Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-2plfb Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-27T22:09:29.191Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

The Last Carolingian Exegete: Pope Urban II, the Weight of Tradition, and Christian Reconquest

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 December 2012

Matthew Gabriele
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Abstract

Pope Urban II (1088–99) was trained at Reims and Cluny before entering the orbit of the Gregorians around Rome. As such, Urban was first trained as an exegete. By considering how Urban used one particular verse (Daniel 2:21) and tracing that verse's intellectual lineage forward from the Fathers, through the Carolingians, we get a clearer picture not just of the vibrancy of eleventh-century intellectual life but also, ultimately, of Urban's understanding of the arc of sacred history. As a trained Carolingian exegete, Urban continued the work of his ninth-century predecessors, calling the Christian people (populus christianus) to mend their ways and strike back against the pagans, so that God would return His hand and allow the Christians to reconquer the Mediterranean world.

Type
Research Article
Information
Church History , Volume 81 , Issue 4 , December 2012 , pp. 796 - 814
Copyright
Copyright © American Society of Church History 2012

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 London, BL Add. 22820. On the scriptorium of Cluny under Maiolus, see Garand, Monique-Cécile, “Copistes de Cluny au temps de saint Maieul (948-994),” Bibliothèque de l'école des chartes 136 (1978): 5–36CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On the circumstances of Hrabanus’ commentary, see De Jong, Mayke, “The Empire as Ecclesia: Hrabanus Maurus & Biblical Historia for Rulers,” in The Uses of the Past in the Early Middle Ages, ed. Hen, Yitzhak and Innes, Matthew (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 191–226CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

2 Berarducci, Silvia Cantelli, “L'esegesi della Rinascita carolingia,” in La Bibbia nel Medioevo, ed. Cremascoli, G. and Leonardi, C. (Bologna, Italy: Edizioni dehoniane, 1996), 198Google Scholar; Dahan, Gilbert, Lire la Bible au Moyen Âge (Geneva: Droz, 2009), 11, 16Google Scholar. Fundamental to the study of medieval exegesis are still de Lubac, Henri, Exégèse Médiévale: les quatre sens de l'Ecriture, 2 vols. (Paris: Aubier, 1954–64)Google Scholar; and Danielou, Jean, From Shadows to Reality: Studies in the Biblical Typology of the Fathers, trans. Hibberd, Wulstan (Westminster, Md.: Newman Press, 1960)Google Scholar.

3 See the example in Smith, Katherine Allen, War and the Making of Medieval Monastic Culture (Rochester, N.Y.: Boydell & Brewer, 2011), 127Google Scholar. Other examples in Shimahara, Sumi, “Daniel et les visions politiques à l’époque carolingienne,” Médiévales 55 (2008): 21Google Scholar; and Scheppard, Carol, “Prophetic History: Tales of Righteousness and Calls to Action in the Ecologae Tractatorum in Psalterium,” in The Study of the Bible in the Carolingian Era, ed. Chazelle, Celia and van Name Edwards, Burton (Turnhout: Brepols, 2003), 61–73CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also, more generally, on this process of association—the catena—Mary Carruthers, The Book of Memory: A Study of Memory in Medieval Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990)Google Scholar.

4 Gabriele, Matthew, An Empire of Memory: The Legend of Charlemagne, the Franks, and Jerusalem before the First Crusade (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), 117–19CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

5 “Nunc ergo precor et amplector fraternitatem vestram, ut agatis viriliter atque constanter, et confortemini in potentia virtutis Dei ascendentes ex adverso et opponentes murum pro domo Israel [Ezek. 13:5], ut strenuissimi Domini bellatores stetis in praelio in die ipsius. Vos ergo qui spiritualiter estis, eos qui instructi non sunt verbis et exemplis instruite, et exhortamini sicut scitis et necessitas exigit hujus periculosi temporis [2 Tim. 3:1]. . . Insuper apud omnipotentis Dei misericordiam continuas preces effundite, quatenus et Ecclesiam suam sanctam in gradum pristinum misericorditer restaurare dignetur” (Urban II, Epistolae, PL 151:284).

6 Cf. the Vulgate: “non ascendistis ex adverso neque opposuistis murum pro domo Israhel ut staretis in proelio in die Domini;” and Urban's letter (note 5 above): “ascendentes ex adverso et opponentes murum pro domo Israel, ut strenuissimi Domini bellatores stetis in praelio in die ipsius.” Note how Urban has changed the temporal frame of the verse. Instead of saying what did not happen, Urban is using Ezekiel to show what is happening now.

