Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-rcrh6 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-30T14:51:32.222Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Friendship on the Margins: Jewish Social Relations in Imperial Germany

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  16 December 2008

Marion Kaplan
Affiliation:
New York University

Extract

Historians who look at the stark contrast between the spectacular successes of Jews in late nineteenth-century Germany and their horrific end in the Holocaust only a few decades later continue to argue about the relative success or failure of Jewish integration into German society. Were Germany's 600, 000 Jews — only 1 percent of the population — fully integrated or not? Did they have non-Jewish friends or not? Were they accepted or were they strangers in their own land?

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Conference Group for Central European History of the American Historical Association 2001

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1. Buber, Martin, “Das Ende der deutsch-jüdischen Symbiose,” in Jüdische Weltrundschau 1 (10 03 1939)Google Scholar and in Bulletin des LBI 51 (1975): 122–65 cited in Maurer, Trude, Die Entwicklung der jüdischen Minderheit in Deutschland (1780–1933): Neuere Forschungen und offene Fragen (Tübingen, 1992), 167.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

2. Straus, Herbert, “Emancipation History,” Yearbook of the Leo Baeck Institute (hereafter LBIYB) 37 (1992): 108Google Scholar; Moses, Siegfried, 2nd president of the Leo Baeck Institute, use of term in LBIYB 1 (1956): xv.Google Scholar See also Benz, Wolfgang, “The Legend of a German-Jewish Symbiosis,” in LBIYB 37 (1992): 95102.Google Scholar

3. Scholem, Gershom, “On the Social Psychology of the Jews in Germany: 1900–1933,” in Jews and Germans from 1860 to 1933: The Problematic Symbiosis, ed. Bronsen, David (Heidelberg, 1979).Google Scholar

4. See for example: Berding, Helmut, Moderner Antisemitismus in Deutschland (Frankfurt am Main, 1988)Google Scholar; Blaschke, Olaf, Katholizismus und Antisemitismus im Deutschen Kaiserreich (Göttingen, 1997)Google Scholar; Harris, James, The People Speak! Anti-Semitism and Emancipation in Nineteenth-Century Bavaria (Ann Arbor, 1994)Google Scholar; Katz, Jacob, From Prejudice to Destruction: Anti-Semitism 1700–1933 (Cambridge, Mass., 1980)Google Scholar; Pulzer, Peter, The Rise of Political Anti-Semitism in Germany and Austria (Cambridge, Mass., 1988)Google Scholar; Rose, Paul Lawrence, German Question—Jewish Question (Princeton, 1992). Even when Blaschke finds friendships, he reminds us (correctly) that friendships with “strangers” do not eradicate hostility toward strangers but he is less willing to acknowledge the mitigating effects of these friendships (pp. 228–35) and skirts over his own observations that Jewish businesses would have folded had there not been a gap between the antisemitic norms and actual practice (p. 230). Harris's is the most convincing of these studies because of its grassroots focus, but deals with the era before 1871.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

5. Sorkin, David, The Transformation of German Jewry, 1780–1840 (New York, 1987). esp. 113.Google ScholarKatz, Jacob, Out of the Ghetto: The Social Background of Jewish Emancipation, 1770–1870 (Cambridge, Mass., 1973).Google ScholarLiedtke's, RainerJewish Welfare in Hamburg and Manchester, 1850–1914 (Oxford, 1998) argues this (using welfare organizations).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

6. Two particularly fine studies stand out: van Rahden, Till, Juden und andere Breslauer: Die Beziehungen zwischen Juden, Protestanten und Katholiken in einer deutschen Grossstadt von 1860 his 1925 (Göttingen, 1999)Google Scholar and Schüler-Springorum, Stefanie, Die jüdische Minderhiet in Königsberg/Preussen, 1871–1945 (Göttingen, 1996).Google ScholarHenry, Frances, an anthropologist, focused on this topic even earlier: Victims and Neighbors: A Small Town in Nazi Germany Remembered (South Hadley, Mass., 1984).Google Scholarvan Rahden, Till makes another, related point in his review essay, “Ideologie und Gewalt: Neuerscheinungen über den Antisemitismus in der deutschen Geschichte des 19. und frühen 20. Jahrhunderts,” Neue politischie Literatur 41 (1996): 1129, esp. 11, 23, suggesting that German historians have, until very recently, focused on antisemtism as the forerunner to the Holocaust whereas Jewish historians leave antisemitism “to the Germans” since they see it as the problem of the host society. Van Rahden suggests that local histories may serve as a bridge connecting German-Jewish history with the history of antisemitism. I would add that unless one investigates actual Jewish-German interactions, one is left with an “all and nothing” approach: all antisemitism and no interaction.Google Scholar

7. For example, Schorsch, Ismar, Jewish Reactions to German Anti-Semitism, 1870–1914 (New York, 1972)Google Scholar focuses on the Verein, Central, and Blaschke, , Katholizismus und Antisemitismus, 182–89 on periodicals.Google Scholar

8. Pickus, Keith, Constructing Modern Identities: Jewish University Students in Germany 1815–1914 (Detroit, 1999).Google Scholar

9. Kaplan, Marion, The Making of the Jewish Middle Class: Women, Family and Identity in Imperial Germany (New York, 1990), chap. 7.Google Scholar

10. Sorkin, , Transformation.Google Scholar

11. Borut, Jacob, “‘Verjudung des Judentums’: Was there a Zionist Subculture in Weimar Germany?” in In Search of Jewish Community: Jewish Identities in Germany and Austria, 1918–1933, ed. Brenner, Michael and Penslar, Derek (Bloomington, 1998), 95.Google Scholar

