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The Sacramental Presuppositions of Anselm's Cur Deus Homo*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 July 2009

George Huntiston Williams
George Huntiston Williams
Affiliation:
Winn Professor of Ecclesiastical History, Harvard Divinity School
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Extract

The completion of F. S. Schmitt's critical edition of the Opera omnia of St. Anselm of Canterbury, with its elimination of a good many spurious meditations and prayers and with its recalendaring of the old and the newly identified correspondence, has stimulated widespread interest in the father of scholasticism. In the present study I wish to show that Anseim's Cur Deus Homo is a “penitential-eucharistic,” as distinguished from a “baptismal,” theory of the atonement. This is a terminology which must be explained at once.

Type
Research Article
Information
Church History , Volume 26 , Issue 3 , September 1957 , pp. 245 - 274
Copyright
Copyright © American Society of Church History 1957

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References

1. Five volumes, Rome, Edinburgh, etc., 1950–1955. All references in this paper are to this edition of Anselin 's works. Schmitt began his critical work in another series, Florilegium Patristicum. The most recent translation of the Cur Deus Homo and other works by Anselin is by Fairweather, Engene, A Scholastic Miscellany, Library of Christian Classics, X (Philadelphia, 1956).Google Scholar

2. A comparison between the formularies of the eucharistic and the baptismal rites in the present Roman Missal shows clearly how the Anselinian view of redemption is connected with the encharist and might seem to some to make the following effort a pushing at open doors. It will be borne in mind, however that the present missal embodies changes in emphasis that were first beginning to be felt in the eleventh century.

3. Cremer, P. H., “Die Wurzeln des Anselmischen Satisfactionsbegriffs,” Studien und Kritiken, III (1880), pp. 7–21Google Scholar; “Der germanische Satisfactionsbegriff in der Versöhnungslehre,” Ibid., vol. XVI (1893), pp. 316–345.

4. Loofs, F., Leitfaden sum Studiuin der Dogmengeschichte, 4th ed. (Halle, 1906), p. 511Google Scholar: “Anselm's theory is an evaluation of the work of Christ by means of the conceptnal material of the doctrine of penance;” similarly, A. von Harnaek, History of Dogma, VI, pp. 56 ff.Google Scholar

5. van der Plaas, G., “Des hl. Anselm ‘Cur Dens auf dem Boden der jüdisch-christlichen Polemik des Mittelalters,” Divus Thomas, VII (1929), p. 446.Google Scholar

6. Aulén, Gustaf, Christus Victor: An Historical Study of Three Main Types of the Idea of Atonement (1930), transl. from the Swedish by Hebert, A. G. (London, 1931).Google Scholar

7. Chenu, P.. “Cur Homo? La sous-sol d 'une controverse au XIIe siècle,” Melanges de science religieuse, X (Lille, 1953), pp. 195–204.Google Scholar

8. Mönnich, C. W., “De inhoud van Anselmns' Cur Deus Homo,” Nederlandsch Archief voor Kerkgeschiedenis, XXXVI (1948–1949), pp. 77–108.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

9. Southern, R. W., The Making of the Middle Ages (New Haven, 1953), pp. 222–240; 250–255.Google Scholar

10. McIntyre, John, St. Anselm and His Critics: A Re-interpretation of the Cur Deus Homo (Edinburgh, 1954).Google Scholar Indispensable ttnd basic for all comparative studies is Rivière, Jean, Le dogme de la rédemption au début du moyen âge (Paris, 1934).Google Scholar An earlier work with a fuller treatmmt of Anselm is Le dogme de la rédemption (Paris, 1905).Google Scholar Among the older works mention should be made of Franks, Robert S., A History of the Doctrine of the Work of Christ in its Ecclesiastical Development, I (London, 1918)Google Scholar, which admirably evaluates the work of Cremer, Loofs, Gottschick, Harnack, and Schultz on the Cur Deus Homo and advances special views of its own. Franks saw more clearly than most historians of the more catholic traditions the importance of linking changing theories of redemption with the doctrine of grace and the evolution of the sacramental theology of the Church. Franks brought his views np to date in a succinct systematic treatment, The Atonement (Oxford, 1934).Google Scholar

11. An aspect of the tension has been most recently traced by Kantorowicz, Ernest, “The Baptism of the Apostles,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers, nos. 9 and 10 (Cambridge, 1956).Google Scholar

12. Martin Werner, among others, has pointed to the eschatological character of the Pauline baptismal theory of cosmic redemption and to the reworking of it in purely anthropological terms in connection with the shift in baptismal theology. Die Entstehung des christlichen Dogmas (Bern, 1941)Google Scholar, “Von der Erlosung und ihrer sakramentalen Vermittlung,” pp. 389 ff.

