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From Scandal to Monastic Penance: A Reconciliatory Manuscript from the Early Twelfth-Century Abbey of St. Laurent in Liège

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  30 August 2013

Tjamke Snijders  and
Steven Vanderputten
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Abstract

An important element of monastic penance and conflict resolution was its repetitive, almost cyclical nature. The manuscripts that were used during these performances often proceed implicitly, which makes them difficult to contextualize and understand. This article considers a possible example of such “hidden” reconciliatory discourse in a manuscript that was produced for the congregation of St. Laurent in Liège around the turn of the eleventh century: Brussels, Royal Library 9361–9367. It examines the sin of pride in monastic dignitaries, discusses the best way to atone for it, and provides tools for the penitent to start living a more virtuous life in the future. The surviving evidence suggests that this manuscript was produced in reaction to the deeds of abbot Berenger, whose actions in 1095 were considered scandalous by contemporaries because he had led his monks into confusion and sin. The article shows how the combination of texts in this manuscript takes on a different meaning because of these politically charged circumstances, and argues that the St. Laurent manuscript was a discreet but methodical way to end the resulting estrangement between Berenger and his monks. In this interpretation, Brussels RL 9361–9367 is a rare and highly relevant testimony to the ways in which monks in the early twelfth century dealt with psychological and social tensions in the wake of an intra-group conflict.

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Church History , Volume 82 , Issue 3 , September 2013 , pp. 523 - 553
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Copyright © American Society of Church History 2013 

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References

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16 Fontaine, “Isidore de Séville,” 170–173.

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20 Brussels RL 9361–9367 (II), fol. 90v; see Isidore of Seville, Synonyma, 134–137, 139 (ch. 2:87–88, 2:90, 2:93).

21 Brussels RL 9361–9367 (II), fol. 90v; see Isidore of Seville, Synonyma, 140 (ch. 2:94).

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23 This is a common medieval thought, stemming from Ecclesiasticus/Sirach 10:13 (sometimes 10:15): “Quoniam initium omnis peccati est superbia.”

24 Brussels RL 9361–9367 (II), fol. 91r; see Ambrosius Autpertus, De conflictu, 910 (ch. 2).

25 Brussels RL 9361–9367 (II), fol. 96r–v; Ambrosius Autpertus, De conflictu, 929–930 (ch. 28).

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28 Ibid., 306 (ch. 1).

29 Ibid., 309 (ch. 3); Paula's Abraham-like exile is discussed in Cain, Andrew, “Jerome's Epitaphium Paulae: Hagiography, Pilgrimage, and the Cult of Saint Paula,” Journal of Early Christian Studies 18, vol. 1 (2010): 105–139, esp. 120.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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36 Gier, Der Sünder als Beispiel, 255, 271, and 342. From the twelfth century onward, the focus would normally lie on the role of the Jew in corrupting Theophilus and the grace of Mary in saving him. A reading from the point of view of ambitio was more common in the preceding centuries and never disappeared completely. See Patton, Pamela Anne, “Constructing the Inimical Jew in the Cantigas de Santa Maria: Theophilus's Magician in Text and Image,” Beyond the Yellow Badge: Anti-Judaism and Antisemitism in Medieval and Early Modern Visual Culture, ed. Merback, Mitchell B. (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 2008), 242–252Google Scholar; also Cothren, Michael W., “The Iconography of Theophilus Windows in the First Half of the Thirteenth Century,” Speculum 59, no. 2 (1984), 308–341.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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39 A tenth-century example is the Romano-German pontifical discussed in ibid., 61.

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46 Karl Hanquet, “Introduction,” Cantatorium, vi; idem, “L'auteur de la Chronique de Saint-Hubert, du second livre du Miracula Sancti Huberti et du Vita Theoderici. Réponse à M. Cauchie,” Compte rendu des séances de la Commission Royale d'Histoire, ou: recueil de ses bulletins, ser. 5, vol. 11 (1901), 477–516.Google Scholar

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48 Cantatorium, 88–89 (ch. 29).

49 The episode is described in (among others) Cauchie, Alfred, La querelle des investitures dans les diocèses de Liège et de Cambrai, vol. 2 (Louvain: C. Peeters, 1890), 7–8 and 45 onwardGoogle Scholar; Van Engen, Rupert of Deutz, 27–30; Seibert, Hubertus, Abtserhebungen zwischen Rechtsnorm und Rechtswirklichkeit: Formen der Nachfolgeregelung in lothringischen und schwäbischen Klöstern der Salierzeit (1024–1125) (Mainz, Germany: Selbstverlag der Gesellschaft für Mittelrheinische Kirchengeschichte, 1995), 350–377.Google Scholar

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51 Cantatorium, 157 (ch. 70).