12. Helimut Walser Smith quotes contemporaries who spoke of “peaceful segregation” between the denominations with Catholics organized in a “dense web of Catholic organizations” and Protestants joining members of their faith in social groups. Smith, , “Religion and Conflict: Protestants, Catholics, and Anti-Semitism in the State of Baden in the Era of Wilhelm II.” Central European History 27, no. 3 (1994): 293.CrossRefGoogle ScholarSmith, presents a careful analysis of intra-Christian tensions in German Nationalism and Religious Conflict: Culture, Ideology, Politics, 1870–1914 (Princeton, 1995).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

13. Hopp, Andrea, Jüdisches Bürgertum in Frankfurt am Main im 19. Jahrhundert (Stuttgart, 1997), 184–87, 192–93, 198, 235. Cousin marriages even kept family within the family, tightening the networks that much more.Google Scholar

14. See for example, Elias, Norbert (born 1897), Reflections on a Life (Cambridge, 1994), 7.Google Scholar

15. Paepcke, Lotte, Ein kleiner Händler der mein Vater war (Heilbronn, 1972), 1516.Google Scholar

16. Straus, Rahel, Wir lebten in Deutschland: Erinnerungen einer deutschen Jüdin (Stuttgart, 1962), 122. For daily visits, to parents see Lotte Hirschberg (born 1898), long memoirs, Leo Baeck Institute Archives (hereafter LBI), 3;to parents and in-laws, see Toni Ehrlich (born 1880). memoirs. LBI. 16.Google Scholar

17. Over half of the Jewish population worked in business and commerce (between 1895 and 1907 compared to only 10–11 percent of non-Jews). For statistics on urbanization, etc., see Richarz, Monika, ed., Jüdisches Leben in Deutschland: Selbstzeugnisse zur Sozialgeschichte im Kaiserreich (Stuttgart, 1979), 2122, 24.Google Scholar

18. Sidonie and Leopold Dann invited friends every Friday and Saturday afternoon. Dann diary, LBI 7 (late 1880s). After the turn of the century, younger Jews gathered in more casual locales, such as pubs and restaurants. Straus, . Wir lebten, 121.Google Scholar

19. Pulzer, Peter, Jews and the German State (Oxford, 1991), 1314.Google Scholar By the turn of the century 312 major Jewish associations, not including myriad locals, functioned in Germany. Thon, Jacob, Die jüdischen Gemeinden und Vereine in Deutschland (Berlin, 1906), 59.Google Scholar In total, by 1905, twelve national organizations stretched across Germany along with twenty-three major Prussian regional associations. Ibid., 58. When taking national, regional, and local groups into account, Jews had created approximately 5, 000 Jewish clubs with tens of thousands of members. About 40 percent of these 5, 000 clubs had formed in the last quarter of the nineteenth century Lowenstein, Steven M., “The Community,” in German-Jewish History in Modern Times, vol. 3, ed. Meyer, Michael A. (New York, 1997), 144.Google Scholar Jewish women's organizations, growing out of traditional women's charities, took part in this explosion of club life. Kaplan, , Making, 202. See also Pickus, Constructing.Google Scholar

20. Pincus, Lily, Verloren-gewonnen: Mein Weg von Berlin nach London (Stuttgart, 1980), 10, 17, 24, 27, 33.Google Scholar

21. Liedtke, Rainer, “Jewish Welfare in Hamburg and Manchester,” in Two Nations: British and German Jews in Comparative Perspective, ed. Brenner, Michael, Liedtke, Rainer, and Rechter, David (Tübingen, 1999), 271.Google Scholar See also Reinke, Andreas, Judentum und Wohlfahrtspflege in Deutschland: Das jüdische Krankenhaus in Berlin, 1726–1844 (Hanover, 1999).Google Scholar

22. Lowenstein, , “The Community,” 144.Google Scholar See also Penslar, Derek, “Philanthropy, the Social Question, and Jewish Identity in Imperial Germany,” in LBIYB 38 (1993).Google Scholar

23. Allport, Gordon, The Nature of Prejudice, 25th ed. (Reading, Mass., 1979). 262.Google Scholar

24. Angress, Werner T., “Prussia's Army and the Jewish Reserve Officer Controversy before World War I,” LBIYB 27 (1972): 1942.Google Scholar

25. Levenson, Alan, “Conversion in Fin-de-Siècle Germany,” LBIYB 40 (1995): 119–22.Google Scholar

26. Röhl, John C., “Beamtenpolitik im Wilhelminischen Deutschland,” in Das Kaiserliche Deutschland, ed. Stürmer, Michael (Düsseldorf, 1970), 296–98.Google Scholar

27. Cahnmann, Werner, “Village and Small Town Jews in Germany,” LBIYB 19 (1974): 124.Google Scholar

28. Michel, Thomas, Die Juden in Gankönigshofen/Unterfranken (1550–1942) (Wiesbaden, 1988). 324.Google Scholar H. W. Smith has noted for Baden that where Protestant pastors openly supported antisemitic candidates, these received about 50 percent of the vote. “Religion and Conflict,” 305.

