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The Methodology of the Modernists: Process in American Protestantism

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 July 2009

Kathryn Lofton
Kathryn Lofton
Affiliation:
assistant professor of Religious Studies and American Studies at Indiana University, Bloomington.
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Extract

Scholarship on early-twentieth-century American Protestant modernism appears to have arrived at an impasse. Although scholars continue to explore the biographical contours of modernist individuals, and theologians still review the capacity of modernist theologies, the body of analytical scholarship on the “modernist impulse” has failed to keep apace with the glut of materials addressing its fraternal twin, fundamentalism. Published in 1976, William Hutchison's The Modernist Impulse in American Protestantism remains the last significant historical commentary on the cultural and intellectual dynamics of Protestant modernism. In that masterful exegesis, Hutchison supplied the classic definition of this impulse, arguing that despite the diversity of its participants and complexity of their thought, the modernist movement in America could be accurately summarized as a shared commitment to cultural adaptation, God's immanent role in human development, and a postmillennial progressivism. While this tripartite formulation still provides the authoritative elucidation of early-twentieth-century Protestant thought, a reappraisal of the modernist canon reveals that Christian liberals not only were invested in theological overhaul and intellectual malleability, but also persistently specified an elaborate methodological structure for belief. In works such as Minot Savage's Jesus and Modern Life (1898), Margaret Benson's The Venture of Rational Faith (1908), Douglas Clyde Macintosh's Theology as an Empirical Science (1919), J. Macbride Sterrett's Modernism in Religion (1922), and Henry Nelson Wieman's The Wrestle of Religion with Truth (1927), seminarians and ministers offered detailed descriptions of how Protestants should think in the modern era. These were not expansive tracts bent on exploring the fluid boundaries of faith in a plural culture; rather, these were precise, pointed exhortations on the virtue of scrupulous historical research, scriptural comparison, and relentless self-examination. Rather than continue to translate Protestant modernism as cultural acquiescence and enthusiastic historicism, this essay suggests that a recalibrated portrait of this movement is needed.

Type
Articles
Information
Church History , Volume 75 , Issue 2 , June 2006 , pp. 374 - 402
Copyright
Copyright © American Society of Church History 2006

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References

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6. Although movements in Catholicism and Buddhism have been interpreted as explicitly “modernist” developments, within synthetic narratives of American religious history, the term “modernist” refers exclusively to a particular cohort of theologians clustered at Yale and at the University of Chicago. These liberal Protestants offered, in the words of The Encyclopedia of American Religious History (1996), a “radical readjustment of Protestant theology in light of new intellectual and scientific developments.” Other dictionary and encyclopedia definitions of modernism only echo this Protestant particularity. For example, in his A Religious History of the American People (1972), Sydney Ahlstrom describes Catholic modernism only to note its swift condemnation by church authorities. According to Ahlstrom, the liberal theologies espoused at Chicago and Yale would persist well into the twentieth century; for that reason, he considered Protestant modernism to be the only intellectually consequential form of religious modernism. Regardless of the epistemological veracity of such a reduction, Protestant determinations will form the definitional center of any religious modernism. This essay uses the terms “Christian” and “Protestantism” interchangeably, paying no attention to the broad discourse of modernism within Roman Catholicism during this time. For more on Catholic modernism, see Gilkey, Langdon Brown, Catholicism Confronts Modernity: A Protestant View (New York: Seabury, 1975)Google Scholar; Hill, Harvey, The Politics of Modernism: Alfred Loisy and the Scientific Study of Religion (Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 2002)Google Scholar; Darrell, Jodock, ed., Catholicism Contending with Modernity: Roman Catholic Modernism and Anti-Modernism in Historical Context (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000)Google Scholar; Woods, Thomas E., The Church Confronts Modernity: Catholic Intellectuals and the Progressive Era (New York: Columbia University Press, 2004).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

The choice to delete any Catholic modernists from this analysis was an intentioned choice: while I believe Catholic modernism posed important challenges to that particular tradition, I believe Protestant modernism has determined discussions of “modernism” within religious studies. This is an assertion that obviously deserves far greater substantiation and rebuttal by students of American Catholicism. For now, as endorsement I turn to Lewis Brastow, professor of practical theology at Yale University, who offers a typically modernist take on the unique relationship between Protestantism and the modern pulpit:

It is Protestantism only that in the fullest sense may be said to have, either in theory or in fact, a modern pulpit. The preaching of the Roman Catholic Church is not underestimated, nor its value minimized. It had notable merits of its own and is worthy of careful study…. But it has no time-spirit. It assumes to be superior to modern life. It would dominate the modern world, not be dominated by it. Of course it must adjust itself to what is temporal, and in much it is really as modern as the Protestant pulpit. But its claim to be superior to temporary influences is measurably justified, and it shares the fortune of a church that would be, like its founder, “the same yesterday, today, and forever.” [ Brastow, Lewis, The Modern Pulpit (New York: Macmillan, 1906), vii.]Google Scholar

Brastow, authored an analogous survey of “moderns” two years earlier in the form of Representative Modern Preachers (New York: Hodder and Stoughton, 1904), a volume that included profiles of Schleiermacher, Frederick William Robertson, Henry Ward Beecher, Horace Bushnell, Phillips Brooks, John Henry Newman, James Bowling Mozley, Thomas Guthrie, and Charles Haddon Spurgeon.Google Scholar

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26. It is tempting to force this analogy between sixteenth-century and early-twentieth-century reformers. However, the scientific and technological innovations of the nineteenth century distinguish this era of crisis. In section V of this essay I explore further the modernists' understandings of their present age. It is useful to keep in mind, however, the lengthy tradition of method and methodology in the history of Protestantism From John Calvin's “new devotion” to John Wesley's “second blessing,” Protestants had defined their multifarious offshoots by the particularity of their tactical revisions. The protests of one Protestant against another were inevitably premised on methodological critique; the resultant sectarianism was determined by the chosen methodological correctives of the protesting parties. The modernists profiled here simply took the cycle of Protestant protestations to their practical extreme: now, their practice of religious criticism would define their Christianity.

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48. Modernists deploy “faith” and “belief” somewhat differently, using “belief” to stipulate a hypothesis or idea, whereas “faith” is a constancy built from the persistent weighing of asserted beliefs.

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58. Some historians have interpreted American Protestant modernism as an apologetic response to German biblical criticism; I see no proof of such an implication.

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