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Natural Law in the Thought of Luther

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 July 2009

John T. McNeill
John T. McNeill
Affiliation:
The University of Chicago
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Extract

Henry Drummond's Natural Law in the Spiritual World (1883) opens with the sentence: “Natural law is a new word.” But the term may claim a respectable antiquity: it goes back to the pre-Socratic philosophers. In Drummond's time it was merely being put to a new use. To him it meant the body of principles learned in the laboratories of physical science. In the long tradition of ethical, legal, and political thought from Hippias to Kant it implied a body of principles which, resting upon a divinely implanted endowment of human nature, underlie all acceptable ethical precepts, just laws, and sound political institutions.

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Articles
Information
Church History , Volume 10 , Issue 3 , September 1941 , pp. 211 - 227
Copyright
Copyright © American Society of Church History 1941

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References

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7 When A. Lang says that Cicero under Platonic influence so modified the Stoic doctrine “that the natural laws inherent in human nature received at the same time a theonomic, divinely obligating character” he well describes Cicero's expression of the doctrine, while he seems to ascribe to Cicero a more important role in its evolution than, can be safely affirmed. Cicero's utterances on natural law were frequently cited, however, by Christian writers of all periods. Lang, 's study appeared in German as Die Reformation und das Naturrecht (Gütersloh, 1909)Google Scholar. The quotation is from Machen, J. G.'s translation, “The Reformation and Natural Law,” Princeton Theological Review, VII (1909), 177–218: see 210. (German edition, 41.).Google Scholar

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18 “La notion du droit naturel chez Luther” in Etudes de théologie et d'histoire, publiées par MM. les professeurs de la faculté protestante de Paris en hommage à la faculté de théologie de Montauban (Paris, 1901), 287–320, especially 302ff., 317f. A. Lang (Die Reformation, note 7 above) and Doumergue, E., Jean Calvin, les hommes et les choses de son temps, V (Lausanne, 1917), 458ff.Google Scholar, have commented critically on Ehrhardt's study.

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22 Evangelische Ethik des Politischen (Tübingen, 1936), 126ff.Google Scholar; Evangelische Wirtschaftsethik (Tübingen, 1927), 566ff.Google Scholar

23 Cf. Brunner, E., Das Gebot und die Ordnungen (Tübingen, 1932)Google Scholar. Translated by Wyon, O. as The Divine Imperative (London, 1937)Google Scholar; Natur und Gnade (Tübingen, 1935)Google Scholar; Barth, K., Nein, Antwort an Emil Brunner (“Theologische Existenz Heute,” No. 14, Munich, 1934)Google Scholar; Schlink, E., Gesetz und Evangelium (“Theologische Existenz Heute,” No. 53, Munich, 1937).Google Scholar

24 Zur Frage des Naturrechts bei Martin Luther (Munich, 1937)Google Scholar. The book is a Tübingen dissertation. Arnold, who is concerned in his preface (1936) with the “Bolshevik world peril” and has his hat off to Hitler as the savior therefrom, writes as a Roman Catholic in an irenic spirit toward Protestantism. His Die Staatslehre des Kardinals Bellarmin (Munich, 1934)Google Scholar contains a care fully written introductory sketch of the natural law doctrines of the Reformers (24–37). Arnold is a pupil of Otto Schilling.

25 Zur Frage des Naturrechts, 27, 114Google Scholar. Wolf, B. in a critical review (Theologische Litteraturblatt, LXIII (1938), 180f.)Google Scholar thinks Arnold's analysis inadequate to the weight of his quoted and cited material.

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28 Arnold, , Zur Frage des Naturrechts, 112ffGoogle Scholar. Cf. Cicero, , De Officiis, I, 10.Google Scholar

29 “Naturaliter enim impressa est menti lex naturae et indelebiliter testimonium de bonis bonum et de malis malum.” Ficker, J., Luther's Vorlesung zum Römerbrief, 1515–16 (Leipzig, 1908), 20Google Scholar. In a scholium on Rom. 4:7, Luther associates a synteresis “which inclines to good” with the will. Luther does not follow Augustine in the peculiar view that the “Gentiles” in this passage are Gentile Christians. Cf. Bolan, , St. Paul's Epistle to the Bornons, 39Google Scholar. Had this source been available to Kaltenborn he would hardly have suggested that “Gentiles” in this passage was not taken in a general sense by Luther (“soviel ich weiss, nicht allgemein gefasst.”) Die Vorläufer, Abt. I, 208.Google Scholar

30 Auslegung des 14, 15 u. 16 leap. Johannis (1538)Google Scholar. , E. A., XLIX, 298fGoogle Scholar. Arnold, , Zur Frage des Naturrechts, 71.Google Scholar

31 Erklärung zum 101 Psalm (1534–1535)Google Scholar. , W. A. LI, 242Google Scholar; , E. A., XXXIX, 284Google Scholar. Cf. , E. A., LXI, 357Google Scholar, and Arnold, , Zur Frage des Naturrechts, 107.Google Scholar

32 Von weltlicher Obrigkeit (1523)Google Scholar. , W. A., XI, 249Google Scholar; Epistel aus dem Propheten Jeremia, (1527)Google Scholar, , E. A., XLI, 216.Google Scholar

33 Auslegung des 1 ana 2 Kapitels Johannis (1537–1538)Google Scholar, , E. A., XLVI, 84Google Scholar. Cf. Auslegung des in Psalm (1530)Google Scholar, , E. A., XXXIX, 288f.Google Scholar