29. Jochmann, Werner, “Struktur und Funktion des deutschen Antisemitismus,” in Juden im Wilhelminischen Deutschland, ed. Mosse, Werner and Paucker, Arnold (Tübingen, 1976), 411, 426.Google Scholar

30. Hoffmann, Christhard, “Politische Kultur und Gewalt gegen Minderheiten: Die antisemitischen Ausschreitungen in Pommern und Westpreussen 1881,” Jahrbuch für Amtisemirtismusforschung 3 (Frankfurt am Main, 1994): 93120.Google Scholar

31. Deutschnationale Handlungsgehilfenverband and the Bund der Landwirte.

32. At the height of antisemitic electoral success in 1893 of 397 Reichstag members. 16 belonged to antisemitic parties.

33. This included peaceful Baden. Baumann, Ulrich, Zerstörte Nachbarschaften: Christen und Juden in badischen Landgemeinden, 1862–1940 (Hamburg, 2000), 138–49.Google Scholar

34. Rohrbacher, Stefan, “Volksfrömmigkeit und Judenfeindschaft: Zur Vorgeschichte des politischen Antisemitismus im katholischen Rheinland,” in Annalen des historischen Vereins für den Niederrhein 192/93 (1990): 139–42Google Scholar; Schoeps, Julius H., “Ritualmordbeschuldigung und Blutaber-glaube: Die Affare Buschhoff im niederrheinischen Xanten,” in Köln und das rheinische Judentum: Festschrift Germania Judaica, 1959–1984, ed. Bohnke-Kollwitz, Jutta et al. (Cologne, 1984), 286–99.Google Scholar The first Jew was acquitted, the second Jew, a butcher, was found guilty of perjury for having denied knowing the murdered person. Officials' suspicion rested on a non-Jewish butcher, but no one was charged. Nonn, Christoph, “Zwischenfall in Konitz: Antisemitismus und Nationalismus im preussischen Osten um 1900,” in Historische Zeitschrift 266, no. 2 (04, 1998).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

35. Levy, Richard, The Downfall of the Anti-Semitic Political Parties in Imperial Germany (New Haven, 1975). Only two antisemitic representatives remained in the Reichstag in 1912.Google Scholar

36. Shedletzky, Itta. “Die Reaktion der jüdischen Presse in Deutschland auf die Judenpogrome in Russland, 1881–82,” in LBI Bulletin 59 (1981).Google Scholar

37. diary, Helene Eyck, LBI, 5455.Google Scholar

38. Klemperer, Victor, Curriculum Vitae: Jugend um 1900 (Berlin, 1989), 1: 17.Google Scholar

39. Straus, Rahel (Karlsruhe, Baden) argued in this fashion in Stachel in der Seele: Jüdische Kindheit und Jugend, ed. Menken, F. E. (Weinheim, 1986), 136. See also Herta Natorff, memoirs, LBI, 2 and Helmut Walser Smith, “Religion and Conflict,” where he shows the variations of antisemitic behavior and voting patterns based on denomination even within one state.Google Scholar

40. Nonn, , “Zwischenfall in Konitz,” 406–16.Google Scholar

41. Friedman, Jonathan, The Lion and the Star: Gentile-Jewish Relations in Three Hessian Communities, 1919–1945 (Lexington, Ky., 1998), 89.Google Scholar

42. For Bavaria, see Harris, James, “Bavarians and Jews in Conflict in 1866: Neighbors and Enemies,” LBIYB 32 (1987).Google Scholar

43. For Baden, H. W. Smith shows that political antisemitism in Baden, “was mainly a Protestant phenomenon.” “Religion and Conflict,” 304.Google Scholar Others argue that antisemitism exerted as powerful an influence on Catholics as on Protestants. For Baden, see Riff, Michael, “The Government of Baden Against Antisemitism: Political Expediency or Principle,” LBIYB 32 (1987).Google Scholar See also Blackbourn, David,”Catholics, the Centre Party, and Anti-Semitism,”Google Scholar in idem, Populists and Patricians: Essays in Modern German History (Boston, 1987)Google Scholar and Blaschke, , Katholizismus und Antisemitismus, esp. 131–15. The debate, “Who was more antisemitic, Protestants or Catholics?” has been discussed up to now from the perspective of the antisemites, using voting data, the speeches, and pronouncements ot religious and political leaders, and denominational periodicals. But, voting data did not always translate into grassroots nastiness — or even unfriendliness (see note 52 below). It is time for researchers to look into Jewish views ofand experiences with the two denominations.Google Scholar

44. Richarz, Monika, Jewish Life in Germany: Memoirs from Three Centuries, trans. Stella, and Rosenfeld, Sidney (Bloomington, 1991), 225.Google Scholar

45. In 1912, Isidor Hirschfeld (born 1868) returned to Kasparus where his mother had run a tavern and his father had peddled wares. Richarz, , Kaiserreich, 244.Google Scholar

46. Smith, Helmut Walser, “The Discourse of Usury: Relations between Christians and Jews in the German Countryside, 1880–1914,” Central European History 32, no. 3 (1999): esp. 267, 269.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

47. Allgemeine Zeitung des Judentums (hereafter, AZDJ), 15 Dec 1899, p. 589. Most Jews, however, understood (1912) that antisemitism was still a tool by which declining political parties could “put new wind in their sails.” Levy, , Downfall, 254.Google Scholar

48. Gay, Peter, “At Home in Germany: The Jews during the Weimar EraGoogle Scholar,” in idem.Die Juden im National Sozialistischen Deutschland, 1933–1945 (Tübingen, 1986).Google Scholar

49. Lowenstein, Steven M., “The Rural Community and the Urbanizaton of German Jewry,” Central European History 13 (1980): 218–36.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

