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City, State, and Public Ritual in the Late-Medieval Burgundian Netherlands

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  25 April 2012

Peter Arnade
Affiliation:
California State University, San Marcos

Extract

At the end of a distinguished career as chronicler of the Burgundian court, Georges Chastellain (1404–75) penned a quick sketch of the outstanding accomplishments of his duke, Charles the Bold. Accustomed to expositions awash in chivalric pomp, Chastellain employed a different tack to commemorate this sovereign: He sketched eleven “magnificences” performed by the duke of Burgundy, all reconstructed images of this prince's engagement with ceremony. Foremost among this snapshot collection of state ritual was neither a tournament, nor a wedding ceremony, nor even a processional entry. What stood out, in Chastellain's estimation, as Charles' greatest deed was something more riveting and more powerful than any of these spectacles so beloved by the fifteenth-century Burgundian court:

The first [magnificence] was at Brussels, where, seated on his throne, his sword unsheathed and held by his Marshall, he gathered the men of Ghent arranged kneeling before him and at his pleasure and in their presence cut and tore up the political charters they bore. Done for permanent record, this action was without parallel.

For Chastellain, the supreme magnificence of Charles the Bold was a lesson in exemplary punishment, the public abasement of the aldermen and guild deans of the Flemish city of Ghent in January 1469, a year and a half after a city revolt of rank-and-file guildsmen had unsettled celebrations in honor of his accession to the countship of Flanders.

Type
Ritual Power
Copyright
Copyright © Society for the Comparative Study of Society and History 1997

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References

1 Chastellain's eleven “magnificences” can be found in Georges Chastellain. Oeuvres, H. Kervyn de Lettenhove. ed. 8 vols. (Brussels. 1863–66). 5:505–6. The official chronicler of the Burgundian court under Philip the Good and Charles the Bold. Chastellain was a Gentenar by birth. See Small, Graeme and Lievois, Daniel. “Les origines gantoises du chroniqueur George Chastelain (ca. 1414–ca. 1441).” Handelingen der Maatschappij voor Geschiedenis en Oudheidkunde te Gent, (n.r.), 48 (1994), 121–63CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

2 On this revolt, see Arnade, Peter, “Secular Charisma. Sacred Power: Rites of Rebellion in the Ghent Entry of 1467.” Handelingen der Maatschappij voor Geschiedenis en Oudheidkunde te Gent (n.r.), 45 (1991), 6994CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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25 I take this quote from the so-called Kerelslied from Nicholas. Medieval Flanders. (New York. 1992). 253Google Scholar.

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28 See Hurlbut, “Ceremonial Entries in Burgundy,” 60–73. For a detailed survey of the typical format of both major and minor Burgundian entries in one territory, see L. Devillers, “Les séjours des dues de Bourgogne en Hainault: 1427–82.” Compte rendu des séances de la Commission Royale d'Histoire on recueil de ses bulletins (4th sen), no. 6 (1879), 323–468.

29 I am indebted to the assessment of ritual as strategies of action in Bell, Catherine, Ritual Theory, Ritual Practice (New York, 1992)Google Scholar. See also Kertzer, David, Ritual, Politics and Power (New Haven, 1988), especially 814Google Scholar. on definition of ritual. The model of ritual as enactments of collective solidarity was most powerfully articulated by Durkheim, Emile, The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life (1915; reprint, New York. 1965)Google Scholar; theories of social control, in which conflict is diffused through the ritual process, have, in different and sophisticated ways, been advanced by Gluckman, Max, Order and Rebellion in Tribal Africa (Glencoe, 1963)Google Scholar, and Turner, Victor, particularly, The Ritual Process: Structure and Anti-Structure (Chicago. 1966)Google Scholar.

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32 Vaughan. Philip the Good, 86–92.

