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Toward a History of Rights in the City at Night: Making and Breaking the Nightly Curfew in Nineteenth-Century Rio de Janeiro

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  01 January 2020

Amy Chazkel
Amy Chazkel*
Affiliation:
History, Columbia University
*
[email protected]
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Abstract

During much of the nineteenth century, Rio de Janeiro, the Brazilian capital, was under a selective curfew that made it a crime to be in the city's public spaces after dark. The curfew bent normal rules and attenuated supposedly universal rights, overtly discriminating between people on the basis of class and race. Rules that legally defined the nighttime did not come from any national statute, or from newly independent Brazil's liberal Constitution (1824) or its Criminal Code (1830). Instead, Rio's nocturnal sociolegal world was the product of police edicts, on-the-ground policing practice, and city ordinances. It also emerged from the actions of people who used the darker hours for work, play, and resistance against oppression, especially members of the city's immense enslaved population and the growing number of free persons of African descent. In other words, this is a phenomenon of urban governance that allows, and indeed forces us to look beyond the nineteenth-century nation-state to understand the exercise of power at a local level. This article explores how the curfew established patterns and means of limiting the basic freedom to move about the city. It was at night when both the necessity and fragility of what jurists in Brazil called the “freedom to come and go” came into view. The daily transition between day and night enacted juridical changes that, although invisible at the national level, fundamentally shaped the social categories that determined people's places in society in ways that historical research has yet to explore.

Keywords

nightlifeurban historytemporalityRio de JaneiroBrazilrule of lawcurfewspolicinghistory of crimestates of emergency
Type
Politics of Atmosphere and Ambiance
Information
Comparative Studies in Society and History , Volume 62 , Issue 1 , January 2020 , pp. 106 - 134
Copyright
Copyright © Society for the Comparative Study of Society and History 2020

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19 The writings of Schmitt and Agamben, and other thinkers with whom they were in dialogue such as Walter Benjamin and Hannah Arendt, have generated a debate whose breadth and nuances I cannot address here. Contemporary writers are again raising the specter of “constitutional dictatorship.” See Jed Shugerman, “Think Matthew Whitaker Is a Hack? He's One of Many,” Washington Post, 16 Nov. 2018; Leonardo Augusto de Andrade Barbosa, “Under the Sign of Elections: The Making of Undemocratic Electoral Politics during the Brazilian Civilian-Military Regime,” paper presented at American Society for Legal History Annual Meeting, Nov. 2018.

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34 On the eighteenth century, see Lara, Sílvia Hunolt, “Customs and Costumes: Carlos Julião and the Image of Black Slaves in Late Eighteenth-Century Brazil,” Slavery and Abolition 23, 2 (2010): 143–46Google Scholar.

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36 See Chalhoub, “Precariousness of Freedom,” and A força da escravidão; Lima, Henrique Espada, “Freedom, Precariousness, and the Law: Freed Persons Contracting out Their Labour in Nineteenth-Century Brazil,” International Review of Social History 54, 3 (2009): 391–416CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Mamigonian, Africanos livres; da Cunha, Manuela Carneiro, Negros, Estrangeiros: Os escravos libertos e sua volta à Àfrica, 2d ed. (São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 2012)Google Scholar. On the precariousness of freedom for contract laborers not necessarily of African descent, see Mendonça, Joseli Maria Nunes, “Sobre cadeias e coerção: Experiências de trabalho no Centro-Sul do Brasil do Século XIX,” Revista Brasileira de História 32, 64 (2012): 45–60CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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40 João Paulo de Mello Barreto Filho and Lima, Hermeto, História da polícia do Rio de Janeiro: Aspectos da cidade e da vida carioca (Rio de Janeiro: Editora A Noite, 1939), 36Google Scholar.

41 All references to the Toque de Aragão come from Império do Brasil: Diário Fluminense 1, 5 (3 Jan. 1825): 2–3.

42 AN, Polícia da Corte, Código do fundo 0E, Códice 318, folha 11v.

43 Holloway, Policing, 46–47.

44 AN, Códice, 327–3; Polícia da Côrte, 0E, 327, vols 1 and 2, CODES.

45 Most of these cases are found in the Brazilian National Archive's collection called “GIFI” (Grupo de Fundos Identificados), which contains the records from the Ministry of Justice and the municipal police (Polícia da Corte). See also AN, Fundo: Polícia da Côrte, Códice 330, vol. 7, n.p.; AN, Polícia da Côrte, Códice 339, f. 39; AN, Polícia da Côrte, códice 323, vol. 8, f. 40; AN, Polícia da Côrte, Códice 323, vol. 9, f. 27; AGCRJ, Códice 40.3.78, f. 2. On impressment into the navy for curfew-breaking, see Saulo Álvaro de Mello, “Eugenia na Marinha Imperial Brasileira, 1822–1910,” paper presented at Associação Nacional de História (Brasil), 2011.