50. For “Jewish” occupations in Westphalia and Silesia, see Herzig, Arno, “Landjuden – Stadtjuden: Die Entwicklung in den preussischen Provinzen Westfalen und Schlesien im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert,” in Jüdisches Leben aufdem Lande: Studien zur deutsch-jüdischen Geschichte, ed. Richarz, Monika and Rürup, Reinhard (Tübingen, 1997), 91109.Google Scholar For southwest Germany, see Richarz, Monika, “Viehhandel und Landjuden im 19. Jahrhundert: Eine symbiotische Wirtschaftsbeziehung in Südwestdeutschland,” Menora: Jahrbuch für deutsch-jüdische Geschichte 1 (1990): 6688.Google Scholar

51. Richarz, Monika, “Landjuden — ein bürgerliches Element im Dorf?” in Idylle oder Aufbruch? Das Dorf im bürgerlichen 19. Jahrhundert: Ein europäischer Vergleich, ed. Jacobeit, Wolfgang et al. (Berlin, 1990), 181–90.Google Scholar

52. Labsch-Benz, Elfie, Die jüdische Gemeinde Nonnenweier (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1981), 45.Google Scholar Nonnenweier was a Protestant village in Baden. Coinciding with these neighborly gestures, about half of Nonnenweier's voters supported antisemitic candidates in the 1890s and incidences of violence against Jewish homes occurred in 1892. Smith, H. W., “Religion and Conflict,” 303, 308.Google Scholar These moments fit Olaf Blaschke's thesis that antisemitism occurred despite good relations (Antisemitismus trotz Juden — trotz guter Beziehungen” (his emphasis). Katholizismus und Antisemitismus, 235. While his argument is surely true in many cases, the thesis of my essay is that good relations could also occur despite antisemitism.Google Scholar

53. Bauman, , Zerstörte Nachbarschaften, 54, 73Google Scholar; Labsch, , Nonnenweier, 46, 112Google Scholar; Jeggle, Utz, Judendörfer in Württemberg (Tübingen, 1969), 283Google Scholar; Schmid, Regina, Verlorene Heimat: Gailingen, ein Dorf und seine jüdische Gemeinde in der Weimarer Zeit (Constance, 1988), 114.Google Scholar

54. Richarz, , Kaiserreich, 159–62.Google Scholar See also Bein, Alex, Hier kannst Du nicht jeden grüssen: Erinnerungen und Betrachtungen, ed. Schoeps, Julius H. (Hildesheim, 1996), 47.Google Scholar

55. Jeggle, , Judendörfer, 271.Google Scholar

56. Richarz, , Kaiserreich, 186.Google Scholar

57. In south Baden, for example, about 25 percent of Jews (mostly the younger ones) left for good between 1875 and 1900. Baumann, , Zerstörte Nachbarschaften, 100.Google Scholar

58. Ibid., 70.

59. In 1900, about 314 Jews lived among 6, 893 non-Jews (or 4.6 percent of the population). Hoffmann, Dieter, “… wir sind doch Deutsche”: Zu Geschichte und Schicksal der Landjuden in Rheinhessen (Alzey, 1992), 83, 88.Google Scholar

60. Sobernheim was a town of about 3, 000 with about 150 Jews.

61. Henry, Francis, Victims and Neighbors: A Small Town in Nazi Germany Remembered (S. Hadley. Mass., 1984), 5556.Google Scholar

62. Hoffmann, , “… wir sind doch Deutsche,” 88.Google Scholar See also Richarz, , Kaiserreich, 181–82.Google Scholar

63. Klemperer, , CV. 1: 17.Google Scholar

64. Henry, , Victims, 56.Google Scholar For similar meetings in Hesse, see Friedman, , The Lion and the Star, 88.Google Scholar

65. Baumann, , Zerstörte Nachbarschaften, 8182.Google Scholar

66. Hoffmann, , “… wir sind doch Deutsche”, 88.Google Scholar

67. Between 1897 and 1901, for example, 64 to 80 percent of Jews migrating from Baden were men, leaving young Jewish women with few potential spouses. Zeitschrift für Demographie und Statistik des Judentums (hereafter, ZDSJ) 2, no. 2 (February 1906): 23.

68. One pair of women parted in tears when the Nazis deported the Jewish woman. Baumann, , Zersröte Nachbarschaften, 8081.Google Scholar

69. See for example, Kukatzki, Bernhard, “… das einzige Hotel in der ganzen Gegend das koscher geführt wurde: Das Hotel Victoria in Rülzheim” (Schifferstadt, 1994), 18.Google Scholar

70. Baumann, , Zerstörte Nachbarschaften, 102 (18961899).Google Scholar

71. A Jewish resident of Steinach an der Saale believed this exclusion might have been the result of “orders from above.” Richarz, , Kaiserreich, 198.Google Scholar

72. Hopp, , Bürgertum, 149, quoting Hans Salfield.Google Scholar

73. Freudenthal, Margarete, Gestaltwandel der städtischen, bürgerlichen und proletarischen Hausuwirtschaft zwischen 1760 und 1910 (Berlin, 1986), 104.Google Scholar

74. Mosse, Werner E., The German Jewish Economic Elite 1820–1935: A Socio-Cultural Profile (Oxford, 1989), 161–85.Google Scholar See also Augustine, Dolores, “Arriving in the Upper Class: The Wealthy Business Elite of Wilhelmine Germany,” in The German Bourgeoisie, ed. Blackbourn, David (London, 1991), 5664.Google Scholar

