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Xinjiang and Wang Enmao: New Directions in Power, Policy and Integration?

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  17 February 2009

Extract

At first glance, it would seem that over the past two decades Chinese Communist Party (CCP) power and policy in the distant Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region (XUAR) of the People's Republic of China have travelled full circle. By late 1981 the region's foremost pre-Cultural Revolution leader, Wang Enmao, and many of the more moderate and pragmatic policies he had come to advocate for consolidating CCP (and Han) control without unduly provoking the sensitivities of the majority non-Han (and primarily Islamic) indigenous population, had returned.2 Thus, the stage was set for Xinjiang's de novo overall integration with the rest of China. Against a brief historical backdrop this article will analyse recent leadership and policy trends in strategically-located Xinjiang, particularly the significance of Wang's return. It will then assess subsequent socio-economic developments and discuss their relevance to security and defence-related issues. Finally, some conclusions will be made concerning the always complex process of integration, in terms of both its nature and degree and its interaction with the processes of ‘modernization.’

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © The China Quarterly 1984

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References

1. This broad-brush treatment is based upon the author's continued reading of mainland China media and interviews with informants (primarily in Hong Kong) over the past half decade, a personal visit to Xinjiang in March 1982, and other reports and observations.

2. The author has treated these events in greater detail in Chinese Communist Power and Policy in Xinjiang, 1949–77 (Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1979)Google Scholar;

3. This, of course, is not to deny that China had, and continued to have, a “continenta-list” policy which placed a premium on retaining imperial authority (and thus legitimacy) in the regions beyond the Great Wall. Zuo Zongtang's campaigns against Yakub Beg in the 1870s were reflective of this attitude.

4. McMillen, Donald H., “The Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps: a Han organisation in a non-Han region,” Australian Journal of Chinese Affairs, No. 6 (07 1981), pp. 6596CrossRefGoogle Scholar;

5. At the same time, the CCP, for obvious reasons, abolished the minority language written scripts based upon Cyrillic that had been launched in Xinjiang with Soviet advice in 1956 and replaced them with new Latinized versions.

6. A radio propaganda war was subsequently launched from both sides of the Sino-Soviet border in the Xinjiang region. India was also deemed to be a security threat as a result of events in Tibet (1959) and hostilities along the Sino-Indian borders (1962).

7. Feng, Wang was quoted as saying that such efforts had encountered “great resistance amidst acute struggle”. Urumqi Radio, 4 02 1979Google Scholar; in United States Government, Foreign Broadcast Information Service – People's Republic of China, Daily Report (hereafter FBIS–PRC), 5 02 1979, pp. M68Google Scholar;

8. Xinjiang ribao (Xinjiang Daily, hereafter XJRB) editorial, 4 July 1979.

9. See, e.g. Urumqi Radio, 30 December 1979, in FBIS–PRC, 1 January 1980, p. Ml.

10. Urumqi Radio, 4 February 1979, in FBIS–PRC, 5 February 1979, p. M6.

11. Bonavia, David, Far Eastern Economic Review (hereafter FEER), 15 05 1981, p. 34Google Scholar; The author visited Xinjiang in March 1982.

12. The reorganization and various problems of the Xinjiang PCC are discussed in McMillen, , “Xinjiang and the Production and Construction Corps,” pp. 8588Google Scholar;

13. See, e.g. Urumqi Radio, 21 January 1971, in British Broadcasting Corporation, Summary of World Broadcasts I Far East (SWB/FE), No. 3599, BII, p. 16Google Scholar;

14. Beijing Review, Vol. 23, No. 16 (21 04 1980), p. 7Google Scholar; and Renmin ribao (People's Daily, hereafter RMRB) editorial, 16 March 1979.

15. Beijing Review, Vol. 23, No. 31 (4 08 1980), p. 19Google Scholar; and XJRB, 3 May 1979, cited by Urumqi Radio, 3 May 1979, in FBIS–PRC, 9 May 1979, pp. Tl–2.

