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Mao, Lin Biao and the Fifth Encirclement Campaign

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  17 February 2009

Extract

In more respects than one, the Fifth Encirclement Campaign launched by Chiang Kai-shek in 1933–34 against the Jiangxi Soviet may be considered as an important landmark in contemporary Chinese history. From a purely military standpoint, in view of its scope and the particular means used, it is undoubtedly the first modern Chinese campaign. General Jacques Guillermaz points out, quite rightly, that “the methodical nature of the operations, the importance given to fire power and logistical resources, and the tactical use of large and small units all bring the Fifth Campaign closer to certain phases of the 1914–18 war than to traditional Chinese civil wars.” Precisely because of its scope and its methodical nature, the Fifth Campaign, rather than the first four, led Mao, after the Long March, to evolve a theory of guerrilla warfare which “has broken out of the bounds of tactics to knock at the gates of strategy.” This theory, applied first of all to the war against Japan and later to the Third Revolutionary Civil War, was to change the face of China.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © The China Quarterly 1980

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References

1. Jacques Guillermaz, “The fifth encirclement campaign,” unpublished article.

2. Zedong, Mao, “Problems of strategy in guerrilla war against Japan,” Mao Zedong xuanji (Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung), Chinese edition (Beijing, 1966), p. 396Google Scholar.

3. On German military advisers in China, see Walsh, Billie K., “The German military mission in China, 1928–38,” The Journal of Modern History, Vol. 46, No. 3 (09 1974), pp. 502513CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Liu, F. F., A Military History of Modern China, 1924–1949 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1956), pp. 9798Google Scholar.

4. Jiaofei zhanshi (A History of the Encirclement Campaigns Against the Bandits), 6 Vols., Taipei, 1967Google Scholar, and Wuci weijiao zhanshi (A History of the Fifth Encirclement Campaign), 2 Vols., Taipei, 1968Google Scholar.

5. “Resolutions of the Zunyi Conference,” January 1935; “Problems of strategy in China's revolutionary war,” December 1936; “Resolution on some historical problems,” April 1945, as well as articles published in both collections of Hongqi piaopiao (The Red Flag Waves), Beijing, 19571961Google Scholar, and Xinghuo liaoyuan (A Single Spark Can Start A Prairie Fire), Beijing, 19581963Google Scholar.

6. Xuanji, p. 969.

7. See, for example, Hualun, Guo, Zhonggong shilun (Analytical History of the Chinese Communist Party), Taipei, 19691971, Vol. II, pp. 361–62Google Scholar.

8. Xuanji, pp. 230–31.

9. See, in particular, Schram, Stuart, Mao Tse-tung (Harmondsworth, Penguin Books, 1966), p. 176Google Scholar; Guo, , Zhonggong shilun, Vol. II, pp. 478–82Google Scholar; and Donovan, Peter W., The Red Army in Kiangsi, 1931–1934 (Ithaca: Cornell University, 1976, East Asia Papers Series), p. 120Google Scholar.

10. Ch'en, Jerome, “Resolutions of the Tsunyi Conference,” The China Quarterly, No. 40 (10/12 1969), pp. 138, point 13CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

11. See in particular De, Zhu, “Yige zhi chengdian he duancu tuji di zhanli” (“An example of a battle for a strong point and a short swift thrust”), Genring yu zhanzheng (Revolution and War), No. 9 (10 09 1934), pp. 714Google Scholar.

12. With the exception of brief instructions signed jointly by Lin Biao and Nie Rongzhen, commander and political commissar respectively of the First Army Group, dated 9 May 1932 (Chen Cheng collection, 8). This document gives an account of the discovery of a counter-revolutionary plot fomented by Huang Zhongyue and Xiao Xizhun, commander and chief of general staff respectively of the 15th Army of the Fifth Army Group. Other instructions, one example of which was issued by the Revolutionary Military Council and signed by Zhu De, Wang Jiaxiang and Peng Dehuai, speak of the affair in almost identical terms. The instructions signed by Lin Biao and Nie Rongzhen cannot therefore be considered as a text expressing the personal ideas of Lin Biao. For the English translation of the text, see Robinson, Thomas, A Politico-Military Biography of Lin Piao, Part I, 1907–1949 (Santa Monica: The Rand Corporation, 1971), pp. 7881Google Scholar.

13. This interpretation is upheld by Whitson, William in The Chinese High Command (New York: Praeger, 1973), p. 58CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Robinson, Thomas, A Politico-Military Biography of Lin Piao, pp. 2122Google Scholar. It should be pointed out that their hypothesis is contradicted by the testimony of Braun, Otto, according to which Biao, Lin was “politically … a blank sheet on which Mao could write what he pleased” [“Mao Tse-tung's climb to power,” Far Eastern Affairs (Moscow), No. 1 (1974), p. 96]Google Scholar. Braun, Otto also stated that Lin frequently attended the Revolutionary Military Council in Mao's name, and overtly attacked the military policy of the Central Committee (“Von Schanghai bis Jänan,” Horizont (East Berlin) (1969), No. 30, p. 32)Google Scholar.