75. Wessling, Berndt, “Jüdische Familien in Othmarschen und Gross Flottbek,” in Unser Blatt: Flottbek Othmarschen 10 (10 1998): 516.Google Scholar For a similar salon in Königsberg, see Schüler-Springorum, Stefanie, “The Jewish Community in Königsberg,” in Jewish Social Studies 5. no. 3 (Spring/Summer 1999): 107.Google Scholar See also Kraus, Elisabeth, Die Familie Mosse: Deutsch-jüdisches Bürgertum im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert (Munich, 1999), 456–58.Google Scholar

76. Augustine, , “Arriving in the Upper Class,” 6466.Google Scholar

77. Stern, Fritz, Gold and Iron: Bismarck, Bleichröder, and the Building of the German Empire (New York, 1977).Google Scholar

78. Freudenthal, , Gestaltwandel, 104.Google ScholarSimmel, Georg noted this as well. The Sociology of Georg Simmel, trans. Wolff, Kurt H. (New York, 1950), 112.Google Scholar

79. Stern, , Gold and Iron, xv, 463.Google Scholar

80. Klemperer, , CV. I: 371–80, II: 595, 598, 603.Google Scholar

81. Hahn, Barbara, “Encounters at the Margins: Jewish Salons around 1900,”Google Scholar in idem, Berlin Metropolis: Jews and the New Culture 1890–1918 (Berkeley, 1999), 195.Google Scholar If, as Dolores Augustine has observed, “aristocratic guests often fulfilled a decorative function,” then her Jewish hostess may have felt a mutual antipathy. “Arriving in the Upper Class,” 58.

82. Scholem, , “On the Social Psychology,” 19.Google Scholar

83. Schüler-Springorum, , Die jüdische Minderheit, 84.Google Scholar Were similar prejudices shared by Jews vis-a´-vis non-Jews? Probably they were, although a minority aspiring to social integration left little hard evidence to that effect. That Jews could disdain non-Jewish culture and scorn “outsiders” can be seen in the term “goyim naches”, which even highly acculturated Jews used to refer to kitch or silly activities that supposedly provided joy to non-Jews. See example in Friedman, , The Lion and the Star. 86.Google Scholar

84. Hopp, , Bürgertum, 151, 153.Google Scholar

85. This took place during World War I. Marx, Hugo, Werdegang eines jüdischen Staatsanwalts und Richters in Baden (1892–1933) (Villingen, 1965), 104.Google Scholar

86. 1902 survey by the Berliner Anwaltsverein in Hopp, , Bürgertum, 153.Google Scholar

87. Ibid., 15.

88. Schüler-Springorum, , Königsberg, 79.Google Scholar

89. Joseph Maier, “Village and Small Town Jews,” in German Jewry: Its History and Sociology, ed. idem et al. (New Brunswick, NJ, 1989), 58.

90. Richarz, , Kaiserreich, 275.Google Scholar

91. Ibid., 253–54. See also Baer-Oppenheimer, , memoirs, LBI, 3435, 40.Google Scholar

92. Heilbronner, Oded, “The German Bourgeois Club as a Political and Social Structure in the Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries,” Continuity and Change 13, no. 3 (1998): 443–73. See also Jacobeit and Mooser, Idylle oder Aufbruch and Monika Richarz's article, “Landjuden,” in the same.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

93. Michel, , Gaukönigshofen, 320, reporting on 1911.Google Scholar

94. Baumann, , Zerstörte Nachbarschaften, 108–9Google Scholar; Michel, , Gaukönigshofen, 318–19.Google Scholar

95. Berg, Chirsta, “Militär und Militarisierung,” in Handbuch der deutschen Bildungsgeschichte, vol. 4. 1870–1918,Google Scholar ed. idem (Munich, 1991), 501.

96. In Salzkotten (Westphalia), a Jewish veteran of the wars of 1866 and 1870 founded the veterans' club and was still feted for this on its sixtieth anniversary, around 1931. Strauss, Lotte, Over the Green Hill: A German-Jewish Memoir, 1913–1943 (New York, 1999), 910.Google Scholar Similarly, in Gailingen (Baden), the Veterans' Association was founded by a Jew in 1872 and led, intermittently, by other Jews. Schmid, , Verlorene Heimat: Gailingen, 116.Google Scholar

97. Baumann, , Zerstörte Nachbarschaften, 108–11.Google Scholar See also Michel, , Gaukönigshofen, 328.Google Scholar

98. Baumann, Ulrich, “Gell, Raphael, mir gehn heim, mir wön heim’. Heimaten, Heimat, Idylle. Gewalt: Ein Rückblick auf die Beziehungen von Christen und Juden in Südbadischen LandgemeindenAllmende 17, nos. 54/55 (1997): 212.Google Scholar

99. He represented the district of Marburg. Mack, Rüdiger, “Otto Böckel und die antisemitische Bauernbewegung in Hessen, 1887–1894,” in Neunhundert Jahre Geschichte der Juden in Hessen, ed. Heinemann, Christiane (Wiesbaden, 1983), 389.Google Scholar See also Toury, Jacob, “Antisemitismus auf dem Lande: Der Fall Hessen 1881–1895,” in Jüdisches Leben auf dem Lande, ed. Richarz, and Rürup, , 173.Google Scholar

100. Richarz, Kaiserreich, 167–68.Google Scholar

101. Baumann, , Zerstörte Nachbarschaften, 113.Google Scholar See also Michel, , Gaukönigshofen, 328.Google Scholar The opposite may have been the case among Christians. Helmut Walser Smith reports that in Baden, the period after 1890 seemed “an era of ever deepening religious conflict” between Protestants and Catholics. “Religion and Conflict” 296.