52 Cottineau, L. H., Répertoire topo-bibliographique des abbayes et prieurés (Maçon: Protat, 1939), 1087.Google Scholar

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54 Cantatorium, 157–159 (ch. 70); see also Arduini, Maria Lodovica, Non fabula sed res: Politische Dichtung und dramatische Gestalt in den Carmina Ruperts von Deutz (Rome: Edizioni di storia e letteratura, 1985), 101–108.Google Scholar

55 Cantatorium, 158–161 (ch. 70).

56 Ibid., 164–165 (ch. 70).

57 Ibid., 165 (ch. 70).

58 Carmina, 622–641; see Arduini, Non Fabula, 39–74. The most comprehensive discussion of Rupert's work and career is in Van Engen, Rupert of Deutz.

59 Cauchie, La querelle 1:65–66; and Patzold, Steffen, Konflikte im Kloster: Studien zu Auseinandersetzungen in monastischen Gemeinschaften des ottonisch-salischen Reichs (Husum, Germany: Matthiesen, 2000), 73.Google Scholar

60 Cantatorium, 186–187 (ch. 77); a letter from Pope Urban II to Berenger warns him not to rely on the possibility of “H” (that is, Emperor Henry IV) taking care of things. See J.-P. Migne, PL 151 (Paris, 1849–1855), 395–397; Van Engen, Rupert of Deutz, 29; Seibert, Abtserhebungen, 282–290 and 355n702.

61 Cantatorium, 194–197 (ch. 78); also Cauchie, La querelle 1:76–77.

62 Cantatorium, 197–198 (ch. 79). There are no contemporary sources from St. Laurent that describe Berenger's reaction and the subsequent events.

63 Cantatorium, 198 (ch. 79): “assumens secum quosdam suorum properavit Leodium.” “Quosdam suorum” probably refers to those who had earlier agreed to accompany Berenger to Otbert for a formal meeting (Cantatorium, 188–191 [ch. 77]). Alternatively, it could refer to monks of St. Laurent, indicating that a part of Berenger's community supported his decision, whereas (as we shall see) others strongly opposed it.

64 Cantatorium, 197–198 (ch. 79).

65 Ibid., 198 (ch. 80).

66 De Vogüé, Adalbert and Neufville, Jean, eds., La règle de Saint-Benoît (Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1972), 452–454 (ch. 3).Google Scholar

67 De gloria et honore filii hominis super Mattheum, ed. Haacke, H., Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis 29 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1979), 381; see Van Engen, Rupert of Deutz, 38–42.Google Scholar

68 As is clear from Berenger's defense in the Cantatorium, 198 (ch. 79). Much the same accusation was levelled against Lambert when he accepted the abbacy of Florennes, “victus cupiditate ambitionis,” and Wired when he succeeded Thierry II in St. Hubert at the request of Otbert and Berenger, “nimis ambitioso et inconsiderate gloriam propriam querenti.” Cantatorium, 165 and 227 (ch. 70 and 90).

69 Cantatorium, 198 (ch. 79).

70 Lindsay Bryan, “Vae mundo a scandalis”: The Sin of Scandal in Medieval England (PhD dissertation, University of Toronto, 1998), ii, 38. This definition remained in place until the end of the fourteenth century, when “scandal” started referring to a person's individual reputation as a synonym of “shame,” “disgrace,” or “gossip.”

71 de Jong, Mayke B., The Penitential State: Authority and Atonement in the Age of Louis the Pious, 814–840 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), esp. 121, 152, and 232–238.Google Scholar

72 de Jong, Mayke B., “Pollution, Penance and Sanctity: Ekkehard's Life of Iso of St Gall,” in The Community, the Family and the Saint: Patterns of Power in Early Medieval Europe, eds. Hill, Joyce and Swan, Mary (Turnhout: Brepols, 1998), 149Google Scholar; Moeglin, Jean-Marie, “Pénitence publique et amende honorable au Moyen Âge,” Revue Historique 604 (1997): 234–235Google Scholar; and Bryan, “Vae mundo a scandalis.” Hamilton, Sarah, The Practice of Penance, 900–1050 (Suffolk, U.K.: Royal Historical Society: Boydell Press, 2001)Google Scholar has argued that public penance remained popular in this period, although its boundaries with more private forms of penance were muddied.