14. A complete English translation of this text is given in the Annex.

15. Guo, , Zhonggong shilun, Vol. II, p. 471Google Scholar.

16. Snow, Edgar, Random Notes on Red China, 1936–1945 (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press), 2nd edit., p. 30Google Scholar.

17. Jiaofei zhanshi, Vol. VI, p. 1242.

18. The journal Geming yu zhanzheng consisted of two different editions. The first was published by the Red Army General Political Department. The first two issues of this edition, which appeared in August 1932, are in the Chen Cheng Collection. The second edition was published by the Revolutionary Military Council of the Central Government of the Chinese Soviet Republic. Seven issues of this edition (Nos. 1, 2, 3, 4, 7, 8 and 9) are in the Chen Cheng Collection. No. 4 dates from 18 May 1934, and No. 7 from 27 July 1934.

19. I will return to this point later on.

20. Braun, Otto, Chinesische Aufzeichnungen (1932–1939) (East Berlin: Dietz Verlag, 1973), p. 104Google Scholar.

21. Fu, Hua, “Geming zhanzheng di poqie wenti” (“An urgent problem of revolutionary war”), Geming yu zhanzheng, No. 2 (04 1934), pp. 15Google Scholar.

22. Hua Fu, “Lun hongjun zai baolei zhuyi xia di zhanshu” (“On the tactics of the Red Army in the blockhouse war”), ibid. No. 3 (20 April 1934), pp. 1–9.

23. Hua Fu, “Fandui jujie women di zhanshu” (“We oppose a mistaken interpretation of our tactics”), ibid. No. 4 (18 May 1934), pp. 1–7.

24. See Annex, point 7.

25. See Annex, point 5.

26. Fu, Hua, “Geming zhanzheng di poqie wenti,” p. 2Google Scholar.

27. See Annex, point 12.

28. Fu, Hua, “Fandui jujie women di zhanshu,” p. 7Google Scholar.

29. See Annex, point 14.

30. Fu, Hua, “Duancu tuji di zhanli” (“Examples of short swift thrusts”), Geming yu zhanzheng, No. 7 (25 07 1934), p. 10Google Scholar.

31. Lin Biao's article was written between 19 May and 5 July 1934. See, supra, p. 253.

32. See Annex, Section III.

33. Enlai, Zhou, “Zai quanguo zhengzhi gongzuo huiyi shang di baogao” (“Report to the national conference on political work”), Hongxing (Red Star), No. 29 (18 02 1934), pp. 34Google Scholar.

34. Guo, , Zhonggong shilun, Vol. IV, pp. 438–42Google Scholar.

35. See Enlai, Zhou, “Wuci zhanyi zhong women di shengli—Inn chijiuzhan” (“Our victories in the Fifth Campaign: on protracted war”), Hongxing No. 33 (18 03 1934), pp. 13Google Scholar.

36. Bocheng, Liu, “Lun zhanshu zhanlue di shidaixing yu women hongjun muqian dui zhanshu zhanlue renshi wenti” (“On modern characteristics of tactics and strategy and the problem of the Red Army's present knowledge of tactics and strategy”), Geming yu zhanzheng, No. 1 (1 08 1932), pp. 1422Google Scholar.

37. Ibid. p. 21.

38. See Annex, point 23.

39. Jiaofei zhanshi, Vol. III, pp. 353–58; Wuci weijiao zhanshi, Vol. I, pp. 211–31. For a communist account of the battle, see Hekong, Liu, “Donghuashan zhandou” (“The battle of Donghuashan”), Huoxian shang di yinian (A Year at the Front), Jiangxi, 1934, pp. 9193Google Scholar, Chen Cheng Collection, reel 7. Unlike the other texts of the same kind, which usually emphasize merely the bravery of communist soldiers and cadres, this article describes the case of a battalion commander and two company commanders who “disobeyed the orders of their superiors, hesitated and fled in the opposite direction to that of the front.” It also says that during the battle, “the Seventh and Ninth Regiments did not have complete control over their troops.”

40. Zhou, , “Wuci zhanyi zhong women di shengli—lun chijiuzhan,” p. 3Google Scholar.

41. Guoping, Yuan, “Xianshi zhandou zhong di zhengzhi gongzuo” (“Political work in the present combat”), Geming yu zhanzheng, No. 4 (18 05 1934), p. 24Google Scholar.

42. The battle of Luoyangbao is not mentioned in any of the works published by the Guomindang authorities. A check up shows that apart from a few details, the events of this battle correspond to those of the battle of Jiangjiadian described in the Jlaofei zhanshi, Vol. III, pp. 383–84. The same place occurs on the ordnance maps of the two camps under different names.

43. See Annex, point 2.

44. Bojian, Liu, “Zai Luoyangbao zhandou zhong di sanshisishi” (“The 34th Division during the battle of Luoyangbao”), Huoxian shang di yinian, pp. 147–49Google Scholar.