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34 The underlying issues were many and complex but focused principally upon the guilds men's legal and political resentment of Philip's representatives in Bruges; suspicion that the burgomaster, aldermen and other city officials were both corrupt and overly complicit with state power: and a general desire to assert hegemony over the castellany of the Franc of Bruges and the port city of Sluis, a move directly opposed by the prince himself. See Blockmans, De Volksvertegenwoordiging in Vlaanderen, 346–53. Two of the best summaries of the riot and its consequences are the anonymous fifteenth-century Flemish account included in the published edition of the Kronyk van Vlaenderen—see Blommaert, Ph. and Serrure, C. P.. eds.. Kronyk van Vlaenderen van 380 tot 1467, Maatschappij der Vlaamsche Bibliophilen (series 1). no. 3. 2 vols. (Ghent. 19391940). 2:36111Google Scholar: and a latter elaboration on it included in Despars, Nicolaes. Cronijcke van den lande ende graefscepe van Vlaenderen, de Jonghe, J.. ed.. 4 vols. (Bruges, 1840). 3:350445Google Scholar.

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40 For a general consideration of the urban networks in Flanders in particular, see Stabel, Peter, “The Urban Network in the County of Flanders during the later Middle Ages and the Sixteenth Century,” in Clark, P., ed., Towns and Networks in Early Modern Europe (Leicester. 1990). 829Google Scholar.

41 There is a summary consideration of the economic life of the Burgundian Netherlands in Blockmans and Prevenier, In de Ban van Bourgondië. On the monetary and economic changes, see also Munro, John, “Monetary Contraction and Industrial Change in the Late-Medieval Low Countries, 1335–1500.” in Mayhew, N. J., ed.. Coinage in the Low Countries (880–1500), (Oxford: BAR International Series. 54, 1979). 5468Google Scholar.

42 There has been little attention to this distinct feature of Low Country ceremony, though, for religious matters, it is hinted at in J. Toussaert's now classic Le sentiment religieux en Flandre à la fin du Moyen Age (Paris, 1963)Google Scholar.

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44 Ibid., 383–4.

45 For Bruges. Gilliodts-Van Severen, Inventaire des chartes, 4:477; for Lille, Fouret, “la violence en fête,” 385.

46 In large measure, these behaviors were part of the general practice of inversion so much a part of carnival. See Burke, Peter, Popular Culture in Early Modern Europe (New York. 1978), 178204Google Scholar, who summarizes a large literature on the subject. See also Natalie Zemon Davis's pathbreaking “The Reasons for Misrule.” in her Society and Culture in Early Modern France (Stanford, 1965), 97123Google Scholar.

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48 The notion of framing, both in public and private rituals, has been fruitfully employed by Trexler, Richard C., Public Life in Renaissance Florence (New York, 1980)Google Scholar, especially 91–96.

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55 On the Saint George crossbowmen in Ghent, see Moulin-Coppens, Josée, De geschiedenis van het Oude Sint-Jorisgilde te Gent (vanaf de vroegste tijden tot 1887) (Ghent, 1982)Google Scholar and de Potter, Frans, Jaarboeken der Sint-Jorisgilde van Gent (Ghent, n.d.)Google Scholar. On the guild's governing structure, see Stadsarchief te Gent 300/27, fol. 82v. On the 1440 competition, see Universiteit bibliotheek Gent G. 6112, Dit es den bouc vander scutterie toebehoorende Pieter Polet ende zijnder hoerrie ende dot vanden voetboghe van mijnen heere den edelen rudder Sint Jorijs int gulden te Gent.

56 Bouc vander scutterie, fols. 8r–9r.

57 Moulin-Coppens, Geschiedenis, 34–39; de Potter, Jaarboeken, 24.

58 Bouc vander scutterie. fol. 5v.

59 Ibid., fol. 7v.

60 Agnew, Jean-Christophe, Worlds Apart: The Market and the Theater in Anglo-American Thought, 1550–1750 (Cambridge, 1986)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, especially chapter one.

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