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The Cyclops of Philoxenus
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 February 2009
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Philoxenus of Cythera's dithyramb, Cyclops or Galatea, was a poem famous in antiquity as the source for the story of Polyphemus' love for the sea-nymph Galatea. The exact date of composition is uncertain, but the poem must pre-date 388 B.C., when it was parodied by Aristophanes in the parodos of Plutus (290–01), and probably, as we shall see below, post-dates 406, the point at which Dionysius I became tyrant of Syracuse (D.S. 13.95–6). The Aristophanic parody of the work may well point to a recent performance in Athens, perhaps the first, and it is hard to identify any more significant reason for mentioning the poem. Previous accounts of the poem have concentrated on two main points, its supposed satirical purpose, and the possibly dramatic nature of its performance, but there has been no attempt to consider these two points in relation to each other, or to assess in detail the value of the source-material. I argue that although there is some evidence to support the satirical reading of the poem, the main value of this tradition is that it reveals Philoxenus' comic treatment of his subject, and that while the Galatea motif has previously been considered the essential element in this comic treatment, it was probably a small part of the plot, perhaps only briefly alluded to. Finally I provide reasons for doubting the prevalent view that the performance included dramatic elements.
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1 This paper has a long history. In its earliest form (1995) it was read and commented on by Professor Parsons, P. J., DrWest, M. L., and DrHall, E., to whom many thanks. Parts of it were delivered to the Corpus Christi Classical Seminar in Oxford in Michaelmas, 1997Google Scholar; again, thanks are due to those who attended for their comments and suggestions. A final debt of thanks is owed to Professor C. Collard and CQ's anonymous referee.
2 See further Kugelmeier, C., Reflexe früher und zeitgenössicher Lyrik in der alien attischen Komödie (Stuttgart & Leipzig, 1996), 255–64.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
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8 Risch, E., Wortbildung der homerischen Sprache (Berlin & New York, 1974 2), 138,Google Scholar tentatively derives Γαλατєὶα from γάλα, but we would expect Γαλακτ-єὶα if this were the case (cf. the formations γαλακτο-πότης, γαλακτ-ώςηϚ). The use of γαλα- as a first term is more ancient (cf. the old formation γαλα-θη-νός ‘young, tender’ ‘taking milk’), but we cannot explain the presence of tau (the suffix is -єιος/єια). γάλατος is occasionally found as a genitive in the documentary papyri (see Chantraine, P., Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue grecque [Paris, 1990],Google Scholar s.v. γαλα), but this would not provide evidence for earlier formations on the stem.
9 Sanders, L. J., Dionysius I of Syracuse and Greek Tyranny (London & New York, 1987), 1–40,Google Scholar discusses in detail the hostile tradition relating to Dionysius, and presents Philoxenus' poem, together with much other material, in the context of the party opposed to Dionysius in Athens in the first half of the fourth century.
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12 The text and most of the apparatus are Kassel's. I have omitted the less relevant parts of Kassel's apparatus, and included (ex. grat.) a suggestion by Susemihl.
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21 Vahlen, ed.3 1885.
22 RVEΘ are the most important MSS for the scholia on Plutus; the scholion in the Aldine edition (p. 68 Chantry) clearly derives from one of these or from a similar text.
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24 Bergk (n.23). Again, the passage is omitted from the first edition.
25 So Holland (n. 18), 192–6.
26 Melanippides: Marm. Par. Ep. 47; Suda, μ 454. Timotheus: Suda, τ 620. Telestes: Marm. Par. Ep. 65; Aristox. fr. 117 Wehrli; Plin. N.H. 35.36.109.
27 The evidence for soloists in the classical dithyramb is generally weak; Ba. 18 is the most widely accepted case of a dithyramb requiring a soloist, but there is no positive evidence for such a theory beyond the form of the poem. There is no definite statement that the dithyramb admitted soloists until [Arist.] Probl. 19.15, but the period to which this passage refers is unclear; it is likely to be the later fourth century. It would indeed be odd if such an innovation, had it occurred earlier, had escaped notice.
28 It is unclear whether the Marsyas referred to is Marsyas of Pella (late fourth century B.C.), or the younger Marsyas of Philippi.
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34 Zimmermann (n. 3), 127–8.
35 Argued unconvincingly by Comotti, G., QUCC n.s. 31 (1989), 107–17.Google Scholar
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