13. p. LXIX, cap. 15.

14. In the course of patristic reflection several interrelated “baptismal” theories of salvation emerged, all of them, of course, resting on biblical texts but growing out of diverse preoccupations and experiences of ancient Christians, namely: redemption as purification from sin, as reconciliation with God through Christ's fulfilment of the law, as initiation into membership in the chosen race, as advance participation in the Kingdom of Christ, as dying to the world and proleptie resurrection in and with Christ, as restoration of the divine image of paradisic man, as illumination, as deification, as joining Christus victor in the cosmological combat with Satan, as redemption from the devil, and as eternal election. These diverse conceptions have recently been grouped under four main types by Turner, H. E. W., The Patristic Doctrine of Redemption: A Study of the Development of Doctrine during the First Five Centuries (London, 1952).Google Scholar The preëminence of one of these themes in the New Testament has been most recently worked through by Leivestad, Ragnar, Christ the Conqueror: Ideas of Conflict and Victory in the New Testament (New York, 1954).Google Scholar All of these emphases in the ancient conception of Christian salvation, not by any means mutually exclusive, were grounded in or presupposed the initiatory, cleansing, and redeeming rite of baptismal regeneration.

15. Work of Christ, I, p. 98.Google Scholar

16. Rahner, Hugo, “Pompa diaboli,” Zeitschrift für katholische Theologie, LV (1931), p. 252.Google Scholar

17. Peterson, Erik, Das Buch von den Engeln … im Kultus, 2nd ed. (Munich, 1955), pp. 46f.Google Scholar

18. Lundberg, Per, La typologie baptismale dans l'ancienne Eglise, Acta Seminarii neotestamentici Upsalensis, X (Leipzig/Upsala, 1942);Google ScholarEchle, Harry A., The Terminology of the Sacrament of Regeneration according to Clement of Alexandria, The Catholic University of America, Theological Studies, 2nd ser., XXX (Washington, 1949);Google ScholarCampbell, Thomas L., Notes and Commentary on Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite's Chapter on the Mystery of Illumination, same series, LXXXIII (Washington, 1955)Google Scholar with the new literature.

19. See Kelly, J. N. D., Early Christian Creeds (London, 1950), p. 378:Google Scholar “… about the time when the Descent was beginning to appear in creeds, the ancient notion of Christ's mission to the patriarchs was fading more and more into the background, and the doctrine was coming to be interpreted as symbolizing His triumph over Satan and death, and, consequently, the salvation of mankind as a whole” (p. 382). On the history of the descensus, see Turmel, Joseph, La Descente du Christ aux enfers (Paris, 1905);Google ScholarMacCulloch, J. A., The Harrowing of Hell (Edinburgh, 1930);Google ScholarBieder, Werner, Die Vorstellung von der Höllenfahrt Jesu Christi, Abhandlungen zur Theologie des Alten und Neuen Testaments, Nr. 19 (Zurich, 1949).Google ScholarLindroth, A. H. S. has specifically related “the classical theory of redemption” (Aulen) and the Descent into Hades, “Descendit ad inferna,” Svensk Teologisk Kvart at shrift, VIII (Upsala, 1932), pp. 121–140.Google Scholar

20. For a most recent study of the patristic imagery of the baptismal font as tomb and womb, see Bedard, Walter M., The Symbolism of the Baptismal Font in Early Christian, Thought, The Catholic University of America, Studies in Sacred Theology, 2nd ser. XLV (Washington, 1951).Google Scholar

21. De incarnatione, 8, 4.

22. Oratio III, 33.

23. De incarnatione, 54, 3.

24. De fide Orthodoxa, iv, 9 and 13.Google Scholar

25. Rupert, Abbot Deutz (d. 1129), gives evidence for widespread dissociation in his time of infant baptism from the liturgical year. See Conway, Walter J., The Time and Place of Baptism, Catholic University of America, Canon Law Studies, no. 324 (Washington, D. C., 1954)Google Scholar, especially pp. 12 f.