73 Moeglin, “Pénitence publique,” 235. It should be noted that this penance could very well be (semi-) voluntary, in contrast to the ritual of deditio (see Althoff, Gert, “Das Privileg der ‘deditio’: Formen gütlicher Konfliktbeendigung in der mittelalterlichen Adelsgesellschaft,” in Spielregeln der Politik im Mittelalter, ed. Althoff, Gert (Darmstadt: Primus, 1997), 99–125).Google Scholar

74 Famous examples from the region with which this paper is concerned can be found in Folcuin's Gesta or Deeds of the abbots of Lobbes, ed. Georg H. Pertz, MGH SS 4 (Hannover: Impensis bibliopolii Hahniani, 1841), 68; and the Life of Poppo of Stavelot, ed. Georg H. Pertz, MGH SS 11 (Hannover : Impensis bibliopolii Hahniani, 1854), 303.

75 Silvestre, Hubert, Le “Chronicon Sancti Laurentii Leodiensis,” dit de Rupert de Deutz (Louvain: Publications universitaires, 1952)Google Scholar; van Engen, John, “Rupert von Deutz und das sogenannte Chronicon sancti Laurentii Leodiensis: Zur Geschichte des Investiturstreites in Lüttich,” Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters 35 (1979), 33–81Google Scholar; Silvestre, “Rupert de Deutz a-t-il rédigé, au début de sa carrière, un recueil de réflexions pieuses sur l'histoire de l'abbaye liégeoise de St-Laurent?” Revue d'histoire ecclésiastique 77, no. 3–4 (1982): 365–395Google Scholar; idem, “Que nous apprend Renier de St. Laurent sur Rupert de Deutz?” Sacris Erudiri 25 (1982): 49–97.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

76 Chronicon, 279 (ch. 50).

77 De ineptiis cuiusdam idiotae, 593–603.

78 Carmina 622–641; Arduini, Non fabula sed res, 43–49.

79 Cantatorium, 96 (ch. 35); see Berlière, “Abbaye de Saint-Laurent,” 37.

80 For example, Otbert sends Berenger and the archdeacon Henry to St. Hubert to manage the abbey “as if it had no abbot,” but Berenger returns to tell Otbert that Thierry II had returned to the abbacy (Cantatorium, 200 [ch. 81]). Somewhat later, both Thierry II and Otbert offer the abbacy of St. Hubert to Berenger, who refuses because the monks from St. Hubert are far from enthusiastic. Asked by Otbert to name someone else, Berenger suggests Wired, but also recommends that the monks of St. Hubert be consulted (Ibid., 213–215 [ch. 85–86]; also see 220–221 [ch. 89]). In this way, Berenger deftly navigates between the demands of Otbert and those of St. Hubert.

81 As Wiech, Martina (Das Amt des Abtes im Konflikt: Studien zu den Auseinandersetzungen um Äbte früh- und hochmittelalterlicher Klöster unter besonderer Berücksichtigung des Bodenseegebiets [Siegburg, Germany: Verlag F. Schmitt, 1999], 379)Google Scholar notes, conflicts between an abbot and his convent only appear in the sources when they became public knowledge through, for example, a complaint by one of the parties.

82 The Life of Theophilus would only become widely popular in this region during the twelfth century. See Gier, Der Sünder als Beispiel and BHLms, http://bhlms.fltr.ucl.ac.be.

83 Moeglin, “Pénitence publique,” 234.

84 Cf. infra.

85 He twice diverged from this pattern by mistake (fols. 89v and 90r). This, incidentally, indicates that he was copying a manuscript that was not laid out in a similar semi-theatrical manner.

86 Brussels RL 9361–9367, fol. 91r–v.

87 Other examples of words with acute accents are “ó anima” and “formído” on fol. 89r, “cónficis” and “éxcidit” on fol. 93r, “reláberis” on fol. 93v, “domolíta” on 103v, “invenítur” on fols. 89r, 89v, 92v, and so forth.

88 Symes, Carol, “The Appearance of Early Vernacular Plays: Forms, Functions, and the Future of Medieval Theater,” Speculum 77, vol. 3 (2002), esp. 825, 829–830CrossRefGoogle Scholar, contains the quote from Runnalls. Symes notes the irony that texts which were carefully provided with rubrics to facilitate performance are usually dismissed as didactic or “semi-theatrical.” She also notes that (vernacular) plays before 1300 are always presented as “organic to their manuscript surroundings, suggesting in turn that drama was not categorically removed from worship or daily life” (794). See also Norma Kroll, “Power and Conflict in Medieval Ritual and Plays: The Re-Invention of Drama,” Studies in Philology 102, no. 4 (2005): 466–473.