16. Xinhua (New China) News Agency (hereafter XHNA) (Urumqi), 9 07 1980, in SWB/FE, No. 6467, BII, pp. 12Google Scholar;

17. Interviews by the author with informants in China and Hong Kong, December 1980, November 1981 and March 1982.

18. These economic problems and the various measures taken to solve them are detailed in XHNA, Urumqi, 2, 7 and 9 July and 7 August 1980. Significantly, the bulk of Xinjiang's minority population resides in the western portion of the Tarim Basin, which has remained less accessible than the northern districts due to distance and poor communications. It also has remained relatively underdeveloped economically and comparatively more Muslim in cultural-religious terms.

19. “Ba Yi Radio” (clandestine, probably from the Soviet Union, in Mandarin to China), 28 July 1980, in SWB/FE, No. 6484, A3, p. 6;Crook, David, “Notes on the new marches (Xinjiang),” Eastern Horizon, Vol. XIX, No: 11 (11 1980), pp. 3940Google Scholar; and International Herald Tribune, 14 September 1981. While these reports may have been exaggerated, their basic veracity was strengthened by interviews the author conducted with informants in Hong Kong in December 1980, November 1981 and March 1982. During the author's March 1982 visit to Xinjiang, local cadres also admitted that there had been such disturbances over the previous three-year period, particularly in southern Xinjiang at Aksu. The author's request to visit Aksu was denied for “logistical reasons”.

20. Urumqi Radio, 30 September and 5 October 1980 andBeijing Radio, 6 10 1980, in SWB/FE, No. 6544, BII, pp. 45Google Scholar; and Urumqi Radio, 9 October 1980, in SWBjFE, No. 6549, BII, pp. 1–2.

21. Urumqi Radio, 23 October 1980, in SWB/FE, No. 6560, BII, p. 10.

22. Guangming ribao (Enlightenment Daily), editorial, 11 December 1979. Some informants from China interviewed by the author in Hong Kong in November 1981 and March 1982 claimed that “thousands of youths” had returned to Shanghai from Xinjiang during and after the Cultural Revolution. One report said that in the 1979–82 period alone some 20,000 youths had illegally ran back to the municipality from the region. See Newsweek, 28 June 1982.

23. Interviews by the author with informants from China, Hong Kong, November 1981 and March 1982. See also, McLaren, Anne, “The educated youth return: the poster campaign in Shanghai from November 1978 to March 1979,” The Australian Journal of Chinese Affairs, No. 2 (07 1979), pp. 120CrossRefGoogle Scholar;

24. Hong Kong Times report cited by Bonavia, David, PEER, 16 03 1981, pp. 3031Google Scholar;Zhengming (Contending) (Hong Kong), No. 5 (1 05 1981), pp. 2024Google Scholar; and informants from China interviewed by the author in Hong Kong in December 1980 and November 1981.

25. Ibid. Wang was to make further “inspection tours” to the troubled region in late January 1981, May 1981 and August 1981. During the latter visit, he was accompanied by Deng Xiaoping in what was to be a highly significant event in light of later developments in Xinjiang. International Herald Tribune, 14 September 1981.

26. Urumqi Radio, 16 March 1981, in FBIS–PRC, 17 March 1981, pp. Tl–2.

27. These views were expressed to the author by minority nationals and Han PCC workers formerly resident in the region in interviews conducted in Hong Kong in November 1981 and March 1982. It was not surprising that in the view of many non-Han elements, the PCC in particular had evolved into a “Han mini-state” within the already Han-dominated region.

28. XHNA, Urumqi, 31 05 1982, in SWB/FE, No. 7042, BII, p. 5Google Scholar; The author also saw these publications, in Arabic and Uygur scripts, on bookshop shelves in Urumqi in March 1982.