46 Holloway, Policing, 198, 201.

47 AGCRJ, Códice 40.3.78, f. 2, Oficio de 18 de junho de 1836.

48 See, for example, AN, Fundo: Polícia da Côrte, Códice 330, vol. 7.

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53 Recenseamento Geral do Império do Brasil (Rio de Janeiro: Imprensa Nacional, 1872). There had been attempts to count the population in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries; Nireu Cavalcanti, O Rio de Janeiro setecentista: A vida e a construção da cidade da invasão francesa até a chegada da Corte (Rio de Janeiro: Jorge Zahar, 2004), 253–58.

54 AGCRJ, Códice, 6.1.45, folhas 2, 5.

55 Ibid., folha 14.

56 AN, Relação do Rio de Janeiro, Código do fundo 48, caixa 187, no. 2587, Ano 1878–1880, Galeria c, Apelação Civil.

57 Chalhoub, A força da escravidão; Chalhoub, Visões da liberdade; and Keila Grinberg, “Re-escravização, direitos, e justiça no Brasil do século XIX,” in Sílvia Lara and Joseli Mendonça, eds., Direitos e justiças: Ensaios de história social (Campinas: Editora da Unicamp, 2006), 101–28.

58 Acerbi, Patricia, Street Occupations: Urban Vending in Rio de Janeiro, 1850–1925 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2017)Google Scholar; da Silva, Negro na rua; Nishida, Mieko, Ethnicity, Gender, and Race in Salvador, Brazil, 1808–1888 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2003), 19–21Google Scholar; Soares, Luiz Carlos, “Os escravos de ganho no Rio de Janeiro no sec. XIX,” Revista Brasileira de Historia 8, 16 (1988): 107–42Google Scholar.

59 One municipal ordinance reads: “Every slave that is found after 7 o'clock in the evening without a note from his or her master, dated from that same day declaring the destination where he or she is goine, will suffer eight days of prison, at the cost of the master”; Código de Posturas de 1838, Seção Segunda—Polícia, Título VII, artigo 6°.

60 On midwives being permitted to enter the streets after curfew, see AN, Maço IJ6 211.

61 AN, Polícia da Côrte, Códice 336.

62 These announcements appear throughout the classified sections of the Jornal do Comércio from January through February 1830.

63 Rio's first police force, the Intendência Geral da Polícia, followed a model borrowed from eighteenth-century Portugal via Bourbon France, which assigned to the police a wide range of administrative responsibilities, including public works and lighting. See Schultz, Tropical Versailles, 276–77; Holloway, Policing Rio.

64 Centro Cultural da Light, “A iluminação no Rio de Janeiro,” unpub. MS; AGCRJ, Códice 8.4.58, folha 49; AGCRJ, Códice 8.4.58, folha 70; AGCRJ, Códice 8.4.57, folha 3; AGCRJ, Códice 8.4.57, folhas 27–29.

65 The quotation is from an unnamed source and is dated 1838. It is cited in Americo Jacobina Lacombe, “A illuminação do Rio com oleo de baleia,” Revista Light (Jan. 1933), 27.

66 The contract is reprinted in the newspaper Jornal do Comércio 1, 20 (27 Jan. 1830): 1–2, under heading “Parte Comercial.”

67 See, for example, AN, Gifi, caixa 5B 519; AN, IJ6 211; AN, IJ6 216. AN, Polícia da Côrte 232, vol. 8, n.p., AN IJ6 215.

68 See Chazkel, Amy, “Imagens nostálgicas: Os ascendedores de lampião na Revista Light,” in Maia, Andrea Casa Nova, ed., O mundo do trabalho nas páginas das revistas ilustradas (Rio de Janeiro: Editora 7 Letras, 2016)Google Scholar.

69 All references to this murder case come from AN, IJ6 211. I am grateful to Sidney Chalhoub for bringing this document to my attention.

70 See, for example, Algranti, O feitor ausente; Dantas, Mariana L. R., Black Townsmen: Urban Slavery and Freedom in the Eighteenth-Century Americas (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2008)Google Scholar. For a nuanced analysis of the mobility of enslaved people in urban space, see Johnson, Rashauna, Slavery's Metropolis: Unfree Labor in New Orleans during the Age of Revolutions (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2016)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

71 Perdigão Malheiro writes, “In all countries where this cancer [of slavery] has been introduced, the slave is reputed to be not only a domestic enemy but also a public enemy, ready at any time to rebel, to rise up in rebellion”; Escravidão no Brasil, 32. See also Célia Maria Marinho de Azevedo, Onda negra, medo branco: O negro no imaginário das elites—século XIX (São Paulo: Annablume Editora, 1987).

