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The Last Battle: Mao and the Internationalists’ fight for the Liberation Daily*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  12 February 2009

Patricia Stranahan
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Extract

Although scholars have examined the struggle between Mao Zedong and the Internationalists associated with Wang Ming and Bo Gu for control of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in some detail, they have ignored the final battle between the two groups. That confrontation did not take place in the Central Committee or at the Seventh Party Congress in 1945. Rather, new source materials from the People's Republic and a close reading of the newspaper itself show that it took place in the Party's primary propaganda organ, the Liberation Daily (Jiefang ribao).

Type
Research Notes
Information
The China Quarterly , Volume 123 , September 1990 , pp. 521 - 537
Copyright
Copyright © The China Quarterly 1990

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References

1 For discussions on the struggle between Wang Ming and Mao see Benton, Gregor, “The ‘Second Wang Ming line’ (1935–1938),” China Quarterly, No. 61 (1975), pp. 61–94CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Kui-Kwong, Shum, The Chinese Communists’ Road to Power: the anti-Japanese National United Front 1935–1945 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988)Google Scholar; Ming, Wang, Mao's Betrayal (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1979)Google Scholar; Garver, John W., “The origins of the Second United Front: the Comintern and the Chinese Communist Party,” China Quarterly, No. 113 (1988), pp. 29–59CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Garver, John W., Chinese-Soviet Relations 1937–1945 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988)Google Scholar; Wylie, Raymond F., The Emergence of Maoism (Stanford: Stanford Univesity Press, 1980).Google Scholar

2 Jiefang ribao (Liberation Daily). (Hereafter JFRB) Yan'an, 1941–47. The newspaper is found at the Hoover Institute at Stanford University. Microfilm copies are widely available.

Between 1981 and 1984, the journal News Research Material (Xinwen yanjiu ziliao) published a series of articles examining the Liberation Daily. These reveal the inner workings of the newspaper through analyses, chronologies and personal memoirs. Their appearance has, for the first time, given scholars access to the information they need to penetrate the political infighting at the Liberation Daily and to examine the newspaper at a microlevel. They add valuable information to the study not only of this important medium but to the Communist Party itself during a critical period in its history.

Additional valuable materials concerning the newspaper are found in the neibu collection at the library of the Fairbank East Asian Research Center at Harvard University. See particularly: Yan ‘an zhengfeng yundong (Yan ‘an's rectification movement) (Beijing: Zhonggong zhongying dangxiao chubanshe, 1984); Zhongguo gongchandang xinwen gongzuo wenjian huibian (Compilation of documents on journalism in the CCP), Vol. 1 and 3 (Beijing: Xinhua chubanshe, 1980).

3 In January 1941, Kuomintang forces attacked and decimated Communist forces in Anhui Province. That attack ended any pretence to a United Front between the two groups.

4 Shaoqin, Jia, “1936 nian Xi'an faxing de Jiefang ribao” (The JFRB published in Xi'an in 1936), Xinwen yanjiu ziliao, No. 24 (1984), p. 204Google Scholar; “Yan'an Jiefang ribao shi dagang” (”An outline of Yan'an's JFRB history”), Xinwen yanjiu ziliao, No. 17(1983), p. 7;Jing, Wang, “Chen Kehan tongzhi tan Yan'an Jiefang ribao” (“Comrade Chen Kehan discusses Yan'an's JFRB”), Xinwen yanjiu ziliao, No. 26 (1984), p. 117.Google Scholar

5 “Zhonggong zhongying guanyu chuban Jiefang ribao deng wenti de tongzhi” (“CCP's Central Committee information regarding several problems in publishing the Jiefang ribao”) in Journalism in the CCP, p. 97.

6 “An outline of Yan'an's JFRB history,” p. 8.

7 Claire, and Band, William, Two Years with the Chinese Communists (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1948), p. 256Google Scholar; JFRB, 16 May 1941, p. 1.