26. The decline of the older meaning of the baptismal renunciation has been instructively traced by H. Rahner, op. cit.

27. I have not been able to consult Kurz, L., Gregors Lehre von den Englen (1938)Google Scholar, nor Daniélou, J., Les anges et leurs mission d 'après les Pères (Paris, 1952).Google Scholar It should be noted that for Anselni the object of salvation was to restore the elect to the likeness not merely of the first man before the fall but to the likeness of those angels who had never fallen and who are ever present at the divine liturgy. Also characteristic of his theory was Anselm's view that men so redeemed are being created and above all redeemed in numbers in excess of the fallen angels; in other words, progressively saved for their own sake as well as for God's honor and the repopulation of heaven; for, had honor and praise alone been His purpose, new angels or the requisite number of men fashioned without original sin like Christ himself could have been created to fill the vacant places in the heavenly city.

28. Müller, Karl, “Der Umschwung in der Lehre von der Busse während des zwölften Jahrhunderts,” Theologische Abhandlungen, C. von Weiszäcker gewidmet (Freiburg, 1892);Google ScholarSpitzig, Joseph A., Sacramental Penance in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Century, Catholic University of America, S.S. Tb. Studies, sec. VI (1947).Google Scholar Paul Anciaux, au courant the critical restriction of the Anselmian corpus, passes by Anselm after lauding him as vastly superior to his contemporaries, La Théologie du Sacrament de Pénitence aux 12e siécle (Louvain, 1949).Google Scholar Several studies of the evolution of medieval penance fail on the role of Anselin because they used materials now withdrawn from Anseim by the critical editor of the Opera omnia, such as Schmoll, Polykarp, Die Busslehre dir Frühscholastik (Munich, 1909), pp. 15–18Google Scholar; Poschmann, Bernhard, Die abendländisehe Kirchenbusse im frühen Mittelalter, Breslauer Studien zur historischen Theologie, XVI (Breslau, 1930).Google Scholar

29. Both Celtic penitential and Germanic law made a maxim of a basic distinction found also in Cur Deus Homo, I, xv, aut poena aut satisfactio.

30. See Franks, op. cit. J. Riviére noted that a supposed contemporary of Anselm, Radulphus Ardens, was the first to employ satisfactio of the work of Christ (Le dogme, p. 289); but Radulphus has since been assigned to the later twelfth century.

31. The most important new works to which reference will be made frequently are Geiselmann, J. R., Die Eucharistielehre der Vorscholastik, Forschungen zur christlichen Literatur-und Dogmeageschichte, vol. XV (Paderborn, 1926);Google Scholarde Lubac, Henri, Corpus Mysticum: L 'Eucharistic et l 'Eglise au Moyen Age, 2nd ed. (Paris, 1949);Google ScholarHolböck, Ferdinand, Der eucharistisehe und der mystische Leib Christi in ihren Beziehungen zueinander nach der Lehre der Fruihscholastilc (Rome, 1941);Google ScholarJungmann, Josef, Missarum Solemnia: Eine genetische Erklärung der römischen Messe, 2 vols. (Vienna, 1949);Google Scholar French ed. in 3 vols. (Paris, 1951–1954).

32. Migne, PL, CLXXII, col. 1250. The thrice-repeated Agnus Dei which was accompanied by the ritual division of the Host into three parts had long inspired reflection on the threefoidness of the Body and the Church. See de Lubac, op. cit.

33. For the distinction between objective and subjective here, see Tromp, Sebastiano, Corpus Christi quod est Ecclesia, 2nd ed. (Rome, 1946), I, esp. p. 119.Google Scholar

34. See above on Athanasius, p. 11.

35. See, for example, Cur Deus Homo, I, ix:Google Scholar “… the just will which he had came not from his humanity but from his divinity.”