72 Constituição Política do Império do Brasil (25 Mar. 1824), Título 8o, arts. 178 and 179, accessed at http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/constituicao/constituicao24.htm (accessed 25 Aug. 2019). See L. de Mello Aguirre and E. Francisco Volpato, “A influência do liberalismo na primeira constituição brasileira,” Contribuciones a las Ciencias Sociales (June 2014), www.eumed.net/rev/cccss/28/direitos.html (accessed 25 Aug. 2019).

73 Thomas Alvez Junior, Annotações Theoricas e Praticas ao Codigo Criminal, tomo IV (Rio de Janeiro: B. L. Garnier, 1883).

74 Código Criminal do Império do Brasil (Lei de 16 Dec. 1830). Accessed at http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/leis/lim/LIM-16-12-1830.htm (accessed 25 Aug. 2019).

75 These concerns echo in the police and judicial archives. See, for example, AN, Códice 339, vol. 2: “Portarias, 1841–1850.”

76 Farias, Juliana Barreto, Líbano Soares, Carlos Eugênio, and Gomes, Flávio Santos, No labirinto das Nações: Africanos e identidades no Rio de Janeiro, século XIX (Rio de Janeiro: Arquivo Nacional, 2005), 88–90Google Scholar. On the control of movements of enslaved workers and foreigners, see AN, Códice 339, vol. 2, “Portarias, 1841–1850.”

77 Reis, João José, “‘The Revolution of the Ganhadores’: Urban Labor, Ethnicity, and the African ‘Strike’ of 1857 in Bahia, Brazil,” Journal of Latin American Studies 29, 2 (1997): 355–92Google Scholar; dos Santos Gomes, Flávio and Líbano Soares, Carlos Eugenio, “‘Dizem as quitandeiras’: ocupações urbanas e identidades étnicas numa cidade escravista, Rio de Janeiro, século XIX,” Acervo 15, 2 (2002): 3–16Google Scholar; Santos Junior, Edison Nunes, “Direitos e cidadania no Rio de Janeiro: poder e disputas por espaços na Praia de Saúde em 1841,” Mundos do Trabalho 9, 18 (2017): 63–79Google Scholar.

78 Chalhoub, Visões da liberdade. See also Farias, Soares, and Gomes, No labirinto das Nações, 35–49, 67–93.

79 Cited in Ribeiro, Gladys Sabina, “Linguagens e práticas da cidadnia no século XIX,” in Ribeiro, Gladys Sabina and Tania Maria Bessoni da C. Ferreira, eds., Linguagens e práticas da cidadnia no século XIX (São Paulo: Alameda Casa Editorial, 2010), 15Google Scholar.

80 Melbin, Night as Frontier.

81 On the revocation of the curfew, see Chazkel, Amy, “The Invention of Night: Visibility and Violence after Dark in Rio de Janeiro,” in Santamaría, Gema and Carey, David Jr., eds., Violence and Crime in Latin America: Representations and Politics (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2016), 153–55Google Scholar.

82 On public entertainment in nineteenth-century Rio de Janeiro, see Martins de Souza, Sílvia Cristina, “Com um olho no entretenimento e outro na política: História, teatro, e cotidiano politizado no Alcázar Lírico (Rio de Janeiro, década de 1860),” Baleia na Rede: Estudos de Arte e Sociedade 9, 1 (2012): 16–33Google Scholar; Marzano, Andrea, Cidade em cena: o ator Vasques, o teatro e o Rio de Janeiro (1829–1892) (Rio de Janeiro: Folha Seca/FAPERJ, 2008)Google Scholar; and Mencarelli, Fernando Antonio, A Cena Aberta: A interpretação de “O Bilontra” no teatro de revista de Arthur Azevedo (Campinas: Editora da Unicamp, 1999)Google Scholar.

83 See Goodrich, Peter, “Signs Taken for Wonders: Community, Identity, and a History of Sumptuary Law,” Law and Social Inquiry 23, 3 (1998): 707–28Google Scholar.

84 See, for example, Baptist, Edward, The Half Has Not Been Told: Slavery and the Making of American Capitalism (New York: Basic Books, 2014), 60Google Scholar; Beaumont, Nightwalking; Fry, Gladys-Marie, Nightriders in Black Folk History (Raleigh: University of North Carolina Press, 2001), 89–91Google Scholar; Lousada, Maria Alexandre, “Una nuova grammatica per lo spazzio urbano: La polizia e la città a Lisbona, 1760–1833,” Storia Urbana 108 (2005): 67–85Google Scholar.

85 Ogle, Vanessa, “Whose Time Is It? The Pluralization of Time and the Global Condition,” American Historical Review 120, 5 (2013): 1376–402CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and The Global Transformation of Time, 1870–1950 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2015)Google Scholar. My thinking about the concept of pluralism and urban history has been informed by my reading of Hartog's, Hendrik classic article, “Pigs and Positivism,” Wisconsin Law Review 917 (1985): 899–935Google Scholar.

86 I borrow the term “nocturnalization” from Koslofsky, Evening's Empire.