7 On the use of 2 Timothy 3:1, see Brandes, Wolfram, “Tempora periculosa sunt. Eschatologisches im Vorfeld der Kaiserkrönung Karls des Grossen,” in Das Frankfurter Konzil von 794: Kristallisationspunkt karolingischer Kultur, ed. Berndt, Rainer Jr. (Mainz, Germany: Selbstverl. der Gesellschaft für mittelrheinische Kirchengeschichte, 1997), 49–79Google Scholar; and on the tradition of Ezekiel 13:5, see Matthew Gabriele, “Odo of Cluny, Adso of Montier-en-Der, and the Pincer of Past and Future,” (unpublished manuscript).

8 H. E. J. Cowdrey has suggested that Cluny played an important, if indirect, role in shaping Urban II's ideas but his focus was on the liturgy, rather than on Urban's intellectual formation. Philippe Buc and Jay Rubenstein have linked exegesis and the First Crusade, but not through Urban II. See Cowdrey, H. E. J., “Pope Urban II and the Idea of Crusade,” Studi Medievali 36 (1995): 729–30Google Scholar; idem, “Cluny and the First Crusade,” Revue Bénédictine 83 (1975): 285–311Google Scholar; Buc, Philippe, “Exégèse et violence dans la tradition occidentale,” Annali di Storia moderna e contemporanea 16 (2010): 131–44Google Scholar; and Rubenstein, Jay, Armies of Heaven: The First Crusade and the Quest for the Apocalypse (New York: Basic Books, 2011)Google Scholar.

9 Becker, Alfons, Papst Urban II (1088–1099), 2 vols. (Stuttgart, Germany: Hiersemann, 1964–88), 2:352–58Google Scholar.

10 On the application of exegesis, the origins of a “theology of politics,” see the underutilized Caspary, Gerard E., Politics and Exegesis: Origen and the Two Swords, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979), especially 8–10, 189–91Google Scholar; and more recently Buc, Philippe, L'ambiguite du livre: Prince, pouvoir et peuple dans les commentaires de la Bible au Moyen Âge (Paris: Beauchesne, 1994)Google Scholar; idem, “La vengeance de Dieu: De l'exégèse patristique à la réforme ecclésiastique et à la première croisade,” in La Vengeance, 400–1200, ed. Barthélemy, Dominique, Bougard, François, and Le Jan, Régine (Rome: École française de Rome, 2006), 451–86Google Scholar.

11 Becker, Papst Urban II, 1:24–90.

12 On Bruno at Reims, see Demouy, Patrick, “Bruno et la réforme de l’Église de Reims,” in Saint Bruno et sa posterité spirituelle: Actes du colloque international de 8 et 9 octobre 2001 a l'Institut catholique de Paris, ed. Girard, Alain, le Blévec, Daniel, and Nabert, Nathalie (Salzburg, Austria: Institut für Anglistik und Amerikanistik, 2003), 13–20Google Scholar. On the educational tradition and manuscripts, see Glenn, Jason, Politics and History in the Tenth Century: The Work and World of Richer of Reims (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 54–64Google Scholar; Becker, Papst Urban II., 1: 31–35; and Sot, Michel, Un historien et son église au Xe siècle: Flodoard de Reims (Paris: Fayard, 1993), 72–74Google Scholar. On tenth-century education as a continuation of the ninth, see Contreni, John J., “The Tenth Century: The Perspective from the Schools,” in Haut Moyen-Âge: Culture, education et société: Études offerts à Pierre Riché, ed. Sot, Michel, et al. (Paris: Éditions européennes Erasme, 1990), 379–87Google Scholar.

13 See below at note 27.

14 On Odo's biography, see Rosé, Isabelle, Construire une société seigneuriale: Itinéraire et ecclésiologie de l'abbé Odon de Cluny (fin du IXe - milieu du Xe siècle) (Turnhout: Brepols, 2008), 35–368CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On his education, see See John of Salerno, Vita sancti Odonis, PL 133:45, 52.

15 von Büren, Veronika, “Le grand catalogue de la bibliothèque de Cluny,” in Le gouvernement d'Hugues de Semur à Cluny: Actes du colloque scientifique international (Cluny, France: Musée Ochier, 1990), 254–60Google Scholar; idem, “Le catalogue de la bibliothèque de Cluny du XIe siècle reconstitué,” Scriptorium 46 (1992): 256–67Google Scholar. The catalog itself can be found at Delisle, Léopold, Inventaire des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Nationale: Fonds de Cluni (Paris: Champion, 1884), 337–73Google Scholar, online at http://tertullian.org/articles/delisle_cluny_catalogue.htm.