102. Fröhlich, Wiltrud, “Adolf Fröhlich, Kommerzienrat (1872–1946),” in Jüdische Lebensgeschichten aus der Pfalz, ed. Arbeitskreis für neuere jüdische Geschichte in der Pfalz (Speyer, 1995), 162–65.Google Scholar

103. Baumann, , Zerstörte Nachbarschaften, 102–3.Google Scholar

104. Quoted by Toury, “Antisemitismus auf dem Lande,” 188.Google Scholar

105. Schüler-Springorum, , Königsberg, 7475, 77.Google Scholar

106. Rahden, Van, Juden und andere Breslauer, 119–20.Google Scholar

107. For Jewish participation in Frankfurt club life, see Hopp, , Bürgertum, 128Google Scholar; Roth, Ralf, Stadt und Bürgertum in Frankfurt am Main: Ein besonderer Weg von der ständischen zur modernen Bürgergesllschaft 1760–1914 (Munich, 1996), 528.Google Scholar For the similar situation of Jewish women in Frankfurt, see Klausmann, Christina, Politik und Kultur der Frauenbewegung im Kaiserreich: Das Beispiel Frankfurt am Main (Frankfurt am Main, 1997).Google Scholar

108. Zwingergesellschaft in Rahden, van, Breslauer, 118–20.Google Scholar

109. Schüler-Springorum, , Königsberg, 7475, 77.Google Scholar

110. Volkov, Shulamit, “Antisemitismus als kultureller Code,” in her Jüdisches Leben und Antisemitismus im 19. und 20 Jahrhundert (Munich, 1990), 1336, esp. 35.Google Scholar

111. In's Casino, laut Stadutte

Dorfte derr dorchaus kää Judde …

Nor ganz nass gedääfte Christe

Stanne in de Mitgliedliste…

Hopp, , Bürgertum, 136–37Google Scholar quoting from Stoltze, Friedrich, Gedichte in Frankfurter Mundart, I, 19th ed. (Frankfurt am Main, 1896), 336.Google Scholar However, Ralf Roth has shown, a small handful of very rich Jews did belong to the Casino. Roth, , Stadt und Bürgertum, 353, 356, 524–25, 528.Google Scholar

112. This was in a city whose Jewish population stood at about 5 percent of the whole, although it was about 25 percent of the middle classes, Rahden, van, Brestauer, 122–23.Google Scholar

113. “Brotherly love” still meant that some Freemasons wanted Jews to become Christians: “making the Jew a companion [meant] opening the way to Christian thought …” Hoffmann, Stefan-Ludwig, “Brothers or Strangers? Jews and Freemasons in Nineteenth-Century Germany,” in German History 18, no. 2 (2000): 155, 158, 160CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Rahden, van, Breslauer, 122–23.Google Scholar See also Katz, Jacob, Jews and Freemasons in Europe (Cambridge, Mass., 1970).Google Scholar

114. Hoffmann, , “Brothers,” 154.Google Scholar See also Hoffmann, Stefan-Ludwig, Die Politik der Geselligkeit: Freimaurerlogen in der deutschen Bürgergesellschaft, 1840–1918 (Göttingen, 2000).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

115. The decline occurred between 1900 and 1919. Hoffmann, , “Brothers,” 158–60.Google Scholar

116. diary, Prinz, LBI (04, 1913), 2324.Google Scholar In Berlin, Jews made up about half of the teenagers in the “Deutscher Wandervogel.” Schatzker, Chaim, Jüdische Jugend im zweiten Kaiserreich (Frankfurt am Main, 1988), 265 n. 1.Google Scholar

117. Hopp, , Bürgertum, 291.Google Scholar

118. In “Words and Actions: Rethinking the Social History of German Antisemitism, Breslau, 1870–1914,” van Rahden, Till makes this point with regard to municipal politics. German History 18, no. 4 (2000): 436.Google Scholar

119. See, for example, Hein, Dieter, “Soziale Konstituierungsfaktoren des Bürgertums,” in Stadt und Bürgertum im Übergang von der traditionalen zur modernen Gesellschaft, ed. Gall, Lothar (Munich, 1993), 179–80Google Scholar and Schüler-Springorum, ,”The Jewish Community,” 122.Google Scholar

120. Kaplan. Making, chap. 7; Fassmann, Irmgard Maya, Jüdinnen in der deutschen Frauenbewegung 1865–1919 (Hildesheim, 1996)Google Scholar; Klausmann, , Politik und Kultur der Frauenbewegung, 313–24.Google Scholar

121. Rahden, van, Breslauer 138.Google Scholar

122. See, for example, Fassmann, Jüdinnen and Kaplan, Making chap. VII.

123. Fassmann, , Jüdinnen, 1213.Google Scholar

124. Wawrzyn, Heidemarie, Vaterland statt Menschenrecht: Formen der Judenfeindshaft in den Frauenbewegungen des Deutschen Kaiserreiches (Marburg, 1999), 67.Google Scholar

