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The Image of Mixed Liquids in Late Medieval Mystical Thought

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 July 2009

Robert E. Lerner
Robert E. Lerner
Affiliation:
Associate professor of history, Northwestern University
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Extract

“It may be that universal history is the history of the different intonations given a handful of metaphors.” Whatever relevance this gnomic saying of Jorge Luis Borges may have to universal history, it can serve as the motto for the following investigation of the relationship between mysticism and the Free Spirit heresy in the later Middle Ages. Scholars are accustomed to regard the socalled heresy of the Free Spirit as sui generis, an aberrant and scandalous religious deviation preached by nihilists, lechers, and megalomaniacs, but this interpretation is not borne out by the sources, as we will see in the story of a simile.

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Articles
Information
Church History , Volume 40 , Issue 4 , December 1971 , pp. 397 - 411
Copyright
Copyright © American Society of Church History 1971

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References

1. Labyrinths (New York, 1964), p. 192.Google Scholar

2. The dominant interpretation of the Free Spirit, 3rd ed. (New York, 1970), pp. 148–186Google Scholar; heresy is best expressed in English by Cohn, Norman, The Pursuit of the Millennium and Gordon Leff, Heresy in the Later Middle Ages, 2 vols. (Manchester and New York, 1967), pp. 308–407Google Scholar. My entire argument is developed in a full-length study entitled The Heresy of the Free Spirit in the Later Middle Ages, to be published in 1972 by the University of California Press. There I mention the image of the drop of water only briefly but give full analyses of the Free Spirit texts that are treated only partially below.

3. Ed. Migne, J. P., Patrologiae latinae cursus completus (Paris, 1844-1864), CLXXXII, p. 991Google Scholar (also in StBernard, , Opera omnia, ed. Leclercq, J. and Roches, H. M. (Rome, 1963), III, p. 143)Google Scholar: “Quomodo stilla aquae modica, multo infusa vino, deficere a se tota videtur, dum et saporem vini induit, et colorem; et quomodo ferrum ignitum et candens, igni simillimum fit, pristina propriaque forma exutum; et quomodo solis luce perfuses aer in eamdem transformatur luminis claritatem, adeo ut non tam illuminatus, quam ipsum lumen esse videatur: sic omnem tune in sanctis humanam affectionem quodam ineffabili modo necesse erit a semetipsa liquescere, atque in Dei penitus transfundi voluntatem. Alioquin quomodo omnia in omnibus erit Deus, si in homine quidquam supererit? Manebit quidem substantia, sed in alia forma, alia gloria, aliaque potentia.’ Bernard borrowed the images of fire and air from Scotus Erigena 's translation of Maximus the Confessor's Ambigua (Patrologiae latinae, CXXII, p. 1202Google Scholar), but the image of the drop of water appears to have been his own.

4. Gilson, , The Mystical Theology of Saint Bernard, tr. Downes, A. H. C. (New York, 1940), pp. 119–52Google Scholar; Combes, A., Essai sur la critique de Ruysbroeck par Gerson (Paris, 1945-1959), II, p. 128Google Scholar. Other discussions of Bernard's mysticism are listed by Bernard, M., “Der Stand der Bernhardforschung,” in Bernhard von Clairvaux Mönch und Mystiker; Internationaler Bernhardkongress Mains 1953 (Wiesbaden, 1955), p. 36.Google Scholar

5. Gilson, p. 125.

6. Tractatus de gradibus charitatis, PL, CXCVI, p. 1205Google Scholar. On Bernard's intended audience, Leclercq, Jean, The Love of Learning and the Desire for God, tr. Misrahi, C.. “Mentor” ed. (New York, 1962), pp. 14–15.Google Scholar

7. Thomas, of Cantimpré, Bonum universale de apibus, ed. Colvener, G. (Douai, 1627), Lib. II, cap. 49, 2, p. 442Google Scholar. Combes, I, pp. 673–74, edits the passage from manuscripts.

