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Di Novensides and Di Indigetes

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 February 2009

Emil Goldmann
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Until the issue of Altheim's book Roemische Religionsgeschichte there was little doubt about the correctness of Wissowa's view that the two groups of the diindigetes and the di novensides combined with each other represent the whole of theRoman pantheon, the di indigetes being the old, indigenous deities of the Roman people, inherited so to speak from the days of Romulus, the di novensides the new deities, imported in historical times from foreign peoples. This view has now been abandoned, owing to Altheim's arguments. Besides this, Altheim and later C. Koch have proved that the proximity of the expressions divi novensiles and di indigetes in Livy's report about the devotio of P. Decius Mus (viii. 9) does not in itself justify the conclusion that the di indigetes and the di novensides are linked together in such a manner that the solution of the problem of one group involves that of the other. Hence the questions arise, first, what is the nature of the di novensides or of the di indigetes, and whether either of these questions has been satisfactorily answered; secondly, is it possible to establish any relationship between these two groups of deities, and can such a relation be usedas a starting-point from which to investigate the nature of the other group? In choosing this line of research it seems to me that an attempt to solve the problem of the novensides rather than that of the indigetes promises greater success. I shall, therefore, treat the di novensides in the first part of this paper.

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Research Article
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The Classical Quarterly , Volume 36 , Issue 1-2 , January 1942 , pp. 43 - 53
Copyright
Copyright © The Classical Association 1942

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References

page 43 note 1 Vol. i, 1931, 25 ff.; cf. also Altheim, F., A History of Roman Religion, translated by Mattingly, H. (1938), 107 ffGoogle Scholar.

page 43 note 2 Wissowa, G. W., Gesammelte Abhandlungen, 175 ff.Google Scholar; the same, Religion u. Kultus der Roemer2, 19 and passim; the same in Roscher's, Lexikon der griechischen u. roemischen Mythologie s.v. ‘Novensides’, 472 ff.Google Scholar; forerunners of Wissowa, are Madvig, , Verfassung u. Verwaltung d. roemischen Staates, ii. 588, 2Google Scholar; Marquardt, J. M., Die roemische Staatsverwaltung, iii 2. 36 ffGoogle Scholar.

page 43 note 3 Wissowa's view was vigorously and convincingly attacked long before Altheim by J. Toutain in Daremberg et Saglio's Dictionnaire d. Antiquites grecques et romaines, s.v. ‘Novensides’, ‘Novensiles’.

page 43 note 4 Rose, H. J., Harvard Theological Review, xxvii (1934), 37, 47Google Scholar; Rohde, G., Die Kullsatzungen der roemischen Poniifices, 102, n. 6Google Scholar; Nilsson, , Deutsche Liieraturzeiiung, 1931, 2362Google Scholar; Mullerizn, F., Museum, 1936, 141Google Scholar. Weinstock, , Wissowa's, PaulyR.E. s.v. ‘Novensidesdi’, 1186 ff.Google Scholar; Deubner, , Archiv f. Religionswissenschqft, xxxiii (1936), 132, 134Google Scholar; cf. also Hoey, A. S., Journal of Roman Studies, 1938, 231Google Scholar.

page 43 note 5 Koch, C., Gestirnverehrung im alien Italien, 87 ffGoogle Scholar.

page 43 note 6 Cf. pp. 50 ff.

page 43 note 7 Cf. also Weinstock, 1187.

page 43 note 8 Brėal, M., Les Tables Eugubines (1875), 188Google Scholar; cf. also Muller-Izn, F., Allitalisches Woerterbuch, 294Google Scholar; Walde, Etymologisches Woerterbuch der lateinischen Sprache2, s.v. ‘novensides’. Ernout–Meillet, Dictionnaire d. l. langue latine2, s.v. ‘novensides’; Walde-Hofmann, Etymologisches Woerterbuch d.laleinischen Sprache s.v. ‘insideo’; Grienberger, Th. v., Indogermanische Forschungen, xxiii. 351Google Scholar; Buecheler, , Lexicon Italicum, xxvGoogle Scholar.

page 43 note 9 C. Koch, I.e.; Weinstock, I.e.; Deecke, W., Etruskische Forschungen, iv. 17Google Scholar; Corssen, , Zeitschrift f. vergleichende Sprachwissenschaft, ix. 160 ff.Google Scholar; Mommsen, , Unleritalische Dialekle. 342Google Scholar.