125. Schüler-Springorum, , Königsberg, 7778.Google Scholar In Frankfurt am Main, Jewish women made up a large proportion of the various feminist and women's organizations at the turn ot the century. Klausmann indicated that whereas only 7.6 percent of the Frankfurt population was Jewish in 1900, over 40 percent of the members of the General German Women's Association (Allgemeiner Deutscher Frauenverein), about 42 percent of the Women's Education Association (Frauenbildungs-Verein), and about 30 percent of the members of the more conservative Patriotic Women's Association (Vaterländischer Frauenverein) were Jewish, , Politik und Kultur der Frauenbewegung, 314–15.Google Scholar

126. Schüler-Springorum, , Königsberg, 81.Google Scholar

127. Putnam, Robert D., Bowling Alone: American's Declining Social Capital (New York, 2000).CrossRefGoogle ScholarSimmel, Georg distinguished between “acquaintance” and “friendship.” The Sociology of Georg Simmel, 320.Google Scholar

128. The Jewish salon hostess Aniela Fürstenberg also had close non-Jewish friends. Hahn, , “Encounters,” 200–2.Google Scholar

129. Wawrzyn, , Vaterland, 55.Google Scholar

130. Richarz, , Kaiserreich, 275.Google Scholar

131. Paasch, Carl, “Eine jüdisch-deutsche Gesandtschaft und ihre Helfer,” [pamphlet] (Leipzig 1891)Google Scholar quoted in Fassmann, , Jüdinnen, 222.Google Scholar

132. Straus, , Wir lebten, 266.Google Scholar

133. Lange's, Helene eulogy for Jeanette Schwerin in Wawryzn, Vaterland, 67.Google Scholar

134. Parts of this letter appear in Klausmann, , Politik und Kultur der Frauenbewegung, 227.Google Scholar See ibid., 212–35.

135. This part of the same letter is in Evans, Richard, The Feminist Movement in Germany, 1894–1933 (London, 1976), 126.Google Scholar

136. Rahden, van, Breslauer, 132.Google Scholar

137. Schüler-Springorum, , Königsberg, 81.Google Scholar

138. Intermarriages indicated not only closer social contacts, but a degree of acculturation and modernization as well. Still, the vast majority of Jews remained endogamous and intermarriages generally occurred at the fringes. For an excellent and complete study of intermarriage, see Meiring, Kerstin, Die christlich-jüdische Mischehe in Deutschland 1840–1933 (Hamburg, 1998).Google Scholar

139. These rates were lower than intermarriages between Protestants and Catholics that had begun to rise in the cities. Smith, Helmut Walser, “Religion and Conflict,” 292–93.Google Scholar

140. Meiring, , Mischehe, 95.Google Scholar In general, Jewish men married out at a higher rate than Jewish women. For the reasons, see Kaplan, , Making, 8182.Google Scholar

141. Richarz, , “Demographic Developments,” in German-Jewish History, ed. Meyer, Michael A.. 3: 14.Google Scholar

142. Breslau, too, showed an increase in intermarriages, from 11 percent in 1890 to 39 percent in 1920. During the war the rate there rose to 53 percent see Rahden, van, Breslauer, 147.Google Scholar See also Schüler-Springorum, , Königsberg, 370Google Scholar on Berlin, Hamburg, and Königsberg.

Percentage of Mixed Marriages Contracted by Jewish Grooms and Brides in Prussia

A complete chart by year from 1875 to 1900 for Prussia and from 1901 to 1933 for Germany is available in Meiring, , Mischehe, 9495.Google Scholar

Isr. Gemeindeblatt (Cologne) 8 May 1908, p. 186 shows the following actual numbers for Germany as a whole:

1901–04 1448 J men 1252 J women intermarried

For Prussia:

In 1907, 3,905 Jews married each other in Germany compared with 458 Jewish men who married outside their faith and 361 Jewish women who married outside their faith. ZDSJ, May 1907, p. 80.

Compared to non-Jewish intermarriages, those between Catholics and Protestants, Jews, a tiny minority, showed a stronger tendency to marry out.

143. Kaplan, , Making chap. 3 and Meiring, Mischehe, 110–17.Google Scholar

144. Klemperer, , CV, I: 383–90, 392–404, 406.Google Scholar

145. Sallis-Freudenthal, Margarete, Ich habe mein Land gefunden: Autobiographischer Rückblick (Frankfurt am Main, 1977), 50.Google Scholar

146. About 25,000 Jews, in a population of over one half million, chose baptism between 1880 and 1919. Conversion often came as a result of enormous antisemitic pressure in certain occupations. The preponderance of young males, especially university graduates, illustrates the pressure for baptism in the professions they chose. Richarz, , “Demographic,” in German-Jewish History in Modern Times, ed. Meyer, Michael, 3: 1516.Google Scholar

147. Ruppin, , Die Juden der Gegenwart (Berlin, 1904), 246.Google Scholar

148. Scholem, Gershom, From Berlin to Jerusalem: Memories of my Youth, trans. Zohn, Harry (New York, 1980), 3031.Google Scholar

149. Meiring, , Mischehe, 120–25.Google Scholar

150. Frankenthal, Käte, Der dreifache Fluch: Jüdin, Intellektuelle, Sozialistin: Lebenserinnerungen einer Ärztin in Deutschland und Exil (Frankfurt am Main, 1981), 8.Google Scholar

151. Bab quoted by Meiring, in Mischehe, 125.Google Scholar

152. Scholem, , Berlin to Jerusalem, 30.Google Scholar

153. Toller, Ernst, I was a German, trans. Crankshaw, Edward of Eine Jugend in Deutschland (New York, 1934), 62.Google Scholar

154. Breuer, Mordechai, Modernity within Tradition: The Social History of Orthodox Jewry in Imperial Germany (New York, 1992), 480 n. 124.Google Scholar

