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From the “Land of Diverse Sects” to National Religion: Converts to Catholicism and Reformed Franciscans in Early Modern Poland
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 28 July 2009
Abstract
Religious conversion is undoubtedly one of the most-explored aspects of medieval and early modern social history. Thefact that the literature concerning that problem is still significantly on the increase proves its scholarly importance. The subject has found a permanent place among works dealing with denominational relations in pre-partition Poland, and the list of such works is substantial. Theyshow a significant number of dispersed pieces of information con-cerning reconversions to the Catholic Church, with no lack of more general observations on this matter.
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References
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74. “[Q]ui mortuus erat, revixit”; Banach, “Konwersje,” 24–25.Google Scholar
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76. See Forstner, Dorothea OSB, Die Welt der christlichen Symbole (Innsbruck: Tyrolia Verlag, 1966);Google Scholarhere I refer to the Polish edition: Świat symboliki chrześcijańskiej (Warszawa: Instyrut Wydawniczy PAX, 1990), 92–93.Google ScholarSuch an interpretation was known in Poland, too, which has been noted by Maciuszko, Janusz T., Symbole w religijnosci polskiej doby baroku i kontrreformacji (Warszawa: Chrześcijańska Akademia Teologiczna, 1986), passim.Google Scholar
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78. “[P]raesentia totius academiae Pinczoviensis”; that is of the local high school branch of Cracow University.Google Scholar
79. “[E]xtra fores caemeteri eiusdem ecclesiae Miroviensis”; PS, 15.Google Scholar
80. “Curatio miraculosa muti et surdi.”Google Scholar
81. “He lay at the table where the Body of Christ, under the [Eucharistic] species, had been placed (it had been brought for the father of the family, who was sick). At night, as he was lying at that table, and others were lying near the bed, not yet asleep, two awe-inspiring persons came in: a 33-year-old man, drenched with blood from his feet, hands, and side, and a woman who inspired reverence. They showed displeasure and threatened him, because he did not venerate the place where Christ was lying under the species of bread. The woman, whom he called the Blessed Virgin Mary, moved to the place where he lay and touched his head with her hands. Immediately he got up shouting, and blessed God and the household, and all the village was flabbergasted”; “Iacebat in ea mensa, ubi Corpus Christi sub speciebus ad infirmum patrem familias allatum positum erat. Eo decumbente in ea mensa nocte, aliis sub eodem lecto decumbentibus, nee dum dormientibus, duae venerabiles advenerunt personae: masculus 33 annorum, sanguine ex pedibus, manibus et latere madens, et mulier veneranda, aegre ferentes et minitantes, quod ilium locum non veneraret, ubi Christus sub specie panis quiescebat. Mulier ilia, quam dixerat Beatam Virginem Mariam, movens eaum loco tetigit palmis caput eius, extemplo loco surgens et damans distincte benedixit Deum et domesticos, ac totum pagum ad stuporem perduxit”; SR, 213.Google ScholarThe opinion has been repeated here after Dobrowolski, Pawel T., Wincenty Ferrer, kaznodzieja ludowy późnego sredniowiecza (Warszawa: Instytut Historii Polskiej Akademii Nauk, 1996), 130–31.Google ScholarSee also especially Rubin, , Corpus Christi, passim;Google ScholarHsia, , The Myth, 55–56.Google Scholar
82. “Stanislaus Rutenus, homo rudis et simplex, et timens Deum”; SR, 211–14.Google Scholar
83. This has been recalled recently by Norman, Corrie E., Humanist Taste and Franciscan Values: Cornelio Musso and Catholic Preaching in Sixteenth-Century Italy (New York: Peter Lang, 1998). The author points to the fact that the style of Franciscan preaching was never strictly defined, and an audience's expectations would shape the language of a sermon.Google ScholarSee also Valone, Carolyn, “The Art of Hearing: Sermons and Images in the Chapel of Lucrezia della Rovere,” The Sixteenth Century journal 31 (2000): 753–77.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
84. “[I]n defensione sui erroris pertinacissima et quasi altera Evangelicorum episcopissa, dum varii circa illam ex nostris patribus oleum et operam perdidisse putarant, tamndem non in vacuum laboravere”; SR, 239.Google Scholar
85. See Pasiecznik, , Kościół i klasztor franciszkanow w Zakliczynie, 225–32; and his Kościół i klasztor franciszkanów-reformatów w Bieczu, 214.Google Scholar
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87. “[C]onfusionem nostrae Sanctae Catholicae Religioni”Google Scholar
88. AKL I, 243–44.Google Scholar
89. “Ogród nie plewiony,” 395.Google Scholar
90. The development of such Counter-Reformation processes in Little Poland is especially well known for Raków—“the Arian Rome”; recently Waciaw Urban, “Katolickie swiadectwo o arianach w Rakowie w 1662 r.,” OiRwP 50 (1996): 107–109. For an outline of the pastoral theory and practice in post-Tridentine Europe (including Poland),Google Scholarsee Hsia, R. Po-chia, The World of Catholic Renewal, 1540–1770 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998).Google ScholarSee also Tazbir, , Państwo, 185–207;Google ScholarDziegielewski, , O tolerancję, 145–47;Google ScholarStillig, Jürgen, jesuiten, Ketzer und Konvertiten in Niedersachsen: Untersuchung zutn Religions- und Bildungswesen im Hochstift Hildesheim in der Frühen Neuzeit (Hildesheim: Bernward, 1993).Google Scholar
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95. BCK, MS. 1700 IV, 184; this copy differs only in details from that published by Kraushar, Aleksander, Frank i Frankiści polscy 1726–1816 (Kraków: G. Gebethner, 1895), 1: 135–39.Google ScholarThere are serious doubts about the credibility of that declaration, according to an opinion shared both by Kraushar, (143) and Doktór, Jan, Jakub Frank i jego nauka na tie kryzysu religijnej tradycji osiemnastowiecznego iydostwa polskiego (Warszawa: Instytut Filozofii i Socjologii PAN, 1991), 105–11;Google ScholarDoktór, , “Jakub Frank, a Jewish Heresiarch and His Messianic Doctrine,” APH 76 (1997): 53–74. It is worth noting that the petition seems to have been written in the Kamieniec court of the late Frankists' protector, Bishop Mikotaj Dębowski, or even by a factotum for the Primate Władysław A. Lubienski.Google Scholar
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101. For more on that see Goldberg, , “Żydowscy konwertyci,” 221;Google ScholarWęgrzynek, Hanna, “Czarna legenda” Żydów. Procesy o rzekome mordy rytualne w dawnej Polsce (Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Bellona & Wydawnictwo Fundacji Historia Pro Fururo, 1995), 157 and passim;Google ScholarGuidon, Zenon and Wijaczka, Jacek, Procesy o mordy rytualne w Polsce w XVI-XVII1 wieku (Kielce: Wydawnictwo DCF, 1995).Google ScholarEidem, , “The Accusation of Ritual Murder in Poland, 1500–1800,” Polin. Studies in Polish Jewry 10 (1997): passim.Google Scholar
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103. “[B]aptizavit nobilem Samuelem, Haebreum, medicinae doctorem, Italum de Mantua oriundum, virum in litteris Haebraicis eruditissimum et Judaicae professionis rabinum.”Google Scholar
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121. “[Q]uia ipse nulla habita causa nisi ex preconcepto contra actorem, quod sit ad fidem Catholicam ex Iudaismo conversus dum una cum coniuge sua.”Google Scholar
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