36. Ibid., II, xiii.

37. Described in his two natures, passible and impassible, Ibid., I, viii.

38. Southern, Middle Ages, ch. v with plates.

39. On the monastic vow as a kind of second baptism, see Odo, Casel, “Die Mönchsweihe,” Jahrbuch füriturgiewissenschaft, V (1926), p. 23.Google Scholar

40. Southern, R. W., “St. Anselm and Gilbert Crispin,” Medieval and Renaissance Studies, III (London, 1954), pp. 78–115.Google Scholar

41. Migne, , PL, CLIX, col. 1022.Google Scholar

42. The basic text in the Disputatio at this point is Ezekiel 44:1–3, which is used by the Christian to explain the virginity of Mary post partum. The phrase “ut comedat panem comm Domino” is prominent in the discussion, but it is interpreted to mean that Christ was to do the will of the Lord.

43. The authenticity of this section has been recently demonstrated. Southern, , Middle Ages, pp. 226–229.Google Scholar Anselm here preserves the view of Adam's having gone over to the devil in a passage which makes Adam's fall plausible in terms of the feudal diffidatio. On diffidatio, ibid., p. 234.

44. op. cit., I, xx.

45. Formerly Oratio III, Schmitt, ; Op. omn., III, p. 80,Google Scholar lines 7 f.

46. On the evolution of the missae privatae, see Jungmann, op. cit., I, pp. 272 ff.; and on the flowering of new prayers on the personal unworthiness of the priest before his own eommunion, Ibid., II, pp. 417 ff.

47. Formerly LXIII; Op. omn., III, p. 26.

48. Loc. cit., p. 26, lines 20–22; p. 27, lines 26 f., 30 f., 38 f. Oratio IX (formerly LXIV) ad sanctum Petrum speaks of the soul as regenerated by the baptism of Christ and as a sheep bought by the blood of Christ even before it was born. Ibid., p. 31.

49. Ibid., p. 29.

50. Formerly XLI; Op. omn., II, p. 11.

51. September 14: in quo est salus, vitaet resurrectio nostra: per quem salvati et liberati sumus.

52. Loc. cit., p. 12, lines 51–55.

53. Ibid., p. 11, line 25; p. 12, lines 26, 44. The redemption of the penitents in purgatory is only implied in this context which places the action in the present and future. Christ's continuous descent into hell, i.e., by means of the eucharistic descent and the votive mass, is also implied in the Crispin Insert in reference to the saints of the Old Testament. Loc. cit., col. 1022. See also above on descensus, p. 249, n. 19.

54. Op cit., ed. John Wickham Legg, Henry Bradshaw Series, vol. V (London, 1893), coIl. 517 ff.

55. Formerly XXXIV; Op. omn., II, p. 10.

56. Anselm elsewhere uses Romans 6:3 ff. for baptism but without the same inner appropriation which characterizes its use here. De sacrificio azimi et fermentati, IV; Op. omn., II, p. 228.

57. On the general eleventh-century use of in ore and in corde, see Sheedy, op. cit., p. 173.

58. Markus Barth doubts whether this passage was sacramental as used by Paul, though it certainly was so used by the Fathers. Die Taufe, ein Sakrament? (Zurich, 1951).Google Scholar

59. P. 10, lines 13 f.

60. Jungmann discusses the prayers in spired by the Capernaite centurion, op. cit., II, 431 ff.

61. Line 17.

62. Formerly LII; Op. omn., III, pp. 18–25; recently translated by Eugene Fairweather, op. cit., pp. 201–207.

63. See, for example, Coathalem, H., Le parallélisme entre la sainte Vierge et l'Eglise dans la tradition latine jusqu'a la fin du XIIe siěcle, Analecta Gregoriana, Theol., LXXIV (Rome, 1954), pp. 74 ff.Google Scholar