page 44 note 1 Wissowa, , Roscher's, Lexikon s.v. ‘Novensides’, 472Google Scholar.

page 44 note 2 Deecke, I.e.; cf. Manilius, , according to Arnob. iii. 38Google Scholar: deos novem Manilius, quibus solis Iuppiter potestatem iaciendi sui permiserit fulminis. Manilius is to be identified with Manilius, L.(Manlius?), member of the senate 657 =97 B.C. (Weinstock, 1188Google Scholar; Muenzer, , Pauly-Wissowa's, R.E. s.v. ‘Manilius’ 1115)Google Scholar.

page 44 note 3 Arnob, . iii. 38: hos Granius Musas putat, consensum adcommodans AelioGoogle Scholar; this equation has been rejected by Weinstock, 1188. Cf. also p. 47, n. 3.

page 44 note 4 Ihm, Pauly-Wissowa's R.E. s.v. ‘decempagi’.

page 44 note 5 Huelsen, Pauly-Wissowa's R.E. s.v. ‘decem tabernae’.

page 44 note 6 Weinstock, I.e.

page 44 note 7 Varro, , L.L. v. 73: …Feronia, Minerva, Novensides a SabinisGoogle Scholar.

page 44 note 8 There is no reason to suppose that the frequent appearanceof the Treb- laces mentioned above makes it probable that there once existed a religious and political centre of these places. *Treb- belongs to Lat. trabs, Osc. triibum = domum, aedificium, trbiiarakavύm = aedificare, Umbr. tremnu = tabernaculo, trebeit = versatur, 0. Welsh treb = ‘dwelling’, 0. Irish atreba = ‘he lodges’, Cymr. alhref – ‘dwelling’, Lith. troba = ‘building’, O.E. porp, perp, O.H.G. dorf = ‘village’ (Walde, Etymolog. Woerterb. s.v.‘trabs’). It is quite natural that this *treb- = ‘house’, ‘dwelling’, ‘village’ occurs also as a place-name. Cf. the place-names Haus (Meyer's Orts- u. Verkehrslex. d. deutschen Reichs5, s.v. ‘Haus’), Neuhaus (I.e., s.h.v.), Husen, Switzerland; cf. also the place-names Trebra, Drever, Drebber, which belong to O.E. porp, O.H.G. dorf (Schroeder, E., Nachrichlen v. d. kgl. Gesellschaft d. Wissensch., Goettingen, Geschaeftl. Mitteil. 1906, 105 ff.)Google Scholar. There is no necessity to postulate a religious and political centre for places with names ofsuch a general meaning.

page 44 note 9 CIL ix, p. 349; Planta, R. v., Grammalik d. oskisch-umbrischen Dialekte, ii. 543, n. 243Google Scholar; Conway, , The Italic Dialects, 261Google Scholar.

page 44 note 10 Weinstock, 1188, 11. 33 ff.

page 45 note 1 Toutain, I.e.

page 45 note 2 Altheim, , A History of Roman Religion, 112Google Scholar.

page 45 note 3 Cf. e.g. i]nperat-oribus CIL xi. 3078 = CIL i2. 364, 5; conprome-sise CIL i2. 581, 14; deix-serit CIL i2. 592, ii. 34; Kai-li CIL i2. 1038.

page 45 note 4 Planta, , Grammaiik d. oskiseh-umbrischenDialekte, i. 50, 599Google Scholar.

page 45 note 5 Planta, i. 50; the latest edition of the Tabulae Iguvinae by G. Devoto has not been accessible to me for the last few years.

page 45 note 6 Weinstock, I.e.

page 45 note 7 Ernout-Meillet2, s.v. ‘nuper’, which according to them is to be derived from *novo-paros (cf. pauper), undoubtedly an old adjective; cf. also Muller-Izn, , Altital. Woerterbuch, 293Google Scholar, who remarks that *novo-paros as compound may perhaps have existed in pre-Roman times. On nuntius (from *novi-ventius) cf. my remarks, Studi Etruschi, 1938, 409 ff.

page 45 note 8 It is worth mentioning that starting from the comp. nov-e(n)ses we find that the inscription Conway 261 shows a couple of alliterations, the first of which, containing esede, is an alliteration of the first two letters of the respective words:

esos nov-esede pesco padre.