16 Delisle, Inventaire des manuscrits, nos. 234, 271–72 (Paschasius), 85–86, 242, 367, 375, 410, 521 (Alcuin), and 338–91 (Hrabanus, though not all these are by him).

17 Delisle, Inventaire des manuscrits, nos. 347, 427, 430, 431, 428, and 429, respectively. We should also note that there are a number of unattributed commentaries in the catalog, which could well be Carolingian in origin. For example, the catalog also lists (no. 557) “Volumen in quo continetur tractatus de grammatica, habens in principio expositionem somniorum Nabuchodonosor.” This text, specifically on Daniel 2, may well be another of Haimo's, given the Auxerre connection to Cluny's collection, Haimo's interest in grammar, his status as a school master, and his interest in the Old Testament prophets. On Haimo as grammarian, see below.

18 Wilmart, André, “Le couvent et la bibliothèque de Cluny vers le milieu du Xle siècle,” Revue Mabillon 11 (1921): 92–94, 104–6Google Scholar. Text itself at Liber tramitis aevi Odilonis abbatis, ed. Dinter, Peter, CCM 10 (Siegburg, Germany: Verlag Franz Schmitt, 1980), 261–64Google Scholar.

19 See, respectively, London, BL Harley 3026; London, BL Harley 3102; and London, BL Egerton 2782.

20 See the description of an eleventh-century version of Haimo on Ezekiel in Stirnemann, Patricia, “L'illustration du commentaire d'Haymon sur Ezéchiel: Paris, B.N. latin 12302,” in L’école carolingienne d'Auxerre: De Murethach à Remi, 830-908, ed. Iogna-Prat, Dominique, Jeudy, Colette, and Lobrichon, Guy (Paris: Beauchesne, 1991), 93–117Google Scholar.

21 Bruce, Scott G., “An Abbot Between Two Cultures: Maiolus of Cluny Confronts the Muslims of La Garde-Freinet,” Early Medieval Europe 15 (2007): 437–39CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Bruce erroneously follows the PL's attribution of the commentary to Haimo of Halberstadt. It is, however, indeed Haimo of Auxerre's. See Quadri, P. Riccardo, Aimone di Auxerre a la luce dei “Collectanea” di Heiric di Auxerre (Padua, Italy: Antenore, 1962), 7–18Google Scholar.

22 In the dedicatory verses of “Odilo's Bible” (Paris BNF lat. 15176), the scribe stole a poem from Alcuin to Charlemagne, replacing Alcuin's name with his and Charlemagne's with Odilo's. Another compilation on Mary commissioned by Odilo in the early eleventh century included Haimo's commentary on the Song of Songs. See, respectively, Stratford, Neil, “La Bible dite ‘d'Odilon,’” in Cluny 910–2010: Onze Siècles De Rayonnement, ed. Stratford, Neil (Paris: Editions du Patrimoine Centre des monuments nationaux, 2010), 92Google Scholar; and Garand, Monique-Cécile, “Une collection personelle de Saint Odilon de Cluny et ses complements,” Scriptorium 33 (1979): 163–80CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

23 Iogna-Prat, Dominique, Order & Exculsion: Cluny and Christendom Face Heresy, Judaism, and Islam (1000–1150), trans. Edwards, Graham Robert (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2002), 106Google Scholar; Cochelin, Isabelle, “When Monks Were the Book: The Bible and Monasticism (6th-11th Centuries),” in The Practice of the Bible in the Middle Ages: Production, Reception, and Performance in Western Christianity, ed. Boynton, Susan and Reilly, Diane J. (New York: Columbia University Press, 2011), 64Google Scholar. See also Moore, Michael E. Hoenicke, “Demons and the Battle for Souls at Cluny,” Studies in Religion/ Sciences Religieuses 32 (2003): 488–91Google Scholar; who suggests that Odilo's demonology was rooted in Carolingian thought.

24 Lobrichon, Guy, “L'ordre de ce temps et les désordres de la Fin: Apocalypse et société, du XIe à la fin du XIe siècle,” in The Use and Abuse of Eschatology in the Middle Ages, ed. Verbeke, Werner, Verhelst, Daniel, and Welkhenhuysen, Andries (Leuven: Leuven University Press, 1988), 235Google Scholar; and Heath, Robert G., Crux Imperatorum Philosophia: Imperial Horizons of the Cluniac Confraternitas, 964–1109 (Pittsburgh, Penn: Pickwick Press, 1976), 93–94Google Scholar.