8 These and subsequent observations on the Liberation Daily are based upon the author's reading of the entire six years of the newspaper. That close examination of the Liberation Daily is the foundation of the author's manuscript Molding the Medium: the Liberation Daily and the Communist Party (Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 1990), an analysis of the newspaper's political role in the Shaan-Gan-Ning Border Region and an annotated survey of its contents.

9 In a recent interview, Chinese journalist, Li Rui, an original staff member of the Liberation Daily, stated that an article's placement in the newspaper was more important than its contents and is a good indication of what those in control deemed important. 13 January 1989, Li Rui interview with Christina Gilmartin, Harvard University.

10 Dan, Chen, “Huiyi Jiefang ribao she de gongzuo” (“Recollections of the work of the JFRB”), Xinwen yanjiu ziliao, No. 22 (1983), p. 15. The author's own reading of articles from the period confirms this point.Google Scholar

11 “An outline of Yan'an's JFRB,” p. 25.

12 Ibid. p. 26.

13 This discussion comes from the author's reading of the columns.

14 For an analysis of how this affected Communist Party policy concerning women see: Stranahan, Patricia, Yan'an Women and the Communist Party (Berkeley: Berkeley Center for Chinese Studies, Chinese Research Monograph, No. 26, 1983),Google Scholar Chap. IV. The 8 March article has been translated widely. One good translation is Benton, Gregor, “The Yenan Opposition,” New Left Review, No. 92 (1975), pp. 102–105.Google Scholar

15 These essays appeared on 9 March, 11 March, 12 March, 23 March, 25 March, 3 April and 8 April.

16 For a discussion of this see Benton, “The Yenan Opposition,” pp. 93–106.

17 Peter Seybolt argues that up to the time of Wang's “Learn from Mao Zedong” speech, no one had so clearly and systematically set out Mao's claim to legitimacy. This was an odd capitulation from a man who had mounted the most serious challenge to Mao's power in his 1932 tract entitled “Struggle for the further Bolshevization of the Communist Party of China.” Ironically, “Further Bolshevization” was republished in 1940 at a time when Mao appeared to have prevailed over Wang Ming. According to Seybolt, at the Sixth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee (October 1938), Mao called for a Study campaign saying “theoretical study is a condition of victory.” Wang Ming and members of the Internationalists, all of whom had studied Marxist theory in Moscow, seized the initiative by creating a number of research associations to provide study materials. Wang Ming directed the Marxist-Leninist Research Association which was probably responsible for republishing his 1932 tract. Two months after its reappearance, Wang repudiated “Further Bolshevization” and affirmed Mao's views in his speech at the Zedong Youth Cadre School. See: Peter J. Seybolt, “Tribute to a ‘crane among chickens': Wang Ming's capitulation to Mao Zedong,” East Asia Insight, pp. 93–95.

18 For an example of his acquiescence see: Bo Gu, “Dangbao jizhe yan zhuyi xie shenme wenti” (“To what problems should party newspaper reporters pay attention?”), Journalism in the CCP, Vol. 3, pp. 203–205. This is dated 1944, well after the reform and Bo Gu's own loss of power in the newspaper. Nevertheless, it is an appropriate example to be used in this context.

19 Fengchao, Wang and Songdong, Yue (comp.), “Yan'an Jiefang ribao dashiji” (“Great events in Yan'an's JFRB”), Xinwen yanjiu ziliao, No. 26 (1984), p. 133.Google Scholar

20 These observations come from the author's reading of the Liberation Daily.

21 See “Zhongying dangxiao longzhong kaixue” (“Central Committee's Party school ceremoniously begins study”), JFRB, 2 February 1943, p. 3.