64. Migne, , PL, CLIX,Google Scholar col. 575.

65. Loc. cit., p. 22, lines 102 f.

66. Ibid., p. 23, lines 139 f.

67. Ibid., p. 19, line 46.

68. Ibid., p. 21, lines 81, 84.

69. Ibid., p. 19, line 40.

70. Ibid., p. 24, line 147.

71. Op. omn., II, p. 139.

72. On Anselm's doctrine of original sin as a break from Augustine, see Fairweather, op. cit., p. 58; Martin, R. M., “La question du Péché originel dans s. Anselme,” Revue des sciences philosophiques et théologiques, V (1911), p. 735Google Scholar; Lottin, Odon, Psychologie et morale au XIIe et XIIIe siécle, IV, 3:1 (Louvain, 1954), p. 13.Google Scholar

73. The appetites are not sins; otherwise they would have been removed in baptism, op. cit., cap. iv. p. 144.

74. Ibid., cap., xxvii, p. 170.

75. Ibid., cap., ii. p. 141.

76. In a gesture to the sensibilities of feu. dal society, Anselm at one point in De originali peccato seeks to explain the liability of the progeny to the punishment of their primal parents, not in terms of propagation, but of tbe corporate responsibility of a noble family. A man and spouse, having been established in their possessions by grace alone, when they inexcusably commit a grave crime, are not only themselves disgraced but tbeir sons are also made to follow them into servitude. Cap. xxviii, p. 171.

77. Ibid., cap. xxiv, p. 166.

78. Ibid., capp. viii-xxi, and especially bis statement at the end of cap. ii and beginning of cap. xxii.

79. Ibid., capp. xxiii, xxvii, and especially cap. xxii, p. 165: As I have said (cap. i), there is a sin that comes from the nature, nnd a sin that comes from the person. Thus, what is from the person can be calied “personal,” and what is from nature “natural”— otherwise “original.”

80. Cap. xxii: Christ alone pays more than they owe for all who are saved.

81. Cf. Holböck, Ferdinand, Der eucharistische und der mystische Leib Christi in ihren Beziehungen zueinander nach der Lehre der. Frühscholastik (Rome, 1941)Google Scholar, in a section entitled “Die Beziehungen der Tanfe zur Eucharistic bei Bewirkung der Eingliederung in den mystischeu Leib,” pp. 215–218, where, however, Anselm is not classified either way. An earlier treatment of the way in which the participation wns implied in baptism at least ex voto from earliest times is that of Springer, E., “Unsere Einvcrleibung in Christus dnrch die Eucharistic,” Theologie und Glaube, V (1913), p. 15Google Scholar; “Taufgnade als Kraftwirkung der Eucharistie,” Divus Thomas, VIII (1930), p. 421.Google Scholar The problem of distinctive sacramental graces over against the ex voto identity of all sacramental action is historically and systematically discussed by Everett, Lawrence P., The Nature of Sacramental Grace, Catholic University of America, Studies in Sacred Theology 2nd ser., VII (Washington, 1948).Google Scholar

82. op. cit., xxix, p. 172.

83. Libri sancti Anselmi ‘Cur Deus homo’ prima forma inedita, Analecta Gregoriann, III (Rome, 1933).Google Scholar

84. In “Un premier jet du ‘Cur Dens homo’?,” Revue des sciences religicuses, XIV (1934), p. 329;Google Scholar XVI (1936), pp. 1–3.

85. It is from St. Omer that the Liber. Floridus containing one copy of our Libellus derives. This evidence comes from a letter of one Bishop Malchius, formerly of St. Omer, in which Anselm is asked to dictate n copy of the sermon on the incarnation of Christ delivered to the monks in the refectory on the feast of St. Martin. Schmitt suggests that Ansehn delivered his “first draft” of Cur Deus Homo apropos of the dedication of the altar in St. Omer while he was staying at the abbey of St. Bertin. Whether Anselm sent n copy of the completed Cur Deus Homo to Bishop Malehius in Ireland is not known. But we may conjecture with Schmitt that a monk of St. Omer, possibly the compiler of the Liber Floridus, read the, by now complete, Cur Deus Homo, and perhaps recalled other more liturgical features of the original sermon when he came to write down the Libeuus. “Zur Enstehungsgeschichte von Anselm's ‘Cur Dcus homo,’” Theologische Revue, XXXIV (1935), p. 218;Google Scholarmaintained, Druwé his position in “La premiére rédaction du Cur Deus homo de S. Anselme,” Revue d'Histoire Ecclésiastique, XXXVI (1935), pp. 501–540.Google ScholarGhellinck, De was inclined to agree. L'Essor de la littérature latine au xiie siécle, I (Brussels, 1946), p. 38.Google Scholar

86. Revue Bénédictine, XXXXIII (1931), p. 52.Google Scholar

87. Formerly Meditatio XI, it has more recently been renumbered as one of the three meditations which under the searching scrutiny of editor Schmitt have survived the tests of authenticity.