45. Ibid.

46. Wales, Nym, Red Dust (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1952), p. 216Google Scholar.

47. Wuci weijiao zhanshi, Vol I, p. 347.

48. Ibid. pp. 272–80; Jiaofei zhanshi, Vol. III, pp. 366–67.

49. Wuci weijiao zhanshi, Vol. I, pp. 272–98; Jiaofei zhanshi, Vol. III, pp. 366–72.

50. Wuci weijiao zhanshi, Vol. I, pp. 391–407; Jiaofei zhanshi, Vol. I, p. 397; Zhenhua, Su, “Gaohulao zhandou” (“The battle of Gaohulao”), Xinghuo Hooyuan, II, pp. 186199Google Scholar; Zhang Zhen, “Lazhuxing gaodi shangdi fangyuzhan” (“The defensive battle on the heights of Lachuhsing”), ibid. pp. 200–205.

51. Braun, Otto, “Mao Tse-tung's climb to power,” pp. 9596Google Scholar. William Whitson says that the First Army Group was undoubtedly the best equipped force of the First Front Army; he argues that between December 1930 and December 1933 the First Army Group took twice as many prisoners and war booty as did the Third and Fifth Army Groups put together (see Whitson, , The Chinese High Command, pp. 278–80Google Scholar). This statement seems rash because it omits to take a vital factor into consideration: a certain degree of division of labour among the three army groups. Their different ways of fighting probably explain why Lin Biao's troops took more prisoners and booty than the troops of Peng Dehuai and Dong Zhentang.

52. Guoping, Yuan, “Xianshi zhandou zhong di zhengzhi gongzuo,” pp. 2224Google Scholar. It should be noted that the Third Army Group was responsible for the three “victories” mentioned as examples.

53. Dehuai, Peng, “Gei mou shizhang di xin” (“Letter to a division commander”), Geming yu zhanzheng, No. 9 (19 09 1934), pp. 16Google Scholar.

54. Hongse zhonghua (Red China), No. 189 (16 05 1934), p. 2Google Scholar.

55. Qiang, Fang, “Maozhuxi dao nanxian di yijian shishi” (“The historical truth about President Mao's visit to the southern front”), Hongqi piaopiao, Vol. IV, pp. 7785Google Scholar. [A slightly revised version of this article appeared, with the title “Zengli di guanghui” (“The light of truth”) in the collection, Xinghuo liaoyuan. Vol. II, pp. 225–35.]

56. Ibid.

57. Chu, Gong, Wo yu hongjun (I and the Red Army) (Hong Kong, 1954), p. 489Google Scholar.

58. Snow, Edgar, Red Star Over China (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1972), p. 489Google Scholar.

59. Fu, Hua, “Duancu tuji di zhanli” (“Examples of short, swift thrusts”), Geming yu zhanzheng, No. 7 (25 07 1934), pp. 110Google Scholar. This article gives an eyewitness account, probably that of Otto Braun himself, of two battles, and gives topographical details on the locations. The movements of the troops are described, hour by hour.

60. Ibid. p. 6.

61. Ibid. p. 8.

62. Snow, , Red Star Over China, pp. 401Google Scholar and 412–13.

63. “Resolutions of the Zunyi Conference,” point 13.

64. The extract from Lin Biao's article quoted by Edgar Snow in Random Notes on Red China contains two comments in brackets. The whole article contains about a dozen similar comments. Judging by their authoritarian tone, and by their meaning, which is often the opposite of that expressed by Lin Biao, some of these comments may be supposed to have been made by Otto Braun.

65. “Resolutions of the Zunyi Conference,” points 7, 9 and 11.

66. See Annex, point 12.

67. “Resolutions of the Zunyi Conference,” point 5.

68. Mao Zedong sixiang wansui (Long Live Mao Zedong Thought), n.p., 1969, p. 542. Mao made this statement during talks with members of a delegation from the Japanese Socialist Party.

69. Mao Zetan tongzhi di Sanguozhire” (“Comrade Mao Zetan's passion for the Romance of the Three Kingdoms”), Hongse zhonghua, No. 92 (8 07 1933), p. 6Google Scholar.

70. For a criticism of Lin Biao's military line, from the Yanan period onwards, see the 12 articles in Xuexi Maozhuxi junshi sixiang—pipan Lin Biao zichan jieji junshi luxian (Study the Military Thought of Chairman Mao, Criticize Lin Biao's Bourgeois Military Line), Beijing, 1974.

71. Jun, Gun and Da, Shi, “Jueding xing di lishi zhuanbian—jinian Zunyi huiyi sizhi zhounian” (“A decisive historical change—commemoration of the 40th anniversary of the Zunyi Conference”), Lishi yanjiu (Historical Research), No. 1 (1975), pp. 1819Google Scholar.

72. See Annex, point 12.

73. Schram, Stuart, Mao Tse-tung, pp. 165–66Google Scholar.

74. Hongse zhonghua, No. 89 (29 06 1933), p. 8Google Scholar. This unsigned article, published in June 1933, was incorporated in Mao's Selected Works in 1951. The version in the Selected Works is dated October 1933 and has been largely rewritten. In the new version, Mao has eliminated in particular all the passages dealing with the agrarian policy of the Chinese Soviet Republic.

* On the “history” and the authorship of this article, see supra, pp. 253–256.

The meaning of this sentence is not very clear in Chinese.

‡ and § These two comments in brackets were added by Otto Braun.