22 Wylie, The Emergence of Maoism, p. 164.

23 To take charge of rectification Mao appointed the “Central Commission to Lead Rectification,” Liu Shaoqi, Kang Sheng, Chen Yun, Peng Zhen, Gao Gang and Li Fuchun - all supporters of Mao - composed it. Kang Sheng served as chairman until January 1943 when Liu Shaoqi returned from Central China and took over. Kang was responsible for implementing the rectification study programme in the Party while Li Fuchun was responsible for it at the Central Party School. See Ming, Wang, Mao's Betrayal, p. 55; Timothy Cheek, “The fading of wild lilies: Wang Shiwei and Mao Zedong's ‘Yan'an talks’ in the first CPC rectification movement,” The Australian Journal of Chinese Affairs, No. 11 (1984), p. 37.Google Scholar

24 Top level cadres no longer went to Moscow to study. Educating them within the Border Region became the norm as more than 4,000 cadres took part in a study movement during 1939–40. They attended the Central Party School, the Anti-Japanese Military and Political University, the Lu Xun Academy of Arts and Literature, or the Academy of Natural Sciences in Yan'an. See Wylie, The Emergence of Maoism, pp. 59–60; Teiwes, Frederick C., Politics and Purges in China (White Plains: M.E. Sharpe, 1979), pp. 64 and 66.Google Scholar

25 This figure comes from the author's own count of articles.

26 See JFRB, 2 February 1942, p. 1; 27 March 1942, p 1; 7 April 1942, p. 1; 10 April 1942, p. 4, (three articles); 27 April 1942, p. 1; 18 June 1942, p. 1; 27 June 1942, p. 4. Most of these are translated in Compton, Boyd, Mao's China: Party Reform Documents, 1933–1942 (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1966).Google Scholar It is not surprising that none of the 24 articles were written by Internationalists. Two were written by former members of the group, however. Chen Yun wrote one on 12 April 1942, p. 4, and Kang Sheng wrote one on 22 April 1942, p. 1.

27 See, for example, JFRB, 14 December 1941, p. 4; 18 and 19 February 1942, p. 3; 2 April 1942, p. 1; 17 and 19 April 1942, p. 2; 16 June 1942, p. 2; 13 July 1943, p. 1; 17 July 1943, p. 2.

28 Wylie, The Emergence of Maoism, p. 160.

29 Liu may have questioned Mao's soundness as a theoretician but he was rapidly moving to the Maoist camp. Next to Mao, Liu Shaoqi wrote the largest number of official documents used for the study movement. See JFRB, 13–14 April 1942, p. 4; 9 October 1942, p. 1–2; 6 July 1943, p. 1. All are translated in Boyd Compton, Mao's China.

30 Wylie, The Emergence of Maoism, pp. 160 and 164.

31 See: “Fandui dangbagu” (“Oppose party formalism”) by Zedong, Mao, JFRB, 18 June 1942, pp. 1Google Scholar and 2; “Qingsuan dangnei de Menshiweizhuqi sixiang” (“Liquidate Menshevik thought”) by Liu Shaoqi, JFRB, 6 July 1943, p. 1.

By ‘foreign formalism” opponents of the Internationalists meant that they continu-ally wrote about their experiences in the Soviet Union rather than illustrating points with Chinese examples understandable to native audiences.

32 The full text of the 1 February speech is found in JFRB, 27 April 1942, p. 1; the 2 February 1942 editorial discusses the speech. Boyd Compton in Mao's China translates the speech, pp. 9–32. The full text of the second speech is found in JFRB, 18 June 1942, pp. 1 and 2; translated in Compton, pp. 33–53. On 3 April 1942 the Central Committee announced that rectification would begin at all levels of the Party. A full text of that announcement is found in JFRB, 7 April 1942; translated in Compton, pp. 3–8.

33 “Ye baihehua” (“Wild lilies”) by Wang Shiwei. JFRB, 13 and 23 March 1942, p. 4. For a translation see Benton, “The Yenan Opposition,” pp. 96–102.

34 “An outline of Yan'an's JFRB,” p. 15.

35 “Zhong xuanbu wei zaizao dangbao de tongzhi” (“Notification of reform of the Party's newspaper from the Central Propaganda Bureau”), JFRB 16 March 1942, p. 1.

36 Li Rui believes that Bo Gu was sincere in his self-criticism, interview, 13 January 1989.

37 Entire discussion is taken from Wang Fengchao and Yue Songdong, “Great events in Yan'an's JFRB” pp. 144–45. Quote is from p. 144.

