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The Waters of Rebirth: The Eighteenth Century and Transoceanic Protestant Christianity

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 February 2010

A. G. Roeber
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Extract

In a provocatively titled 2005 book, Mark Noll and Carolyn Nystrom wondered Is the Reformation Over? While not presuming to answer their query, the present essay argues that a self-understanding of European Protestants inherited from the Reformation had to die in the 1740s in the process of giving birth to the rapidly spreading version of western Christianity that became known as evangelicalism. Protestants, of both the radical and magisterial sort had cherished since the sixteenth century a sense of themselves as the true, ancient, and apostolic church. The Reformation, however, in its theological, as well as its socio-political and economic dimensions, had long “left its heirs no settled comprehensive system, only with many unresolved questions of principle and usage, not least in decisions relating to the body.”

Type
Research Article
Information
Church History , Volume 79 , Issue 1 , March 2010 , pp. 40 - 76
Copyright
Copyright © American Society of Church History 2010

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References

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12 The Book of Concord: The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, ed. Robert Kolb and Timothy J. Wengert (Minneapolis: Fortress, 2000), 94; for the Greek assessment of the Augsburg Confession, see Wayne James Jorgensen, “The Augustana Graeca and the Correspondence Between the Tübingen Lutherans and Patriarch Jeremias: Scripture and Tradition in Theological Methodology,” (PhD diss., Boston University, 1979), at 134 on the significance of the filioque in the exchanges; Mastrantonis, George, Augsburg and Constantinople: The Correspondence between the Tübingen Theologians and Patriarch Jeremiah II of Constantinople on the Augsburg Confession (Brookline, Mass.: Holy Cross Orthodox, 1982)Google Scholar; for the seventeenth century contacts between Constantinople and Helmstedt, see Davey, Colin, Pioneer for Unity: Metrophanes Kritopoulos (1589–1639) and Relations between the Orthodox, Roman Catholic and Reformed Churches (London: British Council of Churches, 1987), at 147–252Google Scholar; Arvid Gradin, Bericht von Schweden, (R.- 19.- F.a.4.:10 is not paginated; the excerpts cited here are at 10a recto and verso.)

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17 See the essays in Bahlke and Korthaase, eds., Daniel Jablonski. Religion, Wissenschaft und Politik.

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21 Ward, W. L., Early Evangelicalism: A Global Intellectual History, 1670–1789 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 187–93CrossRefGoogle Scholar on the later history of undenominationalism; Hans Schneider, “Understanding the church—Issues of Pietist Ecclesiology” (unpublished paper presented at the international conference “Pietism and Community in Europe and North America: 1650–1850,” Emory University, Atlanta, Ga., November, 2006).