8. On this subject see the seminal work of Grundmann, Herbert, Religiöse Bewegungen im Mittelalter, 2nd ed.(Hildesheim, 1961).Google Scholar

9. Hadewich, , Visionen, cited by Grundmann, p. 185.Google Scholar

10. See the interpretation of the heresy in the Swabian Ries by Grundmann, pp. 402–431.

11. On Marguerite 's career see the continuation of Nangis, William, Chronicon in Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France (Paris, 1738-1904), XX, p. 601Google Scholar; and documents concerning her trial edited by Lea, Henry Charles, A History of the Inquisition in the Middle Ages (New York, 1888), II, pp. 575–78Google Scholar. (These sources are reprinted in Fredericq, P., Corpus documentorum inquisitionis haereticae pravitatis Neerlandicae [Ghent, 1889- 1906], I, pp. 155–60.)Google Scholar

12. The edition is in Guarnieri, , “Il movimento del libero spirito,” Archivio italiano per la storia della pietd, IV (1965), 501–635.Google Scholar

13. Ibid., 609–613.

14. Ibid., 584: “Et pource pert elle son nom en celluy, en quoy elle est de luy en luy fondue et remise de luy en luy pour elle mesmes. Ainsi comme feroit une eaue qui vient de la mer, qui a aucun nom, comme l'em pourroit dire Aise [sic], ou Sene, ou une aultre riviere; et quant celle eaue on riviere rentre en mer, elle pert son cours et le nom d'elle, dont elle couroit en plusieurs pays en faisant son oeuvre. Or est elle en mer, la ou elle se repouse, et ainsi a perdu tel labour. Pareillement est il de ceste Ame.” The Middle English version of The Mirror, ed. Doiron, Sister Marilyn, Archivio italiano per la storia della pietà, V (1968), 316Google Scholar, names the two rivers “Oise and “Muese.”

15. Guarnieri, 585.

16. Ibid.

17. The procës-verbal of the original theological examination in Paris preserves two articles of at least fifteen that were extracted from Marguerite's book. This is edited by Langlois, C.-V., “Marguerite Porete,” Revue historique, LIV (1894), 297 (reprinted by Fredericq, II, 63.)Google Scholar Much more extensive are thirty propositions that were extracted in fifteenth-century Italy from a Latin translation of The Mirror and refuted as heretical. The text of this document is edited by Guarnieri, 649–60. In England two late medieval translators of The Mirror defended its orthodoxy, but in so doing referred to the passages that they thought were conceivably suspect. Their comments are discussed fully by College, Edmund and Guarnieri, Romana, “The Glosses by ‘M. N.’and Richard Methley to ‘The Mirror of Simple Souls’,” Archivio italiano per la storia della pietà, V (1968), 357–82.Google Scholar

18. For example, Guarnieri, 414–16.

19. Ibid., 501–509, for an analytical list of all the known extant manuscripts, one of which was transcribed in the monastery of Subiaco. In addition, the existence of a Latin copy of The Mirror in the Charterhouse of Strassburg during the fifteenth century is indicated in a passage in MS Vat. Pal. lat. 600, fol 228v, described by Haubst, B., Studien zu Nikolaus von Kues und Johannes Wenck (Münster, 1955), pp. 56, 119.Google Scholar

20. Doiron (as cited above, n. 14), 247.

21. Guarnieri, 485–86, and 509 quoting a marginal note in MS Cambridge, Pembroke College 221: “Rushbroke, qui fuit prior de ordine cartusiensi et hune libellum primo composuit.”

22. The Mirror of Simple Souls, by an unknown French Mystic of the Thirteenth Century, tr. C. Kirchberger (Orchard Books, 15) (London and New York, 1927).Google Scholar

23. I follow the dating of Underhill, Evelyn, Jacopone da Todi (London, 1919), p. 510.Google Scholar

24. Todi, Jacopone da, Laudi, trattato e detti, ed. Ageno, F. (Florence, 1953), vv. 159–64Google Scholar: “Non gir chirendo en mare vino, se 'l ce mettesse,/ che trovar nol porresse, ché 'l mar l'ha receputo;/ e chi possi provare, né pensar che restesse/ ed en sé remanesse/ Par che non fosse suto./ L' amor si l' ha bevuto, la veretà mutato,/ lo suo è barattato, de sé non ha vigore.” I wish to express my thanks to Joseph G. Fucilla, Emeritus Professor of Romance Languages at Northwestern University, for helping me to cope with the difficulties of Jacopone's Umbrian dialect.

25. Guarnieri, 402.

26. Not only did Jacopone borrow the liquid image, but he also appropriated the images of fire and air which are found in the same passage from the De diligendo Deo. These citations are placed side by side with the originals by Ageno, F., “Questioni di autentieità nel Laudario Iacoponico,” Convivium (1952), 583.Google Scholar

27. Ibid., 555–87.

28. In particular, lauds XXXIII and XXXIV, ed. Ageno (as cited above, n. 24), pp. 117–23.

29. Monteverdi, A., “Iacopone Poeta,” in Iacopone e il suo tempo. 13–15 ottobre 1957 (Convegni del centro di studi sulla spiritualità medievale, 1) (Todi, 1959), p. 49Google Scholar. Even Guarnieri, who originally pointed out the seemingly Free Spirit passages in Jacopone, maintains (400) that Ageno's arguments are not entirely persuasive.