We find such or similar alliterations very often in religious and similar texts. Cf. the inscription of Corfinium, Planta, ii. 546, n. 254; Conway, no. 216:

1. 2 … pnslafalacirix-pnsmu…uidad

1. 3 uibdu…

evocationis, Carmen, Macr. Sat. iii. 9. 7 ff: …venerorque veniamqueGoogle Scholar; devotionis, Carmen, Liv. viii. 9. 6 ff.: …precor veneror veniam peto … viw, xictoriamGoogle Scholar…; vilici, Precatio, Cato, de agr. c. 141, 2 ff.Google Scholar: …; precatio, Hersiliae, Gellius, Nodes Alt. 13. 23. 13Google Scholar: nuptiis propriis et prosperis uti, quod de tui coniugis consilio contigit … posteros patriae pararent; Marcellus, , de medicamentis, 15. 11Google Scholar: has tales has tosillas … de istis membris medullis; Aenead, L. Accius. sive Decius fr. 4 (Ribbeck, i, p. 326): invicte invocoGoogle Scholar; portenta ut populo patriae verrunceni bene; Teleph, Ennius. fr. 4 (Vahlen2, 182): Qui ilium di deaeque magno xraxtassint magnoGoogle Scholar; Privign, L. Afranius. fr. 16 (Ribbeck, ii. 235): di te mactassint maloGoogle Scholar; Liv. 1. 24. 7: potes pollesque; Catull, . 76. 20: eripite hanc pestem perniciemqueGoogle Scholar. —Cf. also in the Umbrian Tabulae Iguvinae, e.g.: II a 30 e. al. loc.: venpersuntru (= ven-persuntru) persnihmu (penpersuntru like novesides showing the alliteration inmidst the word); iv 1 (e. al. loc.): puemune pnpfike purtuvito; VI b 60 ( = VII a 49): … honduholtu … preplotatu pieuilatu; I a 9, 16: supa sumtu; I b 29, 37: vesklu vttu; VI a 30 e. al. loc.: par pase, vi a 27, 37, 47, b 30: pesetomest peretotnest. We find many parallels also in the Etruscan sources. Cf. above all the alliteration eśis esera Agr. iii. 20 (Runes, v. M., Der etruskische Text der Agramer Mumienbinde, 5)Google Scholar, comparable t o our esos nov-esede; cf. also Agr. xii. 3: θunχulem mud hilarθnne (= hilar-θune also comparable to our esos nov-esede); Agr. vii. 3: aisvale (= ais-vale, cf. vii. 5: vac/vile vale, like aisvale on the end of the line); v. 21: favitic faśei; ix. 14: faśeic iarθan; v. 22: zeric zee; vii. 9: cepen ceren; vii. 19: cemz cepar; iv. 4, 17: sveleric svec; passim, : tinśi tiurim; viii. 12Google Scholar: θαclθ θar.

With the alliteration pesco pacre of the novesede-vasenption Conway 261 the following alliterations may be compared: pritrome pacris puus in the inscription of Corfinium, Conway, n. 216; pacer pase in the Tabulae Iguvinae; Apollo, quaeso te ut des pacem propitius. | Salutem et sanitalem noslrae familiae | Meoque ut parcas gnato pace propitius (Plaut, . Merc. 678)Google Scholar; ut hanc tua pace aram obsidere | pztiare (Plaut, . Rud. 6981)Google Scholar. Te genium, Vulcane, loci pacemque precamur (Grattius, Cyneg. 436)Google Scholar; Tu saevis exanclalis casibus pausam pacemque tribue (Apul, . Met. 11. 2)Google Scholar.

page 46 note 1 Heichelheim, , Pauly-Wissowa's, R.E. s.v. ‘Nymphai’ 1584 dGoogle Scholar, is right in saying that the surname Nymphae Novae may have been given even more frequently to springs, newly discovered or made fit for use. —Here may be mentioned the place-names Aquae Novae (Numidia); Fuente Novilla (Spain; prov. Guadalajara); Fuente Nueva (Spain; prov. d.l. Corufia); Santiago de Nuevefuentes (in the same province); NeuBrunn, Schweizer Idiotikon, v. 660. Corresponding names of brooks, sources, woods: Fontaines (Les Neuf-), Département du Cantal, Dictionn. topographique du Dép. d. Cantal, 209Google Scholar; Fontaine-Neuve, Dép. d. 1. Cdte-d'Or, Dictionn. topogr. d. Dép. d. 1. Cδte-d'Or, 169Google Scholar; Fontnouvelle, Dép. d. 1. Drõme, Diet. top. d. Dép. d. I. Drôme, 149Google Scholar; Font-Neuve, Dép. d. Hautes-Alpes, Diet. top. d. Dép. d. Hautes-Alpes, 65Google Scholar; Fontaine-Neuve, Dép. d. Morbihan, Diet. top. d. Dép. d. Morbihan, 71Google Scholar; Font Neuve, Dép. d. 1. Dordogne, Diet. top. d. Dép. d. I. Dordogne, 128Google Scholar. Similar names occur in the Départements de l'Hérault, de l'Yonne, du Haut-Rhin.