22 On the tension between interior and the external dimensions of the Church traced to Augustine, see McGinn, Bernard, The Foundations of Mysticism: Origins to the Fifth Century (New York: Crossroad, 1991), 228–62Google Scholar; Kelly, J. N. D., Early Christian Doctrines (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1978), 412–17Google Scholar; on the role of the anonymous Theologia Deutsch for Reformation Protestantism, and the continued importance of the Lord's Supper within the quest for holiness, see McGinn, , The Harvest of Mysticism in Medieval Germany (1300–1500) (New York: Crossroad, 2005), 392–404Google Scholar. On the ambivalence in Luther (and Lutheranism) on justification/sanctification, see Oberman, Heiko, “‘Simul Gemitus et Raptus’: Martin Luther and Mysticism,” in The Reformation in Medieval Perspective, ed. Ozment, Steven E. (Chicago: Quadrangle, 1971), 219–51Google Scholar; and Steinmetz, David C., “Religious Ecstasy in Staupitz and the Young Luther,” Sixteenth Century Journal 11, no. 1 (1980), 23–38CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For the extension of this dispute into pietism, see Meyer, Dietrich and Sträter, Udo, eds., Zur Rezeption mystischer Traditionen im Protestantismus des 16. Bis 19. Jahrhunderts: Beiträge eines Symposiums zum Tersteegen-Jubiläum 1997 (Cologne: Rheinland-Verlag, 2002)Google Scholar; on Halle's hostility against the Moravians, Folgeman, Aaron, Jesus is Female: Moravians and the Challenge of Radical Religion in Early America (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007), 60–65Google Scholar; 176–84; Halle's London representative Friedrich Michael Ziegenhagen was more positive about the Moravians than was Gotthilf August Francke; see Podmore, Colin, The Moravian Church in England, 1728–1760 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1998), 8–10CrossRefGoogle Scholar; 16–27. On observers' reaction to Moravian liturgical celebration, see ibid., 143–49. For the connection between the Lord's Supper and the objective of “union with Christ,” see Atwood, Craig D., Community of the Cross: Moravian Piety in Colonial Bethlehem (University Park: Penn State University Press, 2004), 164–200Google Scholar. On Charles Wesley's Eucharistic devotion as part of his mysticism reflected in the 1745 collection of hymns (Hymns on the Lord's Supper) and reliance upon the Calvinist sacramental theology of Daniel Brevint's The Christian Sacrament and Sacrifice, see Allchin, A. M., “Orthodox and Anglican: An Uneasy but Enduring Relationship,” in Anglicanism and Orthodoxy 300 Years after the ‘Greek College’ in Oxford, ed. Doll, Peter M. (Oxford: Peter Lang, 2006), 329–54Google Scholar at 340–51; Borgen, Ole, John Wesley on the Sacraments (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Francis Asbury Press, 1972)Google Scholar; Rattenbury, J. Ernest, The Eucharistic Hymns of John and Charles Wesley, to which is appended Wesley's Preface extracted from Brevint's Christian Sacrament and Sacrifice together with Hymns for the Lord's Supper (London, 1928)Google Scholar; Ward overlooks this theme—see Early Evangelicalism, 130.

23 Heather Webb, , “Cardiosensory Impulses in Late Medieval Spirituality,” in Rethinking the Medieval Senses: Heritage, Fascinations, Frames, ed. Nichols, Stephen G., Kablitz, Andreas, and Calhoun, Alison (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008), 265–85Google Scholar at 283; Porter, Roy, Flesh in the Age of Reason (New York: W.W. Norton, 2003), 26Google Scholar.

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26 John and Charles Wesley: Selected Prayers, Hymns, Journal Notes, Sermons, Letters and Treatises, ed. Frank Whaling, with an introduction (New York: Paulist, 1981), 44, 42, 336, 321, 324. See Kimbrough, S. T. Jr., “Theosis in the Writings of Charles Wesley,” St. Vladimir's Theological Quarterly 52, no. 2 (2008), 199–212Google Scholar; Mack, Phyllis, Heart Religion in the British Enlightenment: Gender and Emotion in Early Methodism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 36–41Google Scholar; 56–59; 214–18; Mack misses the shift away from the mystical, sacramental piety. For Wesley's encounter with Gradin, see John Wesley, “A Plain Account of Christian Perfection,” in John and Charles Wesley, 302; Wesley's Account itself does not emphasize sacramental piety.

27 On Gradin's theology, see Hök, Gosta, Herrnhutisk teologi i svensk gestalt, Arvid Gradins dogmatiska och etiska huvudtanker (Uppsala: A–B Lundequistska bokhandeln, 1950)Google Scholar. For the similarities between Gradin and Zinzendorf, see the review of Hök by Nels F. S. Ferre, Journal of the American Academy of Religion 18, no. 4 (1950), 250; John and Charles Wesley, 44.

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43 My prosopography is gleaned from Erikson and Nylander, eds., Erik Benzelius' Letters; See letters at 144 to 151 for the early sentiments, and the letter of 26 April 1727 to Ernst Salomon Cyprian at Gotha, 95–96 at 96. See Erikson, Alvar, ed., Letters to Erik Benzelius the Younger Vol. 1: 1697–1722 (Göteborg: Vetenskaps- och Vitterhets-Samhället, 1979)Google Scholar, at 22–23 (1698) and for Halle's reputation, 166–67. For Benzelius's concerns about the influence of the Riksdag over church affairs, see Pleijel, Schwedische Pietismus, 124–26.