30. Underhill (as cited above, n. 23), p. 243.

31. Cited by Guarnieri, 400.

32. Ed. Quint, Josef, Meister Eckhart: Die deutschen Werke, V. Traktate (Stuttgart, 1963), p. 269Google Scholar: “… din sêle ist vil naeher mit gote vereinet dan lîp und sêle, die éinen mensehen machent. Disiu einunge ist vil naeher, dan der einen tropfen wazzers güzze in ein vaz wînes: dâ waere wazzer und wîn, und daz wirt alsô in ein gewandelt, daz alle crêatûrden niht enkünden den underscheit vinden.” For Quint's dating, p. 181.

33. Ed. Strauch, Philipp, Paradisus anime intelligentis (Berlin, 1919), sermon 48, p. 110Google Scholar: “da wirdit di sele wondirliche bezobirit und cumit fon ir selber, alse der einen trophin wazzeris guze in eine budin vol winis, daz si fon ur selber nicht inweiz und wenit daz si Got si.” The passage immediately following refers explicitly to St. Bernard. Quint, J., Meister Eckehart, deutsche Predigten und Traktate (Munich, 1955), pp. 404–407Google Scholar, translates this sermon, implying that it belongs within the authentic Eckhartian corpus.

34. Strauch, sermon 59, p. 126: “der einen trophin worfe in daz mer, so wandelit sich der trophe in daz mer. also geschihit der selin. alse Got si in sich zuhit, so wandelit si sich also daz si gotlich wirt und Got nicht sele. da forlusit di sele iren namen und ire craft und nicht iren willin und ir sien. da blibit di sele an Gode, alse God an ume selbin blîbit.” Quint, , Meister Eckehart, pp. 408–410Google Scholar, translates this sermon, and, pp. 523–24, declares that it is probably authentic. Quint also prefers Straueh's text of the passage to that ed. Pfeiffer, Franz, Deutsche Mystiker des vierzehnten Jahrhunderts (Leipzig, 1845-1857), II, p. 314Google Scholar: “Da verliuset diu sêle irn namen und ir kraft und ir were unde niht ir sîn.”

35. Ed. Pfeiffer, II, tract VI, pp. 448–75. A shorter version from another manuscript that does not contain the section to be discussed below is edited by Birlinger, A. in Alemannia, III (1875), pp. 15–45Google Scholar. According to Simon, O., Überlieferung und Handschriftsverhältnis des Traktates “Schwester Katrei” (Halle, 1906)Google Scholar, the manuscript that is headed “Daz ist Swester Katrei, Meister Ekehartes Tohter von Strazburg,” is Munich, Cgm 133, the text that Pfeiffer relied on most heavily for his edition.

36. Pfeiffer, p. 465: “‘herre, vrewet iuch mit mir, ich bin got worden.’”

37. Ibid., p. 467: “Dâ sprechent die meister, daz got muoz von nâtûre in sich ziehen sîn glîch von sîns selbesheit, als diu sunne ziuhet ûf daz wazzer an sich. Dâ wirt diu sêle vereinet in der blôzen gotheit, daz si nimmer mêr müge funden werden, als vil als ein tropfe wînes mitten in dem mer.”

38. Tractatus contra Benedictum XII, ed. Offler, H. S., Guillelmi de Ockham opera politica, III (Manchester, 1956), pp. 161–62Google Scholar: “Nam tempore predicti Iohannis XXII quidam magister in theologia de ordine predicatorum natione theotonicus, nomine Aycardus publice tenuit, predicavit et docuit, quod mundus fuit ab eterno, et quod quilibet homo iustus converteretur in divinam essenciam quemadmodum in sacramento altaris panis convertitur in corpus Christi, … et multa alia fantastica, non hereticalia, quam insana et nullo modo vel vix opinabilia, habens in Alamannia plures sequaces viros et mulieres, etiam de ordine fratrum minorum quorum unus ydiota et fantastice publice predicavit, quod quemadmodum una gutta aque proiecta in mare absorbetur a maria, ita anima videns divinam essenciam a divina essencia absorbetur.” On Ockham's knowledge of the case of Meister Eckhart see Koch, J., “Meister Eckharts Weiterwirken im deutsch-niederländisehen Raum im 14. und 15. Jahrhundert,” La mystique rhénane. Colloque de Strasbourg, 16–19 mai 1961 (Paris, 1963), pp. 136–37Google Scholar, which says nothing about the follower who preached about the drop of water.