page 46 note 2 Herter, H., Pauly-Wissowa's, R.E. s.v. ‘Nymphai’ 1536Google Scholar.

page 46 note 3 Cf. pp. 50 ff.

page 47 note 1 The passage runs as follows: in secunda itidem mansitabantpraeter domum Iovis, quae ibi quoque sublimis est, ut est in omnibus praediatns, Quirinus Mars, Lars militaris, Iuno etiam ibi domidlium possidebat, Fons etiam, Lymphae, diique Novensiles.—Martianus Capella's doctrine is derived from Nigidius Figulus, who for his part uses older, especially Etruscan, sources (cf. Wissowa, , Gesammelte Abhandlungen, 125Google Scholar; Thulin, , Die Goetter des Martianus Capella, 82 f.Google Scholar; Kroll, in Pauly-Wissowa's, R.E. s.v. ‘Nigidius’ 202, 204, 210Google Scholar; Wessner, in Pauly-Wissowa's, R.E. s.v. ‘Martianu sCapella’ 2008)Google Scholar.

page 47 note 2 Thulin, , Die Goetter etc., 67Google Scholar.

page 47 note 3 A. Swoboda in his edition of Nigidius Figulus 89: …‘ cum antecedant Fons et Lym-phae, ei opinioni favet quam Arnobius I.e. his verbisrefert: hos Granius Musaeputat consensum adcommodans Aelio (cf. Camenae), qui proprie erant fontium deae’. Swoboda goes too far in strictly identifying the novensiles of Martianus Capella's report with the Musae, but the nucleus of his view is sound, since the Musae werewater-deities (Nilsson, , Griechische Feste, 441Google Scholar; Kern, , Religion d. Griechen, i. 208Google Scholar; Rose, , A Handbook of Greek Mythology, 173Google Scholar; Preller, , Roemische Mythologie 3, i. 103)Google Scholar; the incorrect identification: Novensiles-Musae is due to the fact that noven-in novensiles was erroneously considered to be identical with the numeral novem.