34 Arnold, , Zur Frage des Naturrechts, 49ff.Google Scholar, with numerous references.

35 Die erste Disputation gegen die Antinomer (1537)Google Scholar, , W. A., XXXIX, i, 374Google Scholar; Auslegung von der zehn Gebote (1528)Google Scholar, , E. A., XXXVI, 401.Google Scholar

36 Summa theologica, II, i, 99Google Scholar:2; 100:11.

37 , W. A., XVIII, 310ff.Google Scholar; , E. A., XXIV, 271ff.Google Scholar; Works of Martin Luther, IV (Philadelphia, 1931), 226ff.Google Scholar

38 Von weltlicher Obrigkeit (1523)Google Scholar, , W. A., XI, 239ff.Google Scholar; , E. A., X, 426ff.Google Scholar; Works of Martin Luther, III (Philadelphia, 1930), 234.Google Scholar

39 See, however, Holl's criticism, Gesammelte Aufsätze, I, 211Google Scholar. Holl takes the ground that Luther is probably not the author of the Auslegung der Bergpredigt of 1532. Cf. , E. A., XVI, 83Google Scholar; , W. A., XXXIIGoogle Scholar, Ixxvi and Wünsch, G., Evangelische Ethik des Politischen, 134, footnote 1.Google Scholar

40 Twice, for example, in his Von weltlicher Obrigkeit.

41 Grosser Sermon von den Wucher (1520)Google Scholar, , W. A. VI, 49Google Scholar; , E. A. XVI, 96Google Scholar; Works of Martin Luther, IV (Philadelphia, 1931), 53Google Scholar; also , W. A., VI, 52Google Scholar; , E. A. XVI, 100Google Scholar: “so doch das naturlich Gesetz sagt: was wir uns wollen und gonnen solten wir auch unserm Nächsten wollen und gönnen”; and Von weltlicher Obrigkeit (1523)Google Scholar, , W. A., XI, 279Google Scholar; , E. A., XXII, 104Google Scholar; Works of Martin Luther, III (Philadelphia, 1930), 272Google Scholar. Cf. Kurzere Auslegung der Epistel an die Galater (1525), 5:14 (§85)Google Scholar (quoting Matt. 7:12): “So ist nun das Gesetz welches da gehet durch alle Welt, allen Mensehen, wohl bekannt, geschrieben in aller Menschen Herzen.” Walch, 's edition, IX, 302Google Scholar. On this point see also Ehrhardt, (“La notion du droit naturel chez Luther,” 302)Google Scholar who citing Luther's Great Sermon on Usury remarks: “Dans se même ecrit il juxtapose à plusieurs reprises la charité et la loi naturelle comme si ces deux choses n'en faissaient qu'une.” Cf. the reference to Gratian above, note 14.

42 Tametsi enim omnes homines notitiam quandam naturalem habeant, animis ipsorum insitam, qua naturaliter sentiunt alteri faciendum esse, quod quis velit sibi fieri (quae sententia et similes, quas legem naturae voeamus, sunt fundamentan humani juris et omnium bonorum operum), tarnen adeo corrupta et caeca est vitio diaboli humana ratio, ut illam cognitionem secum natam non intelligat, aut si etiam admonita verbo Dei intelligat, tamen scienter (tanta est potentia Satanae) earn negligat et eontemnat. , E. A. (Lat.) XXX, 357Google Scholar; , W. A., XL, ii, 66f.Google Scholar

43 Brunner, E., The Divine Imperative. Translated by Wyon, O. (London, 1937), 269ffGoogle Scholar. The expression is used of the relation of natural law and Christian ethics in Protestantism.

44 The Story of Political Philosophy (New York, 1939), 172Google Scholar. Gurvitch, G. has a similar remark about Ockham: Art. “Natural Law,” Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences.Google Scholar

45 Arnold, , Zur Frage des Naturrechts, 110fGoogle Scholar. Similarly the Lutheran jurist John Oldendorp rejects Ulpian's views that “ius naturale est quod natura omnia animalia docuit” as an abuse of the word “ius,” and agrees with Cicero: in the brutes there is no ratio hence there is-no ius. Kaltenborn, , Vorläufer, Abt. I, 27f.Google Scholar

46 Die Vorläufer, Abt. I, 207.Google Scholar

47 Lang, , The Reformation, 189Google Scholar (German edition, 18.)

48 , E. A., XXII, 105Google Scholar; , W. A., XI, 280Google Scholar; I use Schindel, J. J.'s translation. Works of Martin Luther, III (Philadelphia, 1930), 273Google Scholar. Troeltsch, (Social Teaching, II, 508)Google Scholar sees Luther's attitude to the natural and social order becoming more positive as the Sermon on the Mount and natural law were seen to be in harmony.

49 Enders, E. L., Luther's Briefwechsel, XII, 78ff.Google Scholar

50 Cf. Allen, J. W., “Martin Luther,”Google Scholar in Hearnshaw, F. J. C., The Social and Political Ideas of … the Benaissance and Reformation (New York, undated), 181Google Scholar: “Customary or Imperial law, all merely man-made law, is binding only so far as it conforms to two other systems: to the law of God expressed in the Scriptures and to the law of God expressed in what Luther calls naturlich Recht. This strictly medieval conception is the groundwork of all Luther's thought on government.”