39. Both incidents are reported by the Gesta archiepiscoporum Magdeburgensium, Monumenta Germaniae historica, scriptores (Hannover, 1826-1928), XIV, pp. 434–35Google Scholar. On the “Luciferans” of Brandenburg see Kurze, D., “Zur Ketzergeschichte der Mark Brandenburg und Pommerns vornehmlich im 14. Jahrhundert,” Jahrbuch für die Geschichte Mittelund Ostdeutschlands, XVI/XVII (1968), 50–94.Google Scholar

40. The protocol of Constantine's trial has recently been edited by Erbstösser, M., Sozialreligiöse Strömungen im späten Mittelalter (Berlin, 1970), pp. 160–63Google Scholar. Constantine is also mentioned in the Chronica S. Petri Erfordensis moderna, continuations II and III, in Monumenta erphesfurtensia (Scriptores rerum germanicarum in usum scholarum, 42) (Hannover and Leipzig, 1899), pp. 381, 396Google Scholar, and the Gesta Archiepisc. Magdeb. (as cited above), p. 435. Though Jordan's participation in the trial is not mentioned in the protocol, which mentions none of the theologians who were involved in the case by name, it is reported by the Gesta and there is good reason to accept this insofar as Jordan in 1350 was Augustinian Provincial of Saxony, an office which obliged him to spend most of his time in Erfurt.

41. Koch, , “Weiterwirken” (as cited above, n. 38), pp. 146–47Google Scholar; Guarnieri, 444.

42. Jordan refers to this work in his other writings; see, for example, Guarnieri, 445, 450. Pater Adolar Zumkeller, the authority on manuscripts of medieval German Augustinians, informs me that he has not come across any copies of this lost work since compiling his Manuskripte von Werken der Autoren des Augustiner-Eremitenordens in mitteleuropäischen Bibliotheken (Würzburg, 1966).Google Scholar

43. MS Göttingen Universitätsbibliothek, Lüneburg 38, fol. 49v (the same in MS Windsheim 7, fol. 75r75v ): “Tertius sensus est quod ipsa anima per gratia elevatur in deum et sic sublimata ad tantum fastigium perfectionis pertingit quod cessat gratia et tune immediate conjungitur deo et totaliter transformatur in deum et sic fit filius dei non alius sed ille idem unigenitus… Ad confirmationem et declarationum huius sensus adducunt multa exempla… Item de gutta aque in doleo vini quod ita convertitur in vinum quod non amplius remanet aqua…Iste sensus quantum ad totum processum plenus est erroribus in tantum quod nec aliquo modo collerari potest. Dicit enim expresse animam substantiali conversione transformari in deum quod est omnino erroneum…”

44. Ibid., fol. 50r “Ad aliud exemplum de gutta aque habes in tractatu de spiritu libertatis, duodecimo sermone.”

45. Compare Opus Jor, MS Göttingen cit., fol. 49v: “dicunt deus operatur omnia sua et efficiamur unigentus filius suus,” with In agro Dominico, ed. Denifle, H. S., Archiv für Literatur-und Kirchengeschichte des Mittelalters, II (1886), 638Google Scholar: “Quicquid deus operatur, hoc est unum, propter hoc generat ipse me suum filium omni distinctione.” Or Opus Jor: “Item ponunt exemplum de pane et corpore Christi dicentes sic: nos transformamur et convertimur in deum totaliter eo modo quo in sacramento panis convertitur in corpus Christi,” with In agro Dominico: “Nos transformamur totaliter in deum et convertimur in eum; simili modo sicut in sacramento panis convertitur in corpus Christi.”

