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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 28 July 2009
It appears to me that the strength of Professor Weinstein's inquiry is predicated upon the concreteness of his approach and his unwillingness to take refuge in those abstractions which are not infrequently found in the realm of Medieval and Renaissance studies. Therefore, the hypothesis that he advances stems from data, rather than from an unverifiable assumption about the nature of man or of thought in the Quattrocento. Another quality which is evident in his paper is his commitment to a type of research which is essentially an adventure. This figure of speech is intended to suggest that he is trying to isolate and then delineate a problem. In this instance, the unknown quantity is the boundary line that separates the historical from the a-historical. As a result of his search, he is compelled to modify the interpretations of Garin and Cantimori. His explanation is based upon the decisive role that historical circumstance and Florentine tradition (possibly two facets of a single entity) played in forging the prophetic message of Savonarola. Therefore, he locates the center of gravity of the Dominican's teachings “in tempore,” rather than in the a-historical “world of ideas.” For Professor Weinstein, the boundaries of Savonarola's prophecies are generated by “the fervor of daily events.” Not only does this view appear to be valid, for the reasons advanced by the speaker, but there are also factors that are peripheral to his central argument which lend it further authenticity.
1. For cultural manifestations, see Meiss, Millard, Painting in Florence and Siena After the Black Death (Princeton, 1947), PP. 80–93Google Scholar; Antal, F., Florentine Painting and its Social Background (London, 1947), pp. 71–72Google Scholar; Sapegno, N., Storia letteraria d'Italia, il Trecento (Milan, 1934), pp. 528–540Google Scholar; Panella, A., “La guerra degli Otto Santi le vicende delle legge contro i vescovi,” Archivio Storico Italiano, I (1941), pp. 36–45Google Scholar; Becker, M., “Three Cases Concerning the Restitution of Usury in Florence,” Journal of Economic History, (1957), pp. 446–447.Google Scholar
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6. One of the principal motives that animated the passage of these measures was the desire of the Signoria to prevent victims of usurious contracts from making appeals to ecclesiastical courts. Cf. Villani, G., Cronica, ed. Dragomani, F. (Florence, 1844), XII, 44Google Scholar; Rodolico, N., I Ciompi (Florence, 1945), p. 42.Google Scholar
7. Pepo Frescobaldi, a member of the famous aristocratic banking family, was one of the spokesmen for the legislation in question. Cf. Provvisioni Duplicati, 5, f. 54.
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17. Provvisioni, 71, fols. 175r-176r (13 December 1382). The Spirituals had considerable support in the legislative councils. On the preceding day, the measure “contra fraticellos” had been rejected. (Libri Fabarum, 41, f. 77). It barely managed to secure the required two thirds majority. The votes in the two councils were 179–81 and 104–52.
18. Consulte et Pratiche, 25, f. 56r (9 April 1386); idem, 26, f. 182 (18 March 1388).
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21. This was true especially in cases involving a charge of usury. Statuti Populi Communis Florentiae (Freiburg, 1715), bk. II, rub. 18, pp. 123–124Google Scholar. In 1435 the Medicean Signoria suspended the law against dry exchange. Provvisioni, 126, fols. 313r-314; Libri Fabarum, f. 42.
22. See the evaluation of the landed patrimony of the clergy that the comune made for the purpose of tax assessment in Canestrini's, G., La scienza e l'arte di stato dagli atti ufficiali della repubblica fiorentina e dei Medici (Florence, 1862), p. 152.Google Scholar
23. E. Garin, op. cit., pp. 51–53.