155. Friedler, Eric, Makkabi Chai, Makkabi Lebt (Vienna, 1998), 29.Google Scholar

156. Zimmermann, Michael and Konieczek, Claudia, eds. Jüdisches Leben in Essen 1800–1933, Studienreihe der Alten Synagoge, vol. I (Essen, 1993), 29.Google Scholar

157. Jacob, Ernst, “Benno Jacob als Rabbiner in Dortmund,” in Aus Geschichte und Leben der Juden in Westfalen, ed. Meyer, Hans Chanoch (Frankfurt am Main, 1962), 90.Google Scholar

158. Klemperer, , CV, I: 217, 316.Google Scholar

159. Breuer, , Modernity, 480, n. 124.Google Scholar

160. Toller, , German, 65.Google Scholar

161. Liebmann, , memoirs, LBI, 20.Google Scholar

162. diary, Riesenfeld, LBI, 224–29, entry of 19 02 1945.Google Scholar

163. Pincus, , Verloren, 30.Google Scholar

164. Angress, Werner T., “Der jüdische Offizier in der neueren deutschen Geschichte, 1813–1918,” in Willensmenschen: Über deutsche Offiziere, ed. Breymayer, Ursula, Ulrich, Bernd, Wieland, Karin (Frankfurt am Main, 1999), 75Google Scholar and personal correspondence from Angress, W. T. (6 04 2000).Google Scholar See also Centralverein deutscher Glaubens, Staatsbürger jüdischen, Anti-Anti: Tatsachen zur Judenfrage. 7th ed. (Berlin, 1932), 30.Google Scholar

165. Schatzker, , Jugend, 274Google Scholar quoting from AZJ, 48, 26 November 1915, 565. See also the will of a Jewish lieutenant in Walle, Heinrich, “Deutsche jüdische Soldaten 1914–1945,” in Deutsche Jüdische Soldaten 1914–1945, ed. Forschungsamt, Militärgeschichtliches (Herford-Bonn, 1983), 14.Google Scholar

166. Liebmann, , memoirs, LBI, 19.Google Scholar

167. Ibid., 19.

168. Schatzker, , Jugend, 279.Google Scholar

169. Karlweis, Marta, Jakob Wassermann: Bild, Kampf und Werk (Amsterdam, 1935), 244.Google Scholar

170. Sallis, , memoirs, LBI, 76.Google Scholar

171. Davis, Belinda, Home Fires Burning: Food, Politics, and Everyday Life in World War I Berlin (Chapel Hill, 2000), esp. chap. 6.Google Scholar

172. Hopp, , Bürgertum, 293.Google Scholar

173. Ibid., 295, letter of 18 April 1918.

174. A vicious antisemitic tract by Arnim, Otto (pseudonym), Die Judenstatistik des preussischen Kriegsministrtiums (Munich, 1922) claimed to be based on the war ministry's statistics.Google Scholar

175. Two thousand earned the Iron Cross, first class, and 10,000, its second class variant. Angress, , “Offiziere,” 75.Google Scholar Jewish organizations argued that it was impossible to compare Jews to the general German population since the Jewish age distribution was older and Jews were an urban population. One Jewish publication used the population of Munich to show that the 2.1 percent of Jews who died could be compared to the 2.1 percent of the Munich population that also died. Frontsoldaten, Reichsbund jüdischer, Die jüdischen Gefallenen des deutschen Heeres, der deutschen Marine und der deutschen Schutztruppen, 1914–1918 (Berlin, 1932), 422.Google Scholar See also Centralverein deutscher Staatsbürger jüdischen Glaubens, Berlin, E. V.Anti-Anti: Tatsachen zur Judenfrage (Berlin, 1933), 7. erweiterte und neu bearbeitete Auflage): 30a–30k.Google Scholar

176. Angress, , “Offiziere,” 7576.Google Scholar

177. Volkov, Shulamit, Die Juden in Deutschland, 1780–1918 (Munich, 1994), 69.Google Scholar

178. Hirschberg, , memoir, (short), LBI, 2.Google Scholar

179. Ibid.

180. Wawrzyn, , Vaterland, 100.Google Scholar

181. Margaret Goldstein collection, LBI, esp. Box IV and V.

182. Kaplan, , Making, 221, 300 n. 150.Google Scholar

183. Ibid., 220–225.

184. Knappe, Sabine, “Jüdische Frauenorganisationen in Hamburg zwischen Assimilation, jüdischer Identität und weiblicher Emanzipation während des Kaiserreichs,” (Master's Thesis, University of Hamburg, 1991), 172.Google Scholar

185. Bertha Pappenheim reacted angrily when Helene Lange omitted the Jüdischer Frauenbund from her praise of confessional organizations in the Nationaler Frauendienst. Wawrzyn, , Vaterland, 106–8.Google Scholar

186. Volkov, , Die Juden in Deutschland, 69.Google Scholar

187. Dienemann, , memoirs, LBI, 3.Google Scholar

188. Strauss, Herbert A., “The Jewish Press in Germany, 1918–1939,” in The Jewish Press That Was. ed. Bar, Aryeh (Tel Aviv, 1980), 330.Google Scholar

189. Dienemann, , memoirs, LBI, 3.Google Scholar

190. The Sociology of Georg Simmel, 326.

191. Gay, Peter, Freud, Jews and Other Germans: Masters and Victims in Modernist Culture (New York, 1978), 16.Google Scholar