page 47 note 4 It seems worth mentioning that Fons, Lymphae, Diique Novensiles form a triad of water-deities, comparable to the triad of such gods in the Carthaginian oath-ritual (Usener, , Rheinisch.es Museum, 1903, 18)Google Scholarand to the triad: deos marinos,jontanos, fluviales, Aug. Civ. 3. 12, p. no, 7 D.–Martianus Capella mentions water-deities also in the 10th region: Neptune autem, Lar omnium cunclalis, ac Neverila tuque Conse ex decima convenistis. For Consus = Neptunus equester cf. Weinstock, , Pauly-Wissowa's, R.E. s.v. ‘Neptunus’, 2524Google Scholar; Wissowa in Roscher's Lexikon s.v. ‘Consus’. We do not know anything about Lar omnium cunctalis and Neverita (Reuerita Kopp; Nerina Grot.; Nerita ed. pr.), but as these names are put between Neptunus and Consus (= Neptunus equester), it is arguable that the Lar omnium cunctalis and Neverita are water-deities too. I propose the emendation Lar omnium cunctalis instead of Lar omnium cun-ctalis (cf. Mart. Cap. ed. Dick, 1. 15 (p. 13,1. 8) amne ed., omnis A1; 5. 536 (p. 267) aratori L, oratori rell.; 1. 36 (p. 23, 1. 2): barbito ed., barbita. A; 1. 61 (p. 29, 1. 10) Azonos ed., azonns B1D; 1. 68 (p. 32, 1. 12) cunctarumqueed., cunctarumque A l b m v; 1. 91 (p.38,1. 13) astrigeri ed., ostrigeri b y2). The corruption omnium, in my opinion, was caused by the fact that cunctus and omnis are often bound together (cf. TLL, s.v. ‘cunctus’ 1396, 11. 58, 1397, 11. 21 ff., 75 ff., 1398, 1. 34, 1399,11. 39 ff., 45)Google Scholar. I venture the equation: Lar amnium cunctalis = Okeanos, since all streams, rivers, brooks, sources, and the whole sea flow out of him (II. 21, 195 ff.; cf. Herter, in Pauly-Wissowa's, R.E. s.v. ‘Okeanos’, 2352Google Scholar; Schwenn, Friedr., Die Theogonie des Hesiod, 95)Google Scholarand since Lar was later a general term applied to deities of different kind (Wissowa, , Gesammelte Abhandlungen, 134)Google Scholar. Neverita mentioned immediately behind Lar omnium cunctalis may be a corrupted form meaning Νηρίτης, the grandson of Okeanos (Eitrem in Pauly-Wissowa's R.E. s.v. Νηρίτης), latinized probably Nerita, since nerita was the Latin equivalent of Gr. νηρίτης = concha marina, into which the grandson of Okeanos was transformed. I suggest that the first phase of corruptionwas the dittography nenerita instead of nerita (cf. Capella, Martianus ed. Dick, , 1Google Scholar. 25, p. 18,1.12 ut terque ed., ut uterque β a; 3. 298, p. 123 1. 15 ut tertia ed., ut utrium M), the second the erroneous spelling neueritainstead of nenerita. The mistake in writing u instead of n is very frequent (cf. 3. 241, p. 90,1.4 levdter ed., leviler b.) A similar line was taken by Preller-Jordan, , Roemische Mythologie, ii. 121 (‘Der Name wahrscheinlich verderbt; vielleicht ein weiblicher ex Nereus’)Google Scholarand Thulin, Die Goetter, etc., 4 (‘Koennte Neverita vielleicht eine etruskische Umgestaltung von Amphitrite sein?’). It is possible that nerita was imported not directly from Greece but indirectly (cf. sporta, gromd) from Etruria. Cf. ‘Ορέστης, Etr. urste, Φιλοκτήτες, Etr. Φελίυθε with the loss of the terminal -s.

page 48 note 1 Conway, , Indogerman. Forschungen, ii. 166Google Scholar; Schrijnen, , Zeitschr. f. vergleich. Sprachwissensch xlvi. 376 ff.Google Scholar; Goidanich, , Atti d. 1°. Congresso nazionale d. Studi Romani, ii. 400 ffGoogle Scholar.

page 48 note 2 Cf. my remarks, Philologische Wochenschrifi, 1936, 48 ff.

page 48 note 3 Cf. the large collection given by Birt, , Archiv f. latein. Lexikographie, xi. 181Google Scholar. His material could be amplified; cf. CIL vi. 30799, Rome:… de suo fecit acua(m) salire; ix. 3312, Superaequum B.C.: aed(iles) ex p(ago) diecreto) Aquam saliendam c(peraverunt).

page 48 note 4 adsilio: , Ov.Met. 6. 107Google Scholar; Fast. 3. 591; Trist. 1. 10. 7. desilio: IIor. Ep. 16. 48 lympha desilit; Carm. 3. 13. 16 lymphae desiliunt; , Ov.Fast. 4. 428Google Scholar; , Plin.Ep. 5. 6. 24Google Scholar. exsilio: , Plin.H.N. 2. 234Google Scholar; 31. 18. 107; Senec. Here. Oet. 818. insilio: , Ov.Trist. 1. 4. 8Google Scholar. prosilio: , Ov.Met. 15. 272Google Scholar; , Plin.H.N. 5, 9. 10Google Scholar.

page 48 note 5 Here are to be mentioned also the Nymphae Seduces and Salacia Neptuni. Cf., for the Nymphae Solaces (, Paul.Fest. 327)Google Scholar, Osthoff, in Domaszewski, , Abhandlungen, 107Google Scholar; Ilberg, Roscher's Lexikon s.v. ‘Salacia’; Domaszewski, , Beitraege zur alien Geschichte u.Alterthumskunde, Festschrift z. Otto Hirschfeldt's 60. Geburlstage, 245Google Scholar. The Nymphae Solaces are not the lascivious but the springing nymphs. Salacia Neptuni is the springing-power of the wells; cf. Osthoff, I.e.; Domaszewski, Beitraege, I.e.; the same, Archiv f. Religionsvdssensch. x. 9; Ernout-Meillet, Dic-tionnaire2, s.v. ‘salio’; Wissowa, , Religion u. Kultus2, 226Google Scholar; Latte, , Archiv f. Religionswiss. xxiv1. 2541Google Scholar; Weinstock, , Pauly-Wissowa's, R.E. s.v. ‘Neptunus’ 2518Google Scholar; Altheim, , A History etc., 184Google Scholar.