44 Francke Foundations archives reveal no correspondence with Sweden from the 1730s through the 1760s; The foreign correspondence of Thomas Secker from the 1740s to the 1770s shows no contact with Halle; see Ingram, Robert G., Religion, Reform and Modernity in the Eighteenth Century: Thomas Secker and the Church of England (Woodbridge, U.K.: Boyell and Brewer, 2007), 266–82Google Scholar; Ziegenhagen's papers still elude us along with his view of the Swedish Lutherans. For examples of correspondence through the 1720s, see Pleijel, Schwedische Pietismus, 89–142.

45 AFSt/ Cudelierische Correspondenz 1743–44 M: 2K 12:26 letter 26 from Johann Zacharias Kiernander to Andreas Bergner in Stockholm, 14 January 1744.

46 See Anders Jarlert, “When the Bishop and Chapter of Gothenburg Censored the Writings of Martin Luther,” and Nordbäck, Carola, “Children of God: The Swedish Radical Pietists, 1725–45,” in Pietism, Revivalism and Modernity, 1650–1850, ed. Lieburg, Fred van and Lindmark, Daniel (Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars, 2008), 174–84 and 132–60Google Scholar. On Benzelius, Henrik, Pleijel, , Das Kirchenproblem der Brüdergemeine in Schweden: Eine Kirchengeschichtliche Untersuchung (Lund: Gleerup, 1938), at 26–27Google Scholar.

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50 Fea, John, “Ethnicity and Congregational life in the Eighteenth-Century Delaware Valley: The Swedish Lutherans of New Jersey,” Explorations in Early American Culture 5 (2001), 45–78Google Scholar, quotation at 73.

51 Ingram, Religion, Reform, and Modernity, 209–59; Secker, A Sermon preached before the Incorporated Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign parts; at their anniversary meeting in the parish-Church of St Mary-le-Bow, on Friday, February 20. 1740–41. For Ingram's analysis, see 209–12.

52 William Stevens Perry, D.D., Historical Collections Relating to the American Colonial Church, 4 vols., (1870–1873; repr., New York: AMS, 1969), 1:253–56Google Scholar at 255; 357–59 at 358–59; on Blair, , Rouse, Parke Jr., James Blair of Virginia (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1971)Google Scholar.

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59 Kärkkäinen, Veli-Matti, One with God: Salvation as Deification and Justification (Collegeville, Minn.: Liturgical, 2004), 67–86Google Scholar at 68, 69, 79.

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63 Peter Vogt, “Zinzendorfs Verständnis des geistlichen Amts,” in Ein Leben für die Kirche: Zinzendorf als Praktischer Theologe, ed. Peter Schilling (Göttingen: Vandenboeck & Ruprecht, forthcoming). I am grateful to Dr. Vogt for permission to read and cite the unpublished version of his essay.

64 Conser, Walter H. Jr., Church and Confession: Conservative Theologians in Germany, England, and America, 1815–1866 (Macon, Ga.: Mercer University Press, 1984)Google Scholar; on the shift to biblicism, Noll, Mark A., America's God: From Jonathan Edwards to Abraham Lincoln (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002), 238–41CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Brooks Holifield, E., Theology in America: Christian Thought from the Age of the Puritans to the Civil War (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2003), 245–51Google Scholar. On the social emphais in the “New Protestantism,” see Albert, Jürgen, Christentum und Handlungsform bei Johann Hinrich Wichern (1808–1881) Sudien zum sozialen Protestantismus (Heidelberg: Heidelberger Verlagsanstalt, 1997)Google Scholar.

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68 Hamilton and Hamilton, History of the Moravian Church, 99.

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71 Jenkins, Philip, The Next Christendom: The Coming of Global Christianity (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002), 124–32; 217–20CrossRefGoogle Scholar; J. Kwabena Asamoah-Gyadu, “Did Jesus Wear Designer Robes?” Christianity Today Magazine, http://www.christianitytoday.com/globalconversation/november2009/ (accessed November 30, 2009).

An earlier version of the essay was presented at the Fifth Annual New Sweden History Conference, “New Sweden and its European Neighbors, 1638–1786,” November 19, 2005. The author thanks Arthur Manukian, Rüdiger Kröger, Paul Peucker, Kim-Eric Williams, Hermann Wellenreuther, Mark Noll, and Craig Atwood for critical readings.