlef K., Sozialstruktur und Schulsystem: Aspekte zum Strukturwandel des Schulwesens im 19. Jahrhundert (Göttingen, 1977), 98–109.Google Scholar For a suggestive discussion of the psychology of individual achievement among sons of the upper bourgeoisie, contrasted with the collective mentality of the lower bourgeoisie. see Schlumbohm, Jurgen, “‘Traditional’ Collectivity and ‘Modem’ Individuality: Some Questions and Suggestions for the Historical Study of Socialization. The Example of the German Lower and Upper Bourgeoisies around 1800.” Social History, 5:1 (01 1980), 71–103.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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65 See, e.g., Eckermann, J. C. R.. “Ueber die Erziehung der Kinder in Beziehung auf die Wahl ihres künftigen Standes,”Google Scholar in idem.Kleine vermischte Schriften, 2 vois. (Altona. 1799). II. 143–206;Google Scholar“Beruff,” Grosses volistdndiges Universal Lexicon Aller Wissenschaften und Künste, Zedler, Johann Heinrich, ed., 3 (1733), 1449 51;Google Scholar “Lebens-Art,” ibid., 16 (1737), 1272–77: Krünitz, , “Lebens-Art”: Böttiger, Ueher die besten Mittel. 29–45;Google ScholarKrause, . Beantwortung der Frage: iver hat Beruj, ein Gelehrter zu werden?Google Scholar

66 See. e.g., Büsching, Anton Friedrich, Ausführliche Nachricht von der jetzigen Verfassung des berlinischen Gvnnnasii (Berlin, 1768);Google ScholarGedike, Friedrich, “Praktische Beitrag zur Methodik des öffentlichen Schulunterrichts,”Google Scholar in idem.Gesammlete Schulschriften, 2 vols. (Berlin, 1789 1795), I. 75–157.Google Scholar

67 See espcially LP, I, 241–45, 302–7;Google ScholarLP, II, 160, 340–41;Google ScholarLP, III, 191–93, 291;Google ScholarLP, VII, 124–25, 305–15.Google Scholar Cotton Mather, who was particularly aware of this tension, rejected the prevailing “preparationist” approach to conversion on the grounds that its preparatory stages admitted human merit in the guise of “psychological ‘works,’ accomplished by the self.” Middlekauf, , The Machers, esp. 233–46.Google Scholar

68 See, e.g., Fest, , über die Vortheile und Gefahren der Armuth,Google Scholar especially 10–33; Eyring, Jeremias Nicolaus, Gedanken zur Vertheidigung derer die ohne Reichthurn studiren (Göttingen, 1761),Google Scholar especially 23–24; Büsching, Anton Friedrich, “Beantwortung der Frage: Wer soll studieren,” Archiv für die ausubedde Erziehungskunst, I (1784), 191–92:Google ScholarBöttiger, , Ueber die besten Mittel, 56–57.Google Scholar

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70 Jung-Stilling, Johann Heinrich, Heinrich Stiflings Jugend. Jünglingsjahre. Wanderschaft und häusliches Leben, Cunz, Dieter, ed. (Stuttgart, 1969),Google Scholar esp. 209–12, 232–33. See also Günther, Hans R. G., Jung-Stilling. Em n Beitrag zur Psychologie des Pietismus. 2d ed. (Munich. 1948).Google Scholar

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72 See, e.g., the life histories in AMP, 4:2 (1790), 216–24Google ScholarPubMed (Christian Wilhelm Gemler); AMP, 3:6(1790). 634–36Google ScholarPubMed (Karl Christian Tittmann); AMP, 11:4 (1795), 83–94Google ScholarPubMed (Johann Samuel Fest): AMP, 6 (1798), 241–47Google ScholarPubMed (Samuel Friedrich Nathanael Morus); AMP. 11:5 (1795), 97–112Google ScholarPubMed (Johann Wilhelm Schmid); AMP, 7:4 (1792), 456–90Google Scholar (Heinrich Gottlieb Zerenner). See also Spalding, Johann Salomo, Lebensbeschreibung,Google Scholar especially 130–33; Semler, , Lebensbeschreibung (Halle, 1781),Google Scholar especially 295–98. See also background on the view of conversion in the Enlightenment in Schings, Hans-Jurgen, Melancholie und Aufklärung (Stuttgart, 1977).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

73 Moritz, , Anton Reiser, especially 161–67. It is perhaps no accident that Anton incurs disapproval by nearly tearing a page in Cicero's De Officiis, one of the more important classical treatises arguing for the cultivation of natural talent.Google Scholar

74 Jeismann, , Das preussische Gymnasium, 156–62;Google ScholarHerlitz, , Studium als Standesprivileg, 99–108.Google Scholar

75 See, e.g., Lachmann, Carl Ludwig Friedrich, Ueber die Umschaffung vieler unzweekmässigen so genannten lateinischen Schulen in zweckmässig eingerichtete Bürgerschulen (Berlin, 1800), 75–77, 124–29;Google ScholarGedike, Friedrich, “Ueber Berlin. Zwei und zwangzigster Brief,” Berlinische Monatsschrft, 4:10 (10 1784), 341–44.Google Scholar

76 See, e.g., “Ueber die Göttlichkeit des Rufs eines evangelischen Lehrers zum Predigtamt,” Journal für Prediger, 12 (1782), 264–65, 286–89, 296–303;Google ScholarGlörfeld, Christian Benedickt, “Ueber die dem Landpredigerstande eigenen Uebel und deren Abhelfung,” Journal für Prediger, 18:4 (1787), 416–18, 440–41.Google Scholar

77 Typical in this regard is the hair-splitting essay that Peter Villaume, a Reformed clergyman and professor in the Joachimsthal Gymnasium in Berlin, devoted to reconciling the individual's right to “realization of his powers” with the state's expectation of “usefulness” from its subjects. Villaume, “Ob und inwiefern bei der Erziehung,” 106–7, 136. See also Krünitz, , “Lebens-Art,” 31–33, 57, 82–87.Google Scholar In his university lectures at Jena, Fichte avoided the usual étatisme only by transferring the overriding concern with the public welfare from the state to the individual conscience and subjecting the conscience to an extraordinarily rigorous standard, very reminiscent of Francke's ethic. While the choice of an occupation should be “a choice through freedom,” it must be made Out of a sense of duty to “the goal of reason in human society,” and not to satisfy “natural preferences and inclination.” Fichte, , Johann Gottlieb Fichte, Series I, Vol. III (Werke, 1794–1796).(1966), 46–49; Series I, Vol. V (Werke, 1798–99).(1977), 285–317.Google Scholar

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