page 48 note 6 Walde-Hofmann s.v. ‘lingua’; Ernout-Meillet2 s.v. ‘lingua’ assert that lingua is a dialect-form, the reception of which was facilitated by a popular etymology, which connected the word with lingere. In my opinion in this and other cases it is not necessary to assume that the form is an imported one. These cases belong to the phenomenon of assimilation of consonants within the frame of a phrase ora sentence or a word-series (e.g. the numerals). Cf. the following notes, and Lindsay, The Latin Language, 286.

page 48 note 7 Walde-Hofmann s.v. ‘dautia’; another explanation is given by Ernout-Meillet2 s.v. ‘lautia’. It is contested convincingly by Hof-mann s.v. ‘lautia’.

page 48 note 8 Walde-Hofmann, s.v. ‘larix’ 765Google Scholar.

page 48 note 9 Ernout-Meillet2 s.v. ‘lēvir’, who refer to French ‘mari de la main gauche’; Walde-Hofmann, quote Non., p. 557 ‘quasi laevus vir’Google Scholar. Perhaps not laevus, but lĕvo—in spite of the difference of quantity (lĕvir, lěvo)—was the influencing factor; cf. for the levir as ‘helper’ Schrader-Nehring, Reallexikon s.v. ‘Zeugungs-helfer’.

page 48 note 10 Mar. Victorinus K. vi. 9. 17ff.:[nos nunc] linguam per l potius quam per d [scribamus] et praesidium per d potius quam per l.—It seems to me that the explanation of the by-form noven-siles here proposed is more plausible than thesuggestion of Ernout, that novensiles is the result of the influence of the adjectives terminating in -ilis or -ensilis.

page 49 note 1 Cf. with this Roman view the Ephesian distinction between πρεσβύτεραι and νεώτεραι Νύμφαι (The Collection of Anc. Greek Inscr. the British Mus. iii. 221, n. 600; Herter, 1529).

page 49 note 2 Kroll, , Gnomon, 1934, 142Google Scholar; cf. also Wissowa, , Religion u. Kultus2, 224Google Scholar; Aebischer, , Studi Etruschi, 1932, 124Google Scholar.

page 49 note 3 Marbach, , Philologische Wochenschrift, 1934, 266Google Scholar.

page 49 note 4 Cf. the derisive words of Arnobius 1. 86: lndigetes illi qui flumen repunt [irrepunt Klusemann] et in alveis Numici cum ranis et pisciculis degunt.

page 49 note 5 Wissowa, in Roscher's, Lexikon I. 912Google Scholar; the same, Religion u. Kultus2, 2244. We find a similar development in Greece also; cf. Kern, O., Religion d. Griechen, i. 187Google Scholar.

page 49 note 6 Grienberger, Th. v., Indogerman. Forschungen, xxiii (1908/1909), 352Google Scholar, with reference to Lat. parentare; cf. also Kretschmer, , Glotta, x (1920), 1531Google Scholar, referring to Lat. parentare, venerare, Oss. deivatud = iurato. Walde-Hofmann s.v. ‘in. diges’ and Rose, H. J., Handbook of Latin in Literature, 819Google Scholar, accept this etymology.

page 49 note 7 According to the position of the indigetes in Livy's devotio-story after the Lares and the novensiles.

page 49 note 8 Varro, , L.L. 5. 83Google Scholar; Helbig, , Bull. Inst. 1884, 7 ff.Google Scholar; Bonfante, , Atti d. Istituto Veneto d. Scienze, 1937/1938, xcvii. 2, 57 ff., 62 ff.Google Scholar; Emout-Meilletz s.v. ‘pontifex’; Deubner, , Lehrbuch d. Religions-geschichte, edited by Berthelot, and Lehmann, , ii. 453 ff.Google Scholar; Schrader-Nehring, , Reallexikon d. indogerm. Alterlumskunde, s.v. ‘Priester’ 204, ‘Bruecke’ 168Google Scholar; Pfister, , Bursians Jahresbericht, etc., vol. ccxxix. 384Google Scholar; Kretschmer, , Glotta, x. 212 ff.Google Scholar; Sogliano, , Historia, v. 5551 ffGoogle Scholar. The equation pontifex = *polentifex, proposed by A. v. Blumenthal, Die iguvinischen Tafeln, 50, is too far-fetched.