46. See above, pp. 402–403.

47. Ed. Vetter, F., Die Predigten Taulers (Deutsche Texte des Mittelalters, 11) (Berlin, 1910), sermon 7, p. 33Google Scholar: “… und kummet also verre daz der geist in diseme so versinket das er die underscheit so verlúret, er wurt also ein mit der süssekeit der gotheit das sin wesen also mit dem göttelichen wesen durchgangen wurt daz er sich verlúret, rechte also ein troppfe wassers in eime grossen vasse wines; also wurt der geist versunken in Got in götlicher einekeit, daz er do verlúst alle underscheit, …”

48. Ibid., sermon 32, 120–21: “Und wie solte denne enkeine vernunft dis úberwesenliche abgrunde begriffen, do dise minnecliche lebende spise dem menschen wunderlichen wurt vereinet und in alzuomole in sich zúhet und in sich verwandelt, me wanne alle die einunge si die menschliche verstentnisse erdencken mag in alle und úber alle verwandelunge, verre me denne ein kleines tröpfelin wassers in eime fuoder wines sich verliere und vereinet mag werden, … Vil minre ist daz zu begriffende unde nachzuogonde wie der geist verwurt in göttelicher einikeit, do er sich also verlúret des enkeine vernunft darbi kan kummen obe ie creature wart. Dis nemment tumbe affehte lúte fleischlichen und. sprechent, sú súllent gewandelt werden in götteliche nature, und des ist zuomole böse valsehe ketzerige.”

49. Tauler's attacks on the Free Spirit heresy are in Vetter, pp. 55, 99, 167, 218–19, 257–58.

50. Ibid., p. 138: “… des spottetin si und sprechent denne: ‘er ist ein beghart,’ und sagent es sin núwe geiste, also das juden noch heiden nie die cristenen also verspotteten noch versprachen. Dise valschen cristenen versmohent si verre me und verspottent si: ‘hie ist ein núwer geist komen; dise sint di von den hohen geisten.’” Clark, James M., The Great German Mystics, Eckhart, Tauler and Suso (Oxford, 1949), p. 39Google Scholar, believes that this passage probably refers to an actual experience. A frequently copied list entitled “Hec sunt nove hereses do novo spiritu” (that is, Free Spirit errors) is edited, among others, by Schmidt, C., “Actenstücke, besonders zur Geschichte der Waldenser,” Zeitschrift für die historische Theologie, XXII (1852), 248–50.Google Scholar

51. De purgatorio contra Lutherum hostesque ecclesiae (Antwerp, 1545), Lib. III, cap. 13, fol. 109v-112r.Google Scholar

52. Büchlein der Wahrheit, ed. Bihlmeyer, K., Heinrich Suso, Deutsche Schriften (Stuttgart, 1907), p. 336.Google Scholar

53. Ed. Strauch (as cited above, n. 33), sermon 23, p. 56: “alleine si nicht God inwirdit, si wirdit aber also verre mit Gode foreinit alse gnade und libe si mit Gode foreinen mac. darumme gibit he sich zu einir spise, wan di spise wirt gewandelit in den lip. da fon setzit sente Bernhart ein glichnisse: ‘alse der einen tropphin waszeris guze in vil winis, der forlusit varwe, geruch und gesmac [etc.]’ darumme sal der prîster in den kelch alse wenic wazzeris gizin daz es der win in sich muge gewandelin.” On Rube see Preger, Wilhelm, Geschichte der deutschen Mystik im Mittelalter (Leipzig, 1874-1893), II, pp. 170–72.Google Scholar

54. I quote the translation of Eric Colledge, Mediaeval Netherlands Religious Literature (Leyden, London, and New York, 1965), p. 113.Google Scholar

55. Vanden XII Beghinen, part II, II, 1, in Werken (Malines and Amsterdam, 1932-1934), IV, 41Google Scholar: “Ende selke segghen: dat hare zielen ghescapen zijn vander substancien Gods; ende als si sterven zelen, soe selen si dat selve zyn dat si vore waren; ghelijckerwijs datmen enen pot waters scept uut eenre fonteynen: als men dat weder inghiet, soe selen dat selve, dat to voren was” Whether Free Spirit heretics actually said this is a moot point.

56. As cited above, n. 4.

57. Oeuvres, ed. P. Glorieux (Paris, 1960- ), II, p. 57Google Scholar: “Addit quod perditur anima contemplantis in esse tali divino abyssali ita ut reperibilis non sit ab aliqua creatura. Similitudo posset talis adduci, quae non tamen ab ipso ponitur: si gutta vini modica delaberetur in mare, constat quod mox absorpta converteretur in illud.”