38 “Zhi duzhe” (“To our readers”), JFRB, 1 April 1942, editorial. Articles on reforms in the JFRB ran for a two-year period. See for example articles on 29 July 1942, p. 4; 4 August 1942, editorial; 25 August 1942, editorial; 1 September 1942, p. 2; 22 September 1942, editorial; 17 November 1942, editorial; 10 June 1943, p. 1; and 16 February 1944, editorial.

39 Districts and staff were: Yan'an-Lin Lang (reporter); Longdong-Miao Haileng (reporter), Zhang Tiefu (editor); Suide-Tian Haiyan (reporter), Tian Fang (editor); Guanzhong-Pu Qianjian (reporter), Han Shengben (editor), Ge Ling (editor); Sanbian-Jiang Kefu (reporter), Liu Mobing (editor). See “An outline of Yan'an's JFRB,” p. 41.

40 “Benbao chuangkan yiqianqi” (“The newspaper's initial 1,000 issues”), JFRB, 16 February 1944, editorial.

41 Wang Jing “Comrade Chen Kehan on Yan'an's JFRB,” p. 120.

42 Ibid. p. 120.

43 “An outline of Yan'an's JFRB” p. 35.

44 “Zhonggong zhongying xibeiju guanyu Jiefang ribao gongzuo wenti de jueding” (“The CCP's Central Committee North-west bureau's decision regarding the Liberation Daily's work problems”), pp. 132–34, and “Zhonggong zhongying xibeiju guanyu Jiefang ribao jige wenti de tongzhi” (“The CCP's Central Committee North-west bureau's information regarding several problems in the Liberation Daily”), pp. 141–44. Both documents are found in Journalism in the CCP.

45 Boorman, Howard L., ed. Biographical Dictionary of Republican China, Vol. 2 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1971), p. 453.Google Scholar

46 Wang Ming, Mao's Betrayal, p. 137.

47 Chen Dan, “Recollections of the JFRB,” p. 13.

48 Wang Fengchao and Yue Songdong “Great events in Yan'an's JFRB,” p. 162–63.

49 This count comes from the author's survey of the newspaper.

50 From the author's reading of the columns, it appears that the Central Committee took more interest in “Study.” Peng Zhen, a close associate of Mao's and a member of the Central Commission to Lead Rectification edited it along with Lu Dingyi. Lu wrote the lead article of the first column. Certainly among later recollections and scholarly publications, it is the column referred to most.

51 Data comes from the author's reading of the Liberation Daily.

52 “An outline of Yan'an's JFRB,” pp. 27.

53 Garver, Chinese-Soviet Relations 1937–1945, p. 244. For a discussion and translation of Mao's speech on the Border Region economy see Watson, Andrew, Mao Zedong and the Political Economy of the Border Region (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980).Google Scholar

54 Garver, Chinese-Soviet Relations 1937–1945, p. 243.

55 Ibid. pp. 243–48.

56 Ibid. pp. 244–45. According to Wang Ming, Mao's approach to reconciliation was to poison Wang. He claims that in 1942 and 1943 he received large doses of a mercury preparation which slowly poisoned him. Only when he complained in 1943 did the Central Committee send consultants from the Yan'an Central Hospital, the Norman Bethune Peace Hospital and the Yan'an Medical Institute to investigate. They apparently supported Wang's claim. See Wang Ming, Mao's Betrayal, pp. 40–42.

57 Bo Gu, “Zai Mao Zedong de qizhi xia, wei baowei Zhongguo gongchandang er zhan” (“Fight to defend the CCP under the banner of Mao Zedong”) JFRB, 13 July 1943, p. 1.

58 For examples on Wu Manyou see JFRB, 30 April 1941, p. 1, editorial, p. 2; 6 May 1942, editorial; 11 January 1943, editorial; 15 March 1943, pp. 1 and 2; 15 March 1943, editorial; 11 December 1943, p. 1; 14–17 December 1943, p. 4.

For Zhao Zhangui see JFRB, 13–14 September 1942, p. 4; 29 September 1942, p. 2; 22 December 1942, (zhuanlun); 7 February 1943, (dailun); 7 May 1943, (dailun).