25 Bulst, N., “Hugo I. v. Semur, hl., 6. Abt v. Cluny,” in Lexikon des Mittelalters, 10 vols. (Stuttgart: Metzler, [1977]–1999), vol. 5, cols 165–66Google Scholar.

26 Smalley, Beryl, The Study of the Bible in the Middle Ages (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1964), 44Google Scholar. More recently echoed in Lobrichon, “L'ordre de ce temps et les désordres de la Fin,” 236–37.

27 John of Salerno, Vita Odonis, PL 133:49, 60. Most likely, Odo is specifically commenting on what we know of as the Book of Lamentations, which Hrabanus Maurus and Paschasius Radbertus had both also commented on in three books. See Matter, E. Ann, “The Lamentations Commentaries of Hrabanus Maurus and Paschasius Radbertus,” Traditio 38 (1982): 137–63CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Rosé, Construire une société seigneuriale, 132n365; and Rosenwein, Barbara, Rhinocerous Bound: Cluny in the Tenth Century (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1982), 57, 66–67, 72CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

28 See the dated (but still impressive) list compiled by Burton van Name Edwards at http://www.tcnj.edu/~chazelle/carindex.htm. See also the case study in Iogna-Prat, Dominique, “Lieu de culte et exégèse liturgique à l’époque carolingienne,” in The Study of the Bible in the Carolingian Era, ed. Chazelle, Celia and van Name Edwards, Burton (Turnhout: Brepols, 2003), 242–43Google Scholar.

29 In addition, Abbot Maiolus of Cluny reformed Saint-Germain in 980. See Rosenwein, Rhinoceros Bound, 54.

30 “God changes times and ages; erects and transforms kingdoms.”

31 “Justus autem Dominus in viis suis, et sanctus in omnibus operibus suis, qui, cum in plerisque judiciis incomprehensibilis habeatur, in nullo unquam valet reprehensibilis aestimari, ipse transfert regna et mutat tempora [Dan. 2:21]: ipsi visum est in eadem urbe olim Tarraconensis urbis gloriam exaltare; ipsi visum est in eadem urbe peccata populi sui visitare. Cum enim in ea Christianorum populus habitaret, visitavit in virga iniquitates eorum et in verberibus peccata eorum. Sed ecce jam transactis trecentis nonaginta annis, ex quo praefatam urbem Agarenorum gens prope solitariam fecerit, principum suorum cordibus inspirare dignatus est ut ejusdem urbis restitutioni, secundum praeceptum apostolicae sedis, cui auctoritate Dei, licet indigni, praesidemus, insisterent” (Urban II, Epistolae, PL 151:332–33). The best single account of Urban's interest in Tarragona remains unpublished, see McCrank, Lawrence J., “Restoration and Reconquest in Medieval Catalonia: The Church and Principality of Tarragona, 971–1177” (PhD Dissertation, History, University of Virginia, 1974)Google Scholar.

32 “Universis fere per orbem Christianorum populis notum esse credimus Siciliae insulam, multis quondam et nobilibus illustratam Ecclesiis, opibusque et populo copiosam, multorumque religione effulsisse virorum, et quarumdam sanctissimarum martyrum et virginum claruisse martyrio. . . . Dominator autem rerum omnium Deus, cujus sapientia et fortitudo, quando vult, regnum transfert, et mutat tempora [Dan. 2:21], quemadmodum ex occidentis partibus militem Rogerium, scilicet virum et consilio optimum, et bello strenuissimum, ad eamdem insulam transtulit, qui multo labore, frequentibus praeliis, et crebris suorum militum caede et sanguinis effusione regionem praedictam a servitute gentilium opitulante Domino liberavit” (Urban II, Epistolae, PL 151:370–71).

33 “Omnipotentis Dei dispositione mutantur tempora, transferuntur regna [Dan. 2:21]; hinc est quod magni nominis nationes dirutas et depressas, viles vero atque exiguas nonnunquam legimus exaltatas; hinc est quod in quibusdam regionibus Christiani nominis potestatem paganorum feritas occupavit, in quibusdam iterum paganorum tyrannidem Christianae potentiae dignitas conculcavit. Sicut nostris temporibus gloriosissimorum principum Roberti ducis et Rogerii comitis fortitudine supremae dignationis miseratio omnem Saracenorum molestiam in Sicilia insula expugnavit, et antiquum Ecclesiae sanctae statum pro voluntatis suae beneplacito recuperavit” (Urban II, Epistolae, PL 151:510). This particular letter bears a strong resemblance to a 1083 letter given by Gregory VII to Archbishop Alcherius of Palermo. See the discussion of Gregory's letter in Whalen, Brett Edward, Dominion of God: Christendom and Apocalypse in the Middle Ages (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2009), 36CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