29. In fact, Xianfa, Xiao, China's religious affairs director, openly decried the fact that “some religious dissidents” had used their restored freedoms for disruptive purposes. Cited in FEER, 1 05 1981, p. 9Google Scholar; and Bonavia, DavidFEER, 15 05 1981, p. 33Google Scholar;

30. Urumqi Radio, 6 and 9 July 1980, in FBIS–PRC, 11 June 1980, pp. Tl–2. It was explained that “conditions had not yet matured sufficiently” for the use of both the old and new scripts. XHNA, Urumqi, 19 09 1982, in SWB/FE, No. 7137, BII, p. 5Google Scholar;

31. For further details, see XHNA, Urumqi, 7 08 1980, in SWB/FE, No. 6495, BII, pp. 1213Google Scholar; and Urumqi Radio, 20 September 1980, in SWB/FE, No. 6530, BII, p. 6.

32. Ta Kung Pao (Hong Kong), 17 01 1980Google Scholar; These efforts were noted by the author during his March 1982 visit to Xinjiang.

33. Urumqi Radio, 29 09 1979, in SWB/FE, No. 5633, BII, pp. 1213Google Scholar;

34. Informants from China interviewed by the author in Hong Kong, December 1980, November 1981 and March 1982.

35. See, e.g.Urumqi Radio, 18 05 1982, in SWB–FE, No. 7035, BII, p. 16Google Scholar;

36. Urumqi Radio, 27 05 1980, in SWBjFE, No. 6432, BII, p. 14Google Scholar;

37. Urumqi Radio, 19 May 1980, in FBIS–PRC, 20 May 1980, p. T4. Xiao Quanfu returned to this theme again in November 1981, thus indicating that the problems continued. Urumqi Radio, 11 11 1981, in SWB/FE, No. 6884, BII, p. 6Google Scholar; It is likely that some of the affected units may have been in the Xinjiang PCC.

38. These widespread problems in China's PLA are discussed in greater detail in McMillen, Donald H., “China's political battlefront: Deng Xiaoping and the military,” Asia Pacific Community, No. 18 (winter 1982), pp. 129–41Google Scholar;

39. A more detailed discussion of these perceptions can be found in the author's The Urumqi Military Region: defense and security in China's west,” Asian Survey, Vol. XXII, No. 8 (08 1982), pp. 705–31Google Scholar;

40. See Urumqi Radio, 9 09 1981, in SWB/FE, No. 6831, BII, p. 7Google Scholar; According to one report, there was serious infighting between Han and non-Han members of the Xinjiang CCP Committee itself. International Herald Tribune, 14 September 1981.

41. Gu had most recently been a deputy political commissar in the Guangzhou Military Region. Significantly, however, he had previously been director of the Mass Work Department of the PLA's General Political Department.

42. Quoted by Urumqi Radio, 4 09 1981, in SWB/FE, No. 6822, BII, pp. 1011Google Scholar;

43. Urumqi Radio, 20 09 1981, in SWB/FE, No. 6850, BII, p. 14Google Scholar; Song Zhihe, an XUAR vice-chairman and Party secretary who outlined those problems was, in all probability, later purged for the very shortcomings he had spoken about (and for which he was a responsible cadre).

44. See, e.g.Urumqi Radio, 17 08 1982, in SWB/FE, No. 7110, p. 7Google Scholar;

45. Zhengming, No. 9 (1 09 1981), pp. 1011Google Scholar; and International Herald Tribune, 14 September 1981.

46. RMRB, 17 April and 31 May 1982; Urumqi Radio, 3 May 1982 in SWBjFE, No. 7026, BII, pp. 7–8; FEER, 18 June 1982, p. 9; Beijing Review, 31 October 1983, p. 4; and informants from China interviewed by the author in Hong Kong, November 1981 and March 1982.

