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Asceticism Versus Militarism in the Middle Ages1

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 July 2009

John T. McNeill
Affiliation:
The University of Chicago

Extract

The terms “religion” and “asceticism” represent separable realms of experience. Asceticism may occur where a Stoic philosopher, from purely ethical considerations, denies all indulgence to the appetites of the body, that “gaol and shackle of the soul.” It is today employed, in Egypt and in India, in the strategy of political causes. The athlete or the actor, the scholar or the merchant, may adopt an ascetic type of behavior for the sake of efficiency on a non-religious level. On the other hand feasting may be as religious as fasting, jubilation as holy as penance.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © American Society of Church History 1936

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References

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17 “Ad quae verba pater dietus compunctus, eum secutus est, et monachus factus est.” de la Marche, A. Lecoy, ed., Anecdotes historiques, légendes et apologues d'Etienne de Bourbon, Paris, 1877, p. 28 f.Google Scholar Stephen adds: “I heard this on the very spot on which the preachment was made, from Calo, lord of Fontaines, the Blessed Bernard's grand-nephew (pronepote).” The Editor notes that Calo was the son of a daughter of Bernard's elder brother, Guy.

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22 Some members of his line were wicked enough, notably the founder, Robert I, who slew the father of Hugh the Great of Cluny. But Gregory VII had occasion (1079) to censure Hugh of Cluny for admitting to his monastery Hugh I, Duke of Burgundy. The pope took the ground that the duke was deserting his task: he argues that a hundred thousand Christians are left without a guardian, while there are scarce any God-fearing princes left in the world. The modern period is not unique in respect to the problem of the desertion of politics by good men! On the dukes of Burgundy in this period see Kleinclausz, A., Quomodo primi duces capetianae stirpis Burgundiae res gesserunt 1032–1162, Dijon, 1902, pp. 52 ff.Google Scholar, and Petit, E., Histoire des ducs de Burgogne de la race capétienne, Dijon, 1885, pp. 167 ff.; 270 ff.; 307 ff.Google Scholar Kleinclause quotes the letter of Hildebrand; for an English version, see Emerton, E., The Corres pondence of Pope Gregory VII, New York, 1932, pp. 138 f.Google Scholar

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25 Thursday was to be hallowed by reason of the Ascension, Friday for the Passion, Saturday for the Entombment and Sunday for the Resurrection. See Jardet, P., Saint Odilon, Abbé de Cluny, Lyon, 1898, pp. 700718.Google Scholar The liter ature on the Truce of God is listed with some fulness by Leclercq, in Hefele-Leclercq, , Histoire des conciles, IV, ii, 973 f.Google Scholar The plan was fruitful of excellent results. A. C. Krey points out that in subsequent years the Truce “extended sometimes to a period of several months and regularly included all days from Thursday to Monday and all festival days, besides certain special occasions, which left all told less than a fourth of the year to the unabated practice of feudal warfare.” (“The International State of the Middle Ages,” American Historical Review, XXVIII, 1922, 4).Google Scholar Krey observes that the Code of Chivalry recognized, on the one hand, the feudal allegiance, and on the other, the obligation of the Truce. P. Vinogradoff holds that the truce movement “attained material results under the guidance of the church in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, and it became even more effective in the thirteenth when political potentates took it up.” Cambridge Medieval History, III, 465.Google Scholar Highly favorable too is Semichon, E., La Paix et la Trève de Dieu, Paris, 1857, pp. 74 ff.; 315 ff.Google Scholar Less favorable is the view of Lavisse, , Histoire de France, II, 2, 133 ff.Google Scholar

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28 On the general subject of Chivalry may be consulted: Cornish, F. W., Chivalry, London, 1911Google Scholar; Gautier, J., La chevalerie, Paris, 1883Google Scholar; Digby, K. H., The Broad Stone of Honour, London, 1872Google Scholar; Meller, W. C., A Knight's Life in the Days of Chivalry, London, 1924Google Scholar; Prestage, E., ed., Chivalry, A Series of Studies…., London, 1928Google Scholar; Prutz, H., Die geistlichen Ritterorden, Berlin, 1908Google Scholar; Woodhouse, F. C., The Military Religious Orders of the Middle Ages, London, 1879.Google Scholar For a short evaluation see Wright, R. F., Medieval Internationalism, London, 1930, pp. 154 ff.Google Scholar

29 “Zelus salutis animarum.” Walz, A. M., Compendium Ordinis Praedicatorum, Rome, 1933, pp. 10 f.Google Scholar

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31 Acta Sanctorum, XXXV, 418 ff.Google Scholar; Drane, A. T., History of St. Dominic, London, 1891, pp. 243–6Google Scholar; Guiraud, J., Histoire de l'inquisition au Moyen Age, I, Paris, 1935, 397 ff.Google Scholar Dominic's patron, Bishop Fulk of Toulouse, organized the White Brotherhood, which formed a contingent of 5,000 soldiers in Simon de Montfort's army. Giraud thinks it probable that Dominie followed this model in his “militia.” He also indicates the close but indeterminate relation between the Dominicans and the “Poor Catholics” who came over from the heretical “poor of Lyons,” and pledged themselves to “reading, preaching, teaching, and discussion in order to combat all kinds of heresy,”

32 “Les hagiographes franciscains se sont montrés d'une extrême sévérité dans le jugement qu'ils ont porté sur le père de saint François. Ils se sont évertués à faire de Pierre Bernardone un mauvais homme, un père dénaturé, vindicatif, avaricieux, cupide et brutal. Il ne me parait pas qu'ils aient eu raison.” Batault, G., “Saint François d'Assise,” Mercure de France, CXCI, 1926, 10 f.Google Scholar I am indebted to my friend, Dr. Gabriel Eombotis, for calling my attention to this scholarly article.

33 Boehmer, H., Analekten zur Geschichte des Francisons von Assisi, 2. ed., (F. Wiegand), Tübingen, 3930, pp. 21, 26, 31Google Scholar; de Ligt, B., La paix créatrice; histoire des principes et des tactiques … de l'action directe contre la guerre, Paris, 1934, II, 283Google Scholar; Hutton, E., The Franciscans in England, 1224–1538, London, 1926, p. 217Google Scholar; Gratien, P., Histoire de la fondation et de l'evolution de l'ordre des Frères mineurs, Paris, 1928, p. 278Google Scholar; Little, A. G., Studies in English Franciscan History, Manchester, 1917, pp. 129 ff.Google Scholar A scholarly treatment of Francis as a peacemaker is contained in Petry, K. C.'s typewritten dissertation, The Ideal of Poverty in Francis of Assist, University of Chicago, 1932, pp. 160 ff.Google Scholar

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