58. Combes, , Essai, I, p. 619Google Scholar, mistakenly sees Gerson's statement as a reference to Bernard's image.

59. Ibid., pp. 567–68.

60. Gerson, , De mystica theologia, ed. Combes, A. (Lucca, [1958]), pp. 107–108Google Scholar: “Fuerunt alii, qui per similitudines repertas in corporalibus voluerunt hanc unionem seu spiritualem transformationem reddere clariorem. Dixerunt enim quod anima sic unitur Deo et in ipsum transformatur quemadmodum si gutta aque mittatur in dolium fortis vini: illa namque gutta tune perdit esse proprium convertiturque totaliter in alienum… Non enim perdit anima in hac unione suum esse proprium, sicut gutta aque desinit per corruptionem, quam alterius generatio subsequitur.”

61. Ibid., p. 108. The fact that Gerson found this story in Thomas of Cantimpré was first noted by Combes, , Essai, I, pp. 673–74.Google Scholar

62. Oeuvres, II, p. 99Google Scholar: “Hanc unitatem nullus sane potest intelligere vel exponere, quantumcumque verba multiplicaverit, ad alium sensum quam per assimilationem, de qua dicit Johannes in canonica: scimus quod cum ille apparuerit similes ei erimus. Omnis enim modus alter loquendi metaphoricus vel figurativus, vel hyperbolicus vel emphaticus doctorum sanctorum, ut Dionysii et aliorum, si non referatur ad hanc regulam repudiandus. Assimulatio autem non tollit sed perficit naturam, neque tollit esse quod habet creatura in proprio genere quoniam illud perdere nisi per annihilationem anima rationalis nunquam potest; ac proinde sequitur quod similitudo adducta per qualemcumque doctorem de infusione guttae aquae in dolium vini fortissimi ad unionem animae contemplantis cum Deo, tamquam sit omnimoda similitudo repudianda est prorsus tamquam habens errorem, immo insaniam Almarici condemnati ponentis creaturam verti in Deum et in suum esse primum ideale…”

63. See Mansi, J. D., ed., Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio (Florence and Venice, 1759-1798), XXIII, p. 986.Google Scholar

64. Oeuvres, V, p. 531Google Scholar: “Exemplum de gutta aquae quae multo vino mixta convertitur in ipsum, non placet propter errorem Almarici Parisius damnati et aliorum dicentium animam contemplantis in Deum converti et perdere jam esse quod habebat in proprio genere, et habere solum esse ideale in Deum.”

65. “Johannes Tauler und die Frömmigkeitshaltung des 15. Jahrhunderts,” in Johannes Tauler, ein deutscher Mystiker, ed. E. Filthaut (Essen, 1961), pp. 427–30.Google Scholar

66. “Gabriel Biel and Late Medieval Mysticism,” Church History, XXX (1961), 277.Google Scholar

67. Combes, , Essai, I, pp. 108–109, 121, describes Geiler's edition of Gerson.Google Scholar

68. (Strassburg, 1522). This is described by Dacheux, L., Die ältesten Schriften Geilers von Kaysersberg (Freiburg, 1882), pp. CIX–CXIVGoogle Scholar, who lists it among the preacher's authentic corpus.

69. II, lxvii: “Nitt also das du gott werdest. als im Decretal stadt von der irrung Amalrici. der sprach ein mensch würd gott und er möcht dozu kumen durch überschwenckliche liebe und gott also lieb gewinnen dass er käm in sein erst wesen ee das gott die welt schöpfft. durch welche liebe or gott so genow möcht angebunden werden dass er… also gott würd wesentlich und sein eygen wesen verlürt und uffhört sein ein mensch. (Du findest das ouch im Taweler. du must in aber hüpschlich verston) nit anders weder wie ein köpflin malfasyer das in ein vass mit wein gelossen würt das sich selbs verlürt und würt das sich selbs verlürt und würt zu wyn recht und redlich… Das ist falsch unnd ist ein ketzery.”

70. From sermon, “Nolite timere eos,” tr. Blakney, R. B., Meister Eckhart, A Modern Translation (New York, 1941), p. 226Google Scholar; for the warning about preaching to “common folk,” idem, pp. 253–56.

71. Most notably, van Leenwen, Jan, ed. de Vooys, C. G. N., “Meister Eckhart en de Nederlandse Mystiek,” Nederlansch archief voor kerkgeschiedenis, n. s. III (1905), 182–94Google Scholar. Chapter six of Heinrich Suso 's Little Book of the Truth shows how Free Spirit heretics cited the authority of Meister Eckhart.

72. Later the image was re-introduced by StTeresa, of Avila in her Interior Castle, VII, 2.Google Scholar