page 49 note 9 Clemen, , Religionsgeschichte Europas, i. 206 ffGoogle Scholar, Preller, L., Roemische Mythologie 3, ii. 126.—Cf.Google Scholar, for the sanctity of streams, rivers, and wells, Eitrem, , Opferritus und Voropfer d. Griechen Roemer, 85 ff., 115, 121Google Scholar; the same, Beitraege zur griechischen Religionsgeschichte, 28. 333; Frazer, J. G, GB 3 ii. 1551 ff.Google Scholar; the same on Paus. 8. 72; Kern, , Religion der Griechen, i. 87 ff.Google Scholar; Waser, , Pauly-Wissowa's, R.E. s.v. ‘Flussgoetter’, 2776–2780Google Scholar; Domaszewski, , Archiv fuer Religionswissenschqft, 12. 67 (on auspicium peremne)Google Scholar; James, E. O., in Hastings, , E.R.E., art. ‘Water’, 709Google Scholar; Huennerkopf, , Handwoerterbuch des deutschen Aberglaubens, s.v. Fluss, 1691 ffGoogle Scholar.

page 50 note 1 Mart. Cap. i. 46.

page 50 note 2 Wissowa, , Lexikon, Roscher's s.v. ‘Lares’, 1870, 55 ff.Google Scholar: ‘In der Devotionsformel des P. Decius Mus … legt es die Gruppierung der angerufenen Gottheiten … nahe, an die Lares militares zu denken, denen die Arvalbrueder im Jahre 213 ob salute(m) victoriamque Germanicam … opfern’.

page 50 note 3 Mart. Cap. 1. 49.

page 50 note 4 Deubner, , Archiv fuer Religionswissenschaft, 8 (Beihefl), 67Google Scholar; Muenzer, Pauly-Wissowa's R.E. s.v.devotio; Wissowa, , GesammelteAbhandlungen, 182 ffGoogle Scholar.

page 51 note 1 Alliteration: lane, Iuppiter; veneror veniam; vim victoriam; mecum diis Manibus. Anaphora: divi Novensiles, di Indigetes, divi quorumst potestas nostrorum hostiumque; dique Manes. Variatio: divi … di … divi … dique. Asyndeton: lane Iuppiter; Mars pater Quirine Bellona Lares; precor veneror; victoriam; terroreformidine; exercitulegioni bus auxiliis. Coniunctio trimembris: terrore formidine morteque; exercitu legionibus auxiliis. The alliteration and the asyndeton lane Iuppiter is based on the close connexion between them. Cf. Varro, , quoted by Aug. C.D. iv. 23Google Scholar: Romulus … conslituit … deos Ianum, lovem, Mortem; 7. 9: penes Ianum sunt prima, penes lovem summa; Cato, , de agric. c. 134, 2 ff.Google Scholar: lano Iovi Iunoni praefato; 141: Ianum Iovem-que vino praefamino; , Plaut.Bacch. 892Google Scholar: Ita me Iuppiter Ianus Ceres …; Henzen, , Ada fratr. Arval. 144Google Scholar. Ani (=Ianus) and Tin ( = Iuppiter) are neighbours on the Etruscan bronze liver of Piacenza (Thulin, C., Die Goetter des Martianus Capella, 8. 10. 22 ff.)Google Scholar.

page 51 note 2 Thulin, C., Italische sakrale Poësie und prosa, 51 ff.Google Scholar; accepted by Appel, G., De Romanorum precationibus, 162Google Scholar.

page 52 note 1 Cf. , Maxim.Mayer, in Roscher's, Lexikon s.v. ‘Luftgoettin’ 2151 ffGoogle Scholar. Eustath. p. 652. 36 explains the fact that Zeus was considered the father of the nymphs by saying that the waters receive warmth and dampness from air and ether; cf. Herter, 1528. –Cf. also Ζεύς, ëήρ: Bruchmann, C. F. H., Epitheta deorum, 1221Google Scholar; Cook, A. B., Zeus, i. 30 ff., iii. 180, 320, 322Google Scholar.