34 Generally, see the discussion in Becker, Papst Urban II, 2: 355–57.

35 Gregory, I, Registrum, ed. Ewald, P. and Hartmann, L. M., MGH Epist. 2 (Berlin: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1899), 397Google Scholar. This tradition has been traced back in Ringel, Ingrid Heike, “Ipse transfert regna et mutat tempora: Beobachtungen zur Herkunft von Dan. 2,21 bei Urban II,” in Deus qui mutat tempora: Menschen und Institutionen im Wandel des Mittelalters, eds. Hehl, Ernst-Dieter, Seibert, Hubertus, and Staab, Franz (Sigmaringen, Germany: J. Thorbecke, 1987), 137–56Google Scholar.

36 For example, Manegold of Lautenbach, Ad Geberhardum, ed. Francke, K., MGH LdL 1 (Hannover, Germany: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1891), 362Google Scholar; and Damian, Peter, Epistolae, ed. Reindel, Kurt, MGH Epist. 4:1 (Münich: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1983), 143Google Scholar. Daniel was referenced more generally by other authors involved in the conflict between king and pope but never specifically Daniel 2:21. For instance, see Anonymous of Hersfeld, De unitate ecclesiae conservanda, ed. Schweckenbecher, W., MGH LdL 2 (Hannover, Germany: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1892), 204, 231Google Scholar; and Bernold of Hildesheim, Liber canonum contra Heinricum IV, ed. Thaner, F., MGH LdL 1 (Hannover, Germany: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1891), 483, 502Google Scholar.

37 Jerome, In Danielem, ed. Glorie, Francisco, CCSL 75A (Turnhout: Brepols, 1964), 787Google Scholar. For more on Jerome's commentary, see Courtray, Régis, Prophète des temps derniers: Jérome commente Daniel (Paris: Beauchesne, 2009)Google Scholar.

38 Concilium Parisiense, MGH Concilia 2.2 (Hannover, Germany: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1908), 541Google Scholar; Theodulf of Orléans, Carminae, MGH Poetae 1 (Berlin: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1881), 474, 475, 492Google Scholar; idem, Libri Carolini, ed. Freeman, Ann and Meyvaert, Paul (Hannover, Germany: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1998), 154, 156, 306Google Scholar; Dhuoda, Liber Manualis, ed. and trans. Thiébaux, Marcelle (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 98, 142, 176Google Scholar; Scottus, Sedulius, Collectaneum miscellaneum, ed. Simpson, D., CCCM 67 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1988), 81, 113, 159, 168, 182, 214Google Scholar; Heiric of Auxerre, Collecteana, ed. Quadri, Riccardo, Spicilegium Friburgense 2 (Freiburg, Germany: Freiburg University Press, 1966), 115, 117, 120, 121, 124–27, 130, 155Google Scholar; Eriugena, John Scotus, Expositiones in hierarchiam coelestem, ed. Barbet, J., CCCM 31 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1975), 131–32, 185, 191Google Scholar; Christian of Stavelot, Expositio super librum generationis, ed. Huygens, R. B. C., CCCM 224 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2008), 436, 439Google Scholar; Notker the Stammerer, Gesta Karoli Magni imperatoris, ed. Haefele, H. F., MGH SRG n.s. 12 (Berlin: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1959), 1Google Scholar; and on the Visio Karoli Magni, see Dutton, Paul Edward, The Politics of Dreaming in the Carolingian Empire (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1994), 200–8Google Scholar. Ingrid Ringel has noted that Beatus of Liébana (d. ca. 798) and Paulus Alvarus of Cordoba (d. after 860) referenced Daniel extensively in their writings and should be seen as having influenced Urban. Yet, neither specifically invoked Daniel 2:21 and neither were found in Cluny's library. See Ringel, “Ipse transfert regna,” 137–56; Beatus of Liébana, Commentarius in Apocalypsin, ed. Romero-Pose, E., 2 vols. (Rome: Istituto Poligrafico, 1985)Google Scholar; and Paulus Alvarus, Indiculus Luminosus, PL 121:513–56.

39 Liudprand of Cremona, Relatio de legatione Constantinopolitana, ed. Becker, Joseph, MGH SRG 41 (Hannover, Germany: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1915), 195Google Scholar; Hrosvita of Gandersheim, Gesta Ottonis, ed. von Winterfeld, P., MGH SRG 34 (Berlin: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1902), 204Google Scholar; Fulcuin of Lobbes, Gesta abbatum Lobiensium, MGH SS 4: 55, 71; Adso of Montier-en-Der, De antichristo, ed. Verhelst, D., CCCM 45 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1976), 25, and 122, 148Google Scholar; and Heriger of Lobbes, Epistolae, PL 159:1129.