47. Urumqi Radio, 29 10 1981, in SWB/FE, No. 6869, BII, pp. 1012Google Scholar; and Urumqi Radio, 7 11 1981, in SWB/FE, No. 6882, BII, pp. 910Google Scholar;

48. Urumqi Radio, 6 01 1982, in SWBjFE, No. 6925, C, pp. 56Google Scholar;

49. Urumqi Radio, 3 04 1983, in SWB/FE, No. 7300, BII, p. 15Google Scholar;

50. Urumqi Radio, 3 05 1982, in SWB/FE, No. 7026, BII, pp. 78Google Scholar;

51. XHNA, Urumqi, 13 06 1982, in SWB/FE, No. 7056, BII, p. 10Google Scholar; One report during I this drive said that it was proving to be a “protracted and incessant struggle”. People were I constantly being admonished to “fight against speeches and deeds harmful to national Blity”. Urumqi Radio, 24 08 1982, in SWB/FE, No. 7115, BII, pp. 67Google Scholar;

52. Urumqi Radio, 26 10 1982, in SWB/FE, No. 7170, BII, p. 13Google Scholar;

53. Urumqi Radio, 11 06 1982, in SWB/FE, No. 7055, BII, p. 10Google Scholar; See also Urumqi Radio, I 06 1982, in SWB/FE, No. 7050, BII, p. 3Google Scholar;

54. Urumqi Radio, 6 06 1982, in SWB/FE, No. 7055, BII, p. 10Google Scholar;

55. Cited in RMRB, 17 October 1982. Speaking on the same topic from Kashi at this time, Ismail Amat, a Uygur secretary of the XUAR CCP Committee and chairman of the XUAR People's Government, also mentioned the need “to deal resolute blows at crimes by enemies at home and abroad in sabotaging the unity of nationalities Urumqi Radio, 22 10 1982, in SWB/FE, No. 7170, BII, p. 13Google Scholar; It is quite possible that this marked a slight retreat from the overtly lenient nationalites policies outlined in Tibet in early 1980 by Hu Yaobang and the apparent floodtide of “nationality resurgence” it subsequently engendered there and in other minority regions.

56. Quoted by Urumqi Radio, 22 and 23 12 1982, in SWBjFE, No. 7230, C, p. 16Google Scholar;

57. These were good strips of land for mechanized farming, good channels, good roads, good forest belts and good management centres. Urumqi Radio, 25 04 1982, in SWB/FE, No. 7021, BII, p. 15Google Scholar;

58. Urumqi Radio, 17 08 1982, in SWB/FE, No. 7110, BII, pp. 78Google Scholar;

59. For details, see XHNA, 11 06 1982, in SWB/FE, No. 7055, BII, pp. 12Google Scholar; and McMillen, , Chinese Communist Power, pp. 138–46 and 157–62Google Scholar;

60. Urumqi Radio, 4 07 1982, in SWB/FE, No. W1197, A, p. 15Google Scholar;

61. XHNA, Urumqi, 13 06 1982, in SWB/FE, No. 7056, BII, p. 10Google Scholar;

62. Quoted in RMRB, 17 October 1982.

63. Urumqi Radio, 20 10 1982, in SWB/FE, No. W1209, A, p. 6Google Scholar;

64. RMRB, 3 June 1982; and Ta Kung Pao (Hong Kong), 10 06 1982Google Scholar;

65. Urumqi Radio, 1 06 1982, in SWB/FE, No. 7043, BII, pp. 13Google Scholar; In fact, Wang Zhen stated that the organizational system of the Corps had been abolished as a result of earlier destruction and persecution by the “gang of four”. He said practice had proved that it had been an inappropriate move. Quoted by Urumqi Radio, 2 06 1982, in SWB/FE, No. 7044, BII, p. 4Google Scholar;

66. There were said to be 10 divisions and three management bureaus in the Corps as of late 1982. See, Urumqi Radio, 27 09 1982, in SWB/FE, No. W1206, A, p. 12Google Scholar;

67. Urumqi Radio, 9 06 1982, in 1982, in SWB/FE, No. 7050, BII, pp. 23Google Scholar;

68. In fact, in May 1983 the Corps commander, Chen Shi, complained that the implementation of the production responsibility system in the PCC was still being obstructed by cadres who could not free themselves from “old conventions and leftist influences”. Nonetheless, he vowed that the new policy line would not be abandoned. Urumqi Radio, 30 05 1983, in SWB/FE, No.7350, BII, p. 7Google Scholar; This was complicated by the fact that some of the PCC youth had continued their demands for even further policy liberalization and better living conditions, in some cases by such actions as passive boycotts. See, RMRB, 5 and 7 November 1982.