page 52 note 2 Though it is not an argument in favour of our explanation of the di novensides and the di indigetes, it fits best into the frame of this explanation when we hear about the wrath of the di novensides and the di indigetes and the possibility of propitiating them. The phrase pesco pacre of the noveWe-inscription (Conway) 261, seems to mean 'sacrificium paciferum’ (Planta, ii. 543). On the other hand, we are told by our oldest source for the di indigetes, Ennius ap. Diomed. p. 476. 17 (cf. Rose, , Handbook of Roman Literature, 8)Google Scholar: Numa Pompilius rex fertur spondeo melo patrios placasse indigetes (cf. e.g. , Ov.Fast. 4. 759Google Scholar: tua, dea, pro nobis fontes fontanaque placa numind). For wrath and reconciliation of water-deities cf. the literature quoted in p. 47, n. 9.—It fits also best into the frame of ourexplanation of indigetes, that Lucan 1. 556 f. (perhaps using old sources), mentions weeping indigetes: indigetes flevisse dcos, urbisque laborem testatos sudore Lares, obviously indigetes-statues with water-dropping eyes. Weeping water-deities occur frequently in our sources; cf. e.g. , Ov.Met. 2. 238Google Scholar: turn nymphae passis fonlesque lacusque deflevere comis; Herter, I.e. 1553 ff. Springs originate from tears of water-deities (cf. Gruppe, , Griechische Mythologie, 28616,3139)Google Scholar.

page 52 note 3 Grienberger, Th. v., Indogerman. For schungen, xxiii. 350 ff.Google Scholar; Walde-Hofmann s.v. ‘indiges’; Skutsch, , Glotta, iii. 353Google Scholar.

page 52 note 4 Altheim, , A History etc., 113Google Scholar.

page 52 note 5 Hofmann, I.c.

page 52 note 6 χθόνιαι is used as an epithet of nymphs (Orph. hym. 51. 3; cf. Herter, 1534, 1543). Cf., for the chthonian character of water-deities, Herzog-Hauser, in Pauly-Wissowa's, R.E. s.v. ‘Nereiden’ 8Google Scholar; Hillebrandt, Alfr., Vedische Mythologie, ii. 306Google Scholar, writing on the connexion of the ‘dragon of the deep’ with the streams.

page 52 note 7 C1L ix. 4192; Fasti of Ostia, nthofDecember: AGON. IND; Fasti Amitemi: AG. IN. Cf. Rohde, , Kultsatzungen, 102Google Scholar; Altheim, , Griechische Goetter in Rom 188Google Scholar.

page 52 note 8 These remarks must of course not be considered a denial ofany relation between the sun and the depths of the earth. According to primitive thinking the sun comes from the depths and descends to them. So many suppose, e.g., that Tammuz was an ancient personification of the sun of springtime, his name consisting of a Sumerian phrase Dumu-Zi = ‘true (or faithful) son of the deep’, but in spite of all that one must not characterize the nature of the sun by using the phrase ‘dwelling in the depths of the earth’.

page 53 note 1 Altheim, I.e.

page 53 note 2 Richter, in Roscher's, s.v. ‘Sol’ 1141Google Scholar; Wissowa, , Gesammelte Abhandlungen, 1802Google Scholar.—C. Koch (in his book Gestirnverehrung im alten Italien) has not succeeded in invalidating Wissowa's view that the Roman cult of the sun and moon was imported from Greece; cf. Kroll, W., Gnomon, x (1934), 139–43Google Scholar.

page 53 note 3 Marbach, , Pauly-Wissowa's, R.E. s.v. ‘Sol’ 901 ffGoogle Scholar.

page 53 note 4 Lucr. 5. 281; Min. Fel. 32. 6; , Rufin.Apol. orig. 2. 558Google Scholar; Mart. Cap. 2. 184 al.

page 53 note 5 Rose, H. J., Harvard Theological Review, xxx (1937), 181Google Scholar.—I fully agree with Rose's remarks on the phrase “ολιος γενάρχης used by Diodorus Siculus, 37. 11 and by Lydus, Iohannesde mens. 4. 155 (p. 172, 19 f. Wuensch), Rose, 168–78, 178 ffGoogle Scholar.