40 Shimahara, “Daniel et les visions,” 19–21; idem, “Le succès médiéval de l’Annotation brève sur Daniel d'Haymon d'Auxerre, texte scolaire carolingien exhortant à la réforme,” in Études d'exégèse carolingienne: Autour d'Haymon d'Auxerre, ed. Shimahara, Sumi (Turnhout: Brepols, 2007), 124–25CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Courtray, Régis, “La réception du Commentaire sur Daniel de Jérôme dans l'Occident médiéval chrétien (VIIe-XIIe siècle),” Sacris Erudiri 44 (2005): 127–41CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

41 On the development of exegesis in the ninth century, see Chazelle, Celia, and van Name Edwards, Burton, “Introduction: The Study of the Bible and Carolingian Culture,” in The Study of the Bible in the Carolingian Era, ed. Chazelle, Celia and van Name Edwards, Burton (Turnhout: Brepols, 2003), 10–12CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and especially Berarducci, “L'esegesi della Rinascita carolingia,” 167–98.

42 “Ipse mutat tempora et aetates, transfert regna atque constituit. Non ergo miremur siquando cernimus regibus reges et regnis regna succedere, quae dei gubernantur et mutantur arbitrio. Causasque singulorum nouit ille qui conditor est omnium, et saepe malos reges patitur suscitari ut mali malos puniant; simulque subostendit, et generali disputatione preparat auditorem, et somnium quod uidit esse de mutationem et succisionem regnorum” (Hrbanus Maurus, In Danielem). Text courtesy of William Schipper, personal correspondance, October 7, 2009. Prof. Schipper is currently preparing an edition of the commentary for the CCCM. Hrabanus’ dedicatory epistle of the work (to Louis the German [840–76]) is available at Maurus, Hrabanus, Ad Ludowicum, ed. Dümmler, Ernest, MGH Epist. Karol. 5 (Berlin: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1899), 467–69Google Scholar. See also Courtray, “La réception du Commentaire,” 127–30.

43 See Quadri, Aimone di Auxerre, 7–18; and Contreni, John J., “Haimo of Auxerre, Abbot of Sasceium (Cessy-les-Bois), and a New Sermon on 1 John V, 4–10,” Révue Bénédictine 85 (1975): 303–20CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Heiric, in turn, was succeeded at Saint-Germain by Remigius of Auxerre, who later moved north, first taking over the cathedral school at Reims in 893 at the request of Archbishop Fulco (d. 900), then moving to Paris after his patron's death. See Contreni, “Haimo of Auxerre,” 307.

44 Lobrichon, Guy, “Stalking the Signs: The Apocalyptic Commentaries,” in The Apocalyptic Year 1000: Religious Expectation and Social Change, 950-1050, ed. Landes, Richard, Gow, Andrew, and van Meter, David C. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), 69Google Scholar. On Haimo's changes, see Courtray, “La réception du Commentaire,” 133–39; and then, for specific instances, Shimahara, “Succès médiéval,” 143–46; idem, “Daniel et les visions,” 24–27; and idem, “Représentation du pouvoir,” 81–82, 89.

45 “Ipse mutat tempora, id est sua prouidentia et dispositione facit reges regibus succedere, et regnis regna. Et interdum permittat malos regnare ut et mali malos puniant, et boni per eos probatiores fiant. Quarum rerum ideo meminit quia mutationem futuram in uisione cognouit” (Haimo of Auxerre, In Danielem). Text courtesy of Sumi Shimahara, personal correspondance, October 3, 2009. Dr. Shimahara is currently preparing an edition of this commentary for the CCCM.

46 Contreni, “Haimo of Auxerre,” 234; and Shimahara, “Le succès médiéval,” 159–63.

47 Contreni, John J., “Haimo of Auxerre's Commentary on Ezekiel,” in L’école carolingienne d'Auxerre: De Murethach à Remi, 830–908, ed. Iogna-Prat, Dominique, Jeudy, Colette, and Lobrichon, Guy (Paris: Beauchesne, 1991), 235Google Scholar.