88. Loc. cit., p. 90, line 160. The solar motif is very prominent in the ancient baptismal descensus cycle. See Lundberg, op. cit.

89. Ibid., lines 173 f.

90. Loc. cit., p. 90, lines 180–186. Original sin is also mentioned, p. 89, line 156; p. 90, lines 175 f.

91. Ibid., lines 164–167.

92. The Augsburg Confession protestingly calls attention to the completion of this trend: “There was added an opinion, which increased private Masses infinitely: to wit, that Christ by his passion did satisfy for original sin, and appointed the Mass, wherein an oblation should be made for daily sins, both mortal and venial.” Part II, De missa, art. 8.

93. Loc. cit., p. 88, lines 122–128. The sequel of this passage is quoted below, p. 266 at n. 120.

94. I, 20; Op. omn., p. 86, referred to above, p. 254.

95. In the Libellum the devil does not play a part in the parable; the precious pearl has simply fallen. God's concern for all his rational creation, symbolized by the originally pure pearl, is especially stressed. Op. cit., cap. xxiv, p. 21.

96. De incarnatione Verbi Dei, ix; see above, p. 249.

97. An allusion to the descent into hell, to save those who died before Christ's first advent, See above, p. 249 at n. 19.

98. Op. cit., ii, 16; Op. omn., p. 118; Fairweather, p. 167, from which this translation is adapted.

99. Op. omn., p. 117, lines 6 f.

100. Op. omn., p. 116, line 19.

101. In the Disputatio of Crispin: nostrae restitutioni, sacramentum (loc. cit., coL 1023 C), also: et originalis peccati hostia et propitiatio… atque humani generis plena integraque restitutio; cf. Libellus ii, p. 30Google Scholar and xxxvii, p. 35: salutis nostre sacrarnentum, which is said to have flowed from the wounded side of Christ. In both cases sacramenturn has the generic sense of “mystery” and the more specific sense of “sacrament.” Leo I also speaks of acrarnentum mortis et resurrectionis, Serrno LIV, cap. ii and LII, ii, but with a less technical sense of sacramentum. Augustine had likewise derived the sacrament of the chalice a latere; but Zeno of Verona, for example, as a fourth-century survivor of a still older view, held that the water and blood flowing from the side of Christ represented the two forms of baptism, i.e., in water and in blood. See Lubae, de, Corpus Mysticum, pp. 14 and 75.Google Scholar Another and more common interpretation is that the water and blood are the sources of the two sacraments, baptism and the eucharist. See Holböck, p. 52 et passim.

102. Cur Deus Homo, I, 20; Op. omn., p. 132.

103. Meditatio III, Op. omn., p. 88.

104. Ibid.

105. Libellus, loc. cit., p. 30.

106. Op. omn., II, p. 24.

107. Cur Deus Homo, II, cap. xviii; Op. omn., II, p. 129; “… he offered himself for his own honor to himself, that is, his humanity to his divinity, which is itself one of the three persons.”

108. See, for example, Athanasius quoted above, p. 250 at n. 23.

109. Cf. Baruch 3:38.

110. Cur Deus Homo, I, ii, p. 11.

111. op. cit., p. 89, lines 146 f. On the eucharist as imitatio passionis and on union with Christ as the effect of the sacrament, see Sheedy, op. cit., p. 123.

112. Cur Deus Homo, ii, p. 19; Op. omn., p. 130: Frustra quippe imitatores eius erunt, si meriti eius participes non erunt. In the next line Anselrn assimilates imitator to heir and joint-heir (the baptismal testamentary language of Romans). See quotation above, p. 261 at n. 92.

