Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-tf8b9 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-27T14:35:29.236Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Intragroup Conflict in African–American Leadership: The Case of Tchula, Mississippi

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  03 June 2009

Minion K. C. Morrison
Affiliation:
University of Missouri, Columbia

Extract

Black electoral leaders in the post-civil rights South have exhibited broad agreement on the nature of the political task of displacing unresponsive white elites from power and directing attention to the previously excluded black constituency. There are a few cases, however, in which the commonly expected solidarity and consensus among the black elected leaders has not occurred, despite intensified hostility from the white elite. In this analysis these circumstances are explored from one small town in Mississippi where blacks won nearly total administrative control in 1977. However, the apparent leadership consensus, though fragile, quickly evaporated, due to conflicts of ideology, class, idiosyncrasy, and racial invidiousness. This ultimately led to administrative paralysis in the allocation and management of scarce political goods. In this town where there were broad disagreements between three sets of political contenders, each sought to dominate the policy process by staffing various public positions. The scarcity of these positions, the diametrically opposed goals of the contenders, and the precariousness of the control exerted even by the administrative leadership produced a hopeless struggle. Eventually the government crumbled. Analysis reveals that the complex sociopolitical environment and certain aspects of the political structure contributed to this breakdown. The rapid development of a tripartite leadership cleavage was hardly accommodated by political structures designed to serve the ends of a racial caste system. The fragility of the political environment and the absence of structural mechanisms for conflict resolution severely diminished the ability of the new leaders to perform.

Type
The Cohesion of Political Groups
Copyright
Copyright © Society for the Comparative Study of Society and History 1990

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Morrison, Minion K. C., Black Political Mobilization (Albany: State University of New York, 1987), 15.Google Scholar

2 Hires, Joseph, Conflict and Conflict Management (Athens: University of Georgia, 1980), 14.Google Scholar

3 Mack, R. and Snyder, R., “The Analysis of Serial Conflict,” Journal of Conflict Resolution, 1:2 (June 1957), 217.Google Scholar

4 Carmichael, Stokely and Hamilton, Charles, Black Power (New York: Random House, 1967).Google Scholar

5 Morrison, , Black Political Mobilization, 132–3.Google Scholar

6 Carson, Claybome, In Struggle (Cambridge: Harvard, 1981), 111–29.Google Scholar

7 Silver, James, Mississippi: The Closed Society (New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, 1963), 38.Google Scholar

8 Carter, Hodding, The South Strikes Back (New York: Doubleday, 1959), 220.Google Scholar

9 Wilhoit, Francis, The Politics of Massive Resistance (New York: Brazilier, 1973), 111.Google Scholar

10 Carter, Nodding, First Person Rural (New York: Doubleday, 1963), 223.Google Scholar

11 Silver, , Mississippi: The Closed Society, 37.Google Scholar

12 Raines, Howell, My Soul Is Rested (New York: Penguin, 1983), 260–6.Google Scholar

13 Ladner, Joyce, 'What Black Power Means To Negroes in Mississippi,” in The Transformation of Activism, Meier, August, ed. (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction, 1973), 95.Google Scholar

14 Lerner, Daniel, The Passing of Traditional Society (New York: The Free Press, 1958), 4752.Google Scholar

15 Ladd, Everett Carll, Negro Political Leadership in the South (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell, 1966), 176.Google Scholar

16 Eulau, Heinz, et al., 'The Role of the Representative,” American Political Science Review, 53:3 (September 1959), 742–56.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

17 Schattschneider, E. E., The Semi-Sovereign People (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1967), 1319.Google Scholar

18 Personal interview with Greta Nails, Tchula, Mississippi, 1980.

19 Holmes County Herald (Lexington, Miss.), July 12, 1979, 1.Google Scholar

20 Clarion-Ledger (Jackson, Miss.), May 2, 1980, 3.Google Scholar

21 Morrison, , Black Political Mobilization, 235.Google Scholar

22 Clarion-Ledger, October 16, 1980, 3.Google Scholar

24 Clarion-Ledger, October 28, 1980, 1; September 30, 1981, 1; October 1, 1981, 3.Google Scholar

25 Hires, , Conflict and Conflict Management, 105.Google Scholar

26 Coleman, James, in Social Conflict and Social Movements, Obershall, Anthony, ed. (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1973), 287.Google Scholar

27 Coleman, , in Obershall, Social Conflict, 289–91.Google Scholar

28 Tchula Times, April, 1982, 3.Google Scholar

29 Kincaid, John, “Beyond the Voting Rights Act: White Responses to Black Political Power in Tchula, Mississippi,” Publius, 16:4 (Fall 1986), 162–3.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

30 Kincaid, , “Beyond the Voting Rights Act,” 166.Google Scholar

31 Clarion-Ledger, July 4, 1981, 3; and April 17, 1982, 8.Google Scholar

32 Jackson Daily News, November 4, 1982, 1.Google Scholar

33 Tiny, Charles, From Mobilization to Revolution (Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley, 1978), 71.Google Scholar

34 Kynerd, Thomas and Portera, Malcolm, “County and Municipal Government in Mississippi,” in Mississippi Government and Politics in Transition, Landry, David M. and Parker, Joseph B., eds. (Dubuque, Iowa: Kendall and Hunt Publishing Company, 1976), 127–57.Google Scholar

35 Kirksey, et al. vs Allain (SD), Civil #s 784–0708(B) and 785–0960(B) (Con.), (April 1, 1987).