48 Shimahara, “Le succès médiéval,” 163; and idem, “Daniel et les visions,” 25–27.

49 Text reproduced in Haimo of Auxerre, In Isaiam 5,1-6,1, in Gabriel, C., “Commentaires inédits d'Haymon d'Auxerre sur Isaïe 5,1 - 6,1,” Sacris Erudiri 35 (1995): 109–10CrossRefGoogle Scholar. This sentiment of collective responsibility was especially pronounced in one of Haimo's contemporaries, Nithard, who saw greed driving the evil actions of his contemporaries. Nithard, Historiarum libri III, ed. Müller, E., MGH SRG 44 (Hannover, Germany: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1907), especially 39–50Google Scholar.

50 Wala (d. 836), for example, could be seen as a new Jeremiah. Notker the Stammerer was a new Daniel. See de Jong, Mayke, The Penitential State: Authority and Atonement in the Age of Louis the Pious, 814-840 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 102–11, 146–47, 166–69Google Scholar; and Dutton, Politics of Dreaming, 199–200; respectively. More generally, see Shimahara, Sumi, “La Représentation du pouvoir séculier chez Haymon d'Auxerre,” in The Multiple Meanings of Scripture: The Role of Exegesis in Early-Christian and Medieval Culture, ed. van't Spijker, Ineke (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 2009), 77–99Google Scholar; Contreni, John J., “‘By Lions, Bishops are Meant; by Wolves, Priests:’ History, Exegesis, and the Carolingian Church in Haimo of Auxerre's Commentary on Ezechiel,” Francia 29 (2002): 31–53Google Scholar; Dutton, Politics of Dreaming, 138–40, 204–5; and Riché, Pierre, “La Bible et la vie politique dans le haut Moyen Âge,” in Le Moyen Age et la Bible, ed. Riché, Pierre and Lobrichon, Guy (Paris: Beauchesne, 1984), 385–400Google Scholar.

51 Contreni, “History, Exegesis,” 49.

52 See Garrison, Mary, “The Franks as the New Israel? Education for an Identity from Pippin to Charlemagne,” in The Uses of the Past in the Early Middle Ages, ed. Hen, Yitzhak and Innes, Matthew (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 114–61CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Gabriele, Empire of Memory, 97–106.

53 Alcuin, Epistolae, ed. Dümmler, Ernest, MGH Epist. Karol 4 (Berlin: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1895), 25, 146, 259, 289, 292, and 295Google Scholar; Annales regni Francorum, ed. Krauze, Friedrich, MGH SRG 6 (Hannover, Germany: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1895), 88Google Scholar; Thegan, Gesta Hludowici imperatoris, ed. Tremp, Ernst, MGH SRG 64 (Hannover, Germany: Monumenta Germaniae Historica 1995), 204, 208Google Scholar; Nithard, Historiarum, ed. Müller, 25, 28, 32, 34–35, 40; Annales Vedastini, ed. de Simson, B., MGH SRG 12 (Hannover, Germany: Monumenta Germaniae Historica 1909), 45, 48, 54, 57Google Scholar; Concilium Anjou, ed. Hartmann, Wilfried, MGH Concilia 3 (Hannover, Germany: Monumenta Germaniae Historica 1984), 205Google Scholar; Concilium Quierzy, ed. Hartmann, Wilfried, MGH Concilia 3 (Hannover, Germany: Monumenta Germaniae Historica 1984), 408, 419–20, 423Google Scholar; and Regino of Prüm, Chronicon, ed. Kurze, Friedrich, MGH SRG 50 (Hannover, Germany: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1890), 119Google Scholar. More generally, see Garipzanov, Ildar H., The Symbolic Language of Authority in the Carolingian World (c. 751–877) (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 2008), 282–83, 306–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

54 de Jong, The Penitential State, especially chapters 4–6. See also Booker, Courtney M., Past Convictions: The Penance of Louis the Pious and the Decline of the Carolingians (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

55 On the composition of Notker's Gesta Karoli Magni, see Maclean, Simon, Kingship and Politics in the Late Ninth Century: Charles the Fat and the End of the Carolingian Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 201–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

56 Notker, Gesta Karoli Magni, ed. Haefele, 1. On Notker's sources, see Goetz, Hans-Werner, Strukturen der spätkarolinischen Epoche im Spiegel der Vorstellungen eines Zeitgenössischen Mönchs: Eine Interpretation der “Gesta Karoli” Notkers von Sankt Gallen (Bonn, Germany: Habelt, 1981), 70–71Google Scholar. In another similar instance, Pope Sylvester II (999-1003) wrote to King Stephen of Hungary (997–1038) in 1000 CE, invoking Daniel 2:21 to praise the ascent of Stephen to the throne, like a new David over Israel (the Hungarians). See discussion in Whalen, Dominion of God, 20–21.