89 Philippart, Guy, Les légendiers latins et autres manuscrits hagiographiques (Turnhout: Brepols, 1977), 112–118.Google Scholar

90 Snijders, Tjamke, “Celebrating with Dignity: The Purpose of Benedictine Matins Readings,” in Understanding Monastic Practices of Oral Communication (Western Europe, Tenth–Thirteenth Centuries), ed. Vanderputten, Steven (Turnhout: Brepols, 2011), 121.Google Scholar

91 Sonntag, Klosterleben, 388–389.

92 Ibid., 375; Hamilton, “Penance,” 54–56.

93 See for example the Redactio Fuldensis-Trevirensis in Corpus Consuetudinum Monasticarum, eds. Wegener, Maria, Elvert, Candida and Hallinger, Kassius, vol. VII, no. 3, Consuetudinum saeculi X/XI/XII, monumenta non-Cluniacensia (Siegburg: Franciscum Schmitt success, 1984)Google Scholar, 280 (VI, 17); also Sonntag, Klosterleben, 413 and 419–420.

94 Hughes, Andrew, Medieval Manuscripts for Mass and Office: A Guide to their Organization and Terminology (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1982), 14–20Google Scholar; Hamilton, The Practice, 86.

95 Martimort, A. G., Les lectures liturgiques et leurs livres (Turnhout: Brepols, 1992), 100–101.Google Scholar

96 Nebbiae-Dalla Guarda, “Les listes,” 283–288.

97 Hughes, Medieval Manuscripts, 18.

98 Sonntag, Klosterleben, 399–419.

99 Lanfranc suggests that a designated lector took care of the first readings, but that the abbot himself gave the sermon (The Monastic Constitutions of Lanfranc, ed. Knowles, David and Brooke, Christopher N. L. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002)Google Scholar, 164n370. See also the Life of Benedict of Aniane, ed. Georg Waitz, MGH SS 15 (Hannover: Impensis bibliopolii Hahniani, 1887), at 216–217; and the meetings described in the Cantatorium, 173 (ch. 72), 178 (ch. 73 and 75), 199 (ch. 80), 226 (ch. 89).

100 Sonntag, Klosterleben, 440–442.

101 De Jong, The Penitential State, 231.

102 For example, ibid., 269.

103 Ibid., 240–241; see also Booker, Courtney M., Past Convictions: The Penance of Louis the Pious and the Decline of the Carolingians (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009), esp. 146–149.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

104 Booker, Past Convictions, 224–229.

105 Rapp, “Spiritual Guarantors at Penance,” 144–145.

106 Simon of Ghent, Gesta abbatum Sithiensium, ed. Holder-Egger, Oswald, MGH SS 13 (Hannover 1881), 636–637Google Scholar; see Vanderputten, Steven, “Individual Experience, Collective Remembrance, and the Politics of Monastic Reform in High Medieval Flanders,” Early Medieval Europe 20 (2012): 70–89.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

107 Valenciennes BM 502. See Abou-El-Haj, Barbara, The Medieval Cult of Saints: Formations and Transformations (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 62–63.Google Scholar

108 Namur, Musée des Arts anciens, 5.

109 Darmstadt, Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek, 2777.

110 Brussels RL 21860.

111 See Patzold, Konflikte.

112 Brown, Warren C. and Górecki, Piotr, “What Conflict Means: The Making of Medieval Conflict Studies in the United States, 1970–2000,” in Conflict in Medieval Europe: Changing Perspectives on Society and Culture, eds. Brown, Warren Curtis and Górecki, Piotr (Aldershot, U.K.: Ashgate, 2003), 1–35Google Scholar; and by the same authors, “Where Conflict Leads: On the Present and Future of Medieval Conflict Studies in the United States,” in Conflict in Medieval Europe, 265–285. For further reading, see, among many others, White, Stephen D., “From Peace to Power: The Study of Disputes in Medieval France,” Medieval Transformations: Texts, Power, and Gifts in Context, eds. Cohen, Esther and de Jong, Mayke B. (Leiden, Netherlands, Brill, 2001), 203–218CrossRefGoogle Scholar, reprinted in Feuding and Peace-Making in Eleventh-Century France (Aldershot, U.K.: Ashgate, 2005), 1–14Google Scholar (article 8); Geary, Patrick, “Moral Obligations and Peer Pressure: Conflict Resolution in the Medieval Aristocracy,” in Georges Duby: L'écriture de l'histoire, eds. Duhamel-Amado, Claudie and Lobrichon, Guy (Brussels: De Boeck Université, 1996), 217–222Google Scholar; and Vanderputten, Steven, “Monks, Knights, and the Enactment of Competing Social Realities in Eleventh- and Early-Twelfth-Century Flanders,” Speculum 84, no. 3 (2009): 582–612.CrossRefGoogle Scholar