113. Ibid.; also cap. ii, p. 17; p. 124.

114. Cur Deus Homo, i, 20; Op. omn., p. 132.

115. For example, the prayer Domine Jesu Christe in the present Roman Missal right after the Agnus Dei is referred to c. 1100 as an oratio, allegedly of St. Augustine, “ad Filium quem ante se tenet;” discussed by Jungmann, op. cit., II, p. 424, esp. n. 32 and also p. 421, n. 15. The Westminster Missal reads: “Deus pater, qui … unigeniturn tuum … carnem sumere voluisti, quem ego hic in manibus meis teneo…

116. Ed. John Wiekharn Legg, Henry Bradshaw Society, II, col. 517.

117. The bridal image appears fleetingly in the following quotation (inflammatory love) and at the end of the Meditatio, where Anseim combines the image of the cubiculum amoris with thought of tasting “per amorem” what he tastes “per eognitionem.” Loc. cit., p. 91, lines 196 and 203.

118. op. cit., p. 84.

119. Cf. above, pp. 264–5.

120. Ibid., p. 89, lines 132–136.

121. Loc. cit., xxxii, p. 30.

122. Ibid., lines 84–87. The reference to entering into the Kingdom on feet healed of the serpent's wound is an allusion to Christ's washing the feet of Peter and the others at the Last Supper in John 13, where the iavatio pedum, in contrast to the Synoptic accounts, overshadows the establishment of the eucharist. Elsewhere the compilator speaks like Ignatius of Antioch of the eucharist as peccati medicina (line 17). The medicinal allusion is also related to the Capernaite Non sum dignus based on Matthew 8:8 (see above, p. 258), which includes Jesus' curing of the centurion's servant. See Jungmann, op. cit. On the relationship of baptism and eucharist in respect to the apostles and the medical imagery connected with the Johannine version of the eucharist, see Kantorowicz, op. cit., eap. p. 252.

123. Holböck, op. cit., has traced these two trends and in a special section (esp. 209–214) has dealt with the problem of the depression of baptism as a result (pp. 215–218).

124. DeClerck, E. C., “Questions de sotériologie médiévale,” Recherches de Théologie ancienne et médievale, XIII (1946), p. 160.Google Scholar Honorius is not able completely to break with the older feeling that somehow also the devil has a more important role than Anselni had been willing to assign him.

125. Gemma, I, 36; Migne, , PL, CLXXII, col. 555;Google Scholar quoted by Holböck, op. cit., p. 59, n. 123.

126. Elucidarium I, 28; Migne, , PL. CLXXII, col. 1129;Google Scholar Rupert of Deutz says “made concorporal” Ibid., CLXVII, col. 1665C.

127. Ibid., col. 1189C; quoted by Holböck, op. cit., p. 58, n. 118.

128. Eucharistion, ii; Migne, , PL. CLXXII, coll. 1250–51;Google Scholar quoted by Holböck, op. cit., p. 56, n. 114.

129. Geiselmana, J. R. first suggested the possibility of a connection between Anseim's individualistic interpretation of the eucharist and his theory of redemption. Die Eucharistielehre der Vorscholastik, Forschungen zur Christlichen Literatur-und Dogmengesehichte, XV (Paderborn, 1926), pp. 409–413.Google Scholar But Geiselmann assumed that Anselm's eucharistic theology was derived from his theory of redemption (p. 409) rather than, as we have been arguing, that his theory of the atonement was a rationalization of his eucharistic experience and practice. Moreover, Geiselmann based his construction largely upon ep. 107 of lib. iv, several prayers, and Meditatio IV, all of which Schmitt has withdrawn from Anselm.

130. Matthew 26:39, 42 and parallels and Philippiaas 2:8 f. are prominent in the argumentatioa of Cur Deus Homo, I, viii and ix; also in the eucharistic reflections of Meditatio III. On Anselm's “evangelical” view of penance and his departure from Tertullian, see McIntyre, op. cit., p. 87.

131. Above, pp. 249–50.

132. Denzinger, H., Enchiridion symbolorum et definitionum, no. 430.Google Scholar

133. De originali peccato, vi; Op. omn., II, p. 147, 1. 14.

134. Ibid., xxili, p. 165.