57 For example, see De Jong, Mayke, “Charlemagne's Church,” in Charlemagne: Empire and Society, ed. Story, Joanna (Manchester, U.K.: Manchester University Press, 2005), 103–35Google Scholar.

58 Contreni, “History, Exegesis,” 38–53.

59 See above at note 17.

60 Urban II, Epistolae, PL 151:332–33, 370–72, and 510–11.

61 Urban II, Epistolae, PL 151:288.

62 Urban II, Epistolae, PL 151:303.

63 Urban II, Epistolae, PL 151:329.

64 Urban II, Epistolae, PL 151:339–41, 539, respectively.

65 Papsturkunden in Katalanien, ed. Kehr, Paul, Abhandlungen der Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen (Berlin: Weidmann, 1926), no. 23Google Scholar.

66 Urban II, Epistolae, PL 151:504.

67 See Erdmann, Carl, Die Entstehung des Kreuzzugsgedankens (Stuttgart, Germany: W. Kohlhammer, 1935Google Scholar; English trans., Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1977). More recently, see Cowdrey, H. E. J., “The Gregorian Papacy, Byzantium, and the First Crusade,” Byzantinische Forschungen 13 (1988): 145–69Google Scholar; Becker, Papst Urban II., 2:294–300; Riley-Smith, Jonathan, The First Crusaders, 1095-1131 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 49–51Google Scholar; Flori, Jean, La guerre sainte: La formation de l'idée de croisade dans l'Occident chrétien (Paris: Picard, 2001)Google Scholar; Asbridge, Thomas, The First Crusade: A New History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), 1–39Google Scholar; Tyerman, Christopher, God's War: A New History of the Crusades (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2006), 27–57Google Scholar; and Purkis, William J., Crusading Spirituality in the Holy Land and Iberia, c.1095-c.1187 (Rochester, N.Y.: Boydell & Brewer, 2008), 18–22Google Scholar.

68 Urban may also have found some of Gregory's ideas appealing because, when Gregory himself was a monk, he may have imbibed some of the same Cluniac material Urban did. After his initial education, likely at the Lateran, Hildebrand spent time at the Cluniac house of St. Mary's-on-the-Aventine in Rome (reformed by Odo of Cluny), then perhaps at one of the many monasteries around Cologne, and probably visited Cluny itself near the end of Odilo's abbacy. See Cowdrey, H. E. J., Pope Gregory VII, 1073-1085 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), 28–30CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

69 On Gregory's proposed expedition, see Cowdrey, H. E. J., “Pope Gregory VII's ‘Crusading’ Plans of 1074,” in Outremer: Studies in the History of the Crusading Kingdom of Jerusalem, ed. Kedar, B. Z., Mayer, H. E., and Smail, R. C. (Jerusalem: Yad Izhak Ben-Zvi Institute, 1982), 27–40Google Scholar; and more recently Magdalino, Paul, “Church, Empire and Christendom in c. 600 and c. 1075: The View from the Registers of Popes Gregory I and Gregory VII,” in Cristianita' d'Occidente e cristianita' d'Oriente (secoli VI-XI): aprile 24-30, 2003 (Spoleto, Italy: Presso la Sede della Fondazione, 2004), especially 28–30Google Scholar.

70 Stock, Brian, The Implications of Literacy: Written Language and Models of Interpretation in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1983), especially 88–240Google Scholar; also Gabriele, Empire of Memory, 1–12.

71 For instance, see Bull, Marcus, “Views of Muslims and of Jerusalem in Miracle Stories, c. 1000–c. 1200: Reflections on the Study of the First Crusaders’ Motivations,” in The Experience of Crusading, ed. Bull, Marcus and Housley, Norman, 2 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 1:22Google Scholar; and Gabriele, Empire of Memory, 145–50.

72 Coupland, Simon, “The Rod of God's Wrath or the People of God's Wrath? The Carolingian Theology of the Viking Invasions,” The Journal of Ecclesiastical History 42 (1991): 535–54CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Jones, Anna Trumbore, “Pitying the Desolation of Such a Place: Rebuilding Religious Houses and Constructing Memory in Aquitaine in the Wake of the Viking Incursions,” Viator 37 (2006): 85–102CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

73 See Gabriele, Empire of Memory, 145–59, especially 153–54.

74 In his account of the First Crusade, Baldric of Dol may have sensed, but certainly echoed, Urban's reliance on Daniel 2:21 in explaining the events he witnessed. See Baldric of Dol, Historia Jerosolimitana, RHC Occ. 4:9; and the discussion in Whalen, Dominion of God, 53.