69. These 1982 estimated totals were 2,000 million yuan ($1,040 million) and 8,060 million yuan ($4,191.2 million), respectively. See Urumqi Radio, 15 02 1983, in SWB/FE, No. W1226, A, p. 7Google Scholar; and Urumqi Radio, 22–23 12 1983, in SWB/FE, No. 7230, C, p. 11Google Scholar;

70. In fact, renewed efforts were made after 1981 not only to attract new intellectuals for settlement in Xinjiang but to entice back those who had left the region earlier for their urban origins. “Rational readjustments” in terms of misemployment and low salaries were promised to them by Wang Enmao himself. Urumqi Radio, 19 11 1982, in SWB/FE, No. W1213, A, p. 11Google Scholar;

71. See, e.g. XHNA, Beijing, 25 08 1982, in SWB/FE, No. W1201, A, p. 2Google Scholar;

72. XHNA, 14 10 1982, in SWB/FE, No. 7164, BII, P. 12Google Scholar; and Beijing Review, 16 August 1982, pp. 23–26.

73. See, McMillen, , “The Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps,’ pp. 7578Google Scholar;

74. Urumqi Radio, 12 05 1982, in SWB/FE, No. 7029, BII, p. 12Google Scholar.

75. Many of these leaders also had a background in the PLA First Field Army or had connections with Deng's former loyalty system based in southwestern China and in the PLA Second Field Army group. These included Tian Zhong, Yang Yiqing, Huang Yuchen, Xing Yuanlin, Li Changlin, and (for a time) Gu Jingsheng.

76. Urumqi Radio, 24 09 1982, in SfVB/FE, No. 7138, BII, p. 15Google Scholar;

77. Urumqi Radio, 27 10 1982, in SWB/FE, No. 7174, BII, p. 16Google Scholar;

78. Urumqi Radio, 10 09 1982, in SWB/FE, No. 7130, BII, p. 4Google Scholar;

79. Urumqi Radio, 11 10 1982, in SWB/FE, No. 7158, BII, p. 17Google Scholar;

80. Urumqi Radio, 26 12 1982, in SWB/FE, No. 7230, C, p. 10Google Scholar;

81. Urumqi Radio, 14 01 1983, in SWB/FE, No. 7244, BH, p. 11Google Scholar;

82. After its reorganization in early 1983 the committee's average age only marginally declined from 59–6 to 57–7 years, while members with a post-secondary school education increased from two to a total of three. Notably absent from this committee was Gu Jingsheng, who had run Party affairs in Xinjiang in the transition period between Wang Feng's removal and Wang Enmao's return. It is possible that he was transferred elsewhere.

83. XHNA, Urumqi, 13 04 1982Google Scholar; and Beijing Radio, 21 07 1982, in SWB/FE, No. 7090, BH, p. 17Google Scholar;

84. McMillen, , “The Urumqi Military Region,” pp. 716–20Google Scholar;

85. The author has treated this topic in greater detail in ibid. pp. 711–31.

86. See, e.g. Beijing Radio, 21 07 1982, in SWB/FE, No. 7090, BII, p. 17Google Scholar;

87. Quoted by XJRB, 4 September 1983, cited by Urumqi Radio, 4 09 1983, in SWB/FE, No. 7432, BII, p. 9Google Scholar;

88. Rothschild, Joseph, Ethnopolitics: A Conceptual Framework (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), p. 3Google Scholar;

89. Quoted by Urumqi Radio, 12 07 1982, in SWB/FE, No. 7393, BII, p. 15Google Scholar;

90. XHNA, Urumqi, 20 05 1983, in SWB/FE, No. 7341, BII, pp. 15Google Scholar; XHNA, Urumqi, 1 09 1983, in SWB/FE, No. 7341, BII, pp. 15Google Scholar; and XHNA, Urumqi, 1 09 1983, in SWB/FE, No. 7432, BII, pp. 19Google Scholar;