Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-dsjbd Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-23T20:29:56.928Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

The Discourse of Usury: Relations Between Christians and Jews in the German Countryside, 1880–1914

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  16 December 2008

Helmut Walser Smith
Affiliation:
Vanderbilt University

Extract

Most historians are aware that the charge of usury belongs to the standard arsenal of both traditional anti-Judaism and modern forms of anti-Semitism (if indeed one accepts the validity of this distinction). More recently, historians and scholars of literature have considered the way in which usury was a powerful simile—the usurer as Jew—and as such central to the cultural history of learned and popular forms of anti-Semitic prejudice. In the essay that follows, I do not intend to further document the history of this prejudice in the realm of print culture. Rather, I will explore the way in which its central assumption (namely that Jews and Christians possessed radically different and religiously specific conceptions of work and trade) configured, entered into, and also obfuscated rural relations between Christians and Jews.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Conference Group for Central European History of the American Historical Association 1999

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1. Rohrbacher, Stefan and Schmidt, Michael, Judenbilder: Kulturgeschichte antijüdischer Mythen und antisemitischer vorurteile (Hamburg, 1991), 90.Google Scholar

2. Rosenberg, Hans, Grosse Depression und Bismarckzeit (Berlin, 1967), 99.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For an astute use of the “Great Depression” as a heuristic device for understanding the emergence of anti-Semitism among the members of one social group, see Volkov, Shulamit, The Rise of Popular Antimodernism in Germany: The Urban Master Artisans, 1873–1896 (Princeton, 1978).Google Scholar

3. See Retallack, James, Germany in the Age of Kaiser Wilhelm II (NewYork and London, 1996), 2021.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For a more detailed account of the “Great Depression,” as well as for further literature, see Wehler, Hans-Ulrich, Deutsche Cesellschaftsgeschichte, vol. 3 (Munich, 1995), 547–95.Google Scholar For critical accounts of the way Rosenberg linked the “Great Depression” to anti-Semitism, see especially Eley, Geoff, “Hans Rosenberg and the Great Depression of 1873–1896: Politics and Economics in Recent German Historiography, 1960–1980,” in Eley, From Unification to Nazism: Reinterpreting the German Past (Boston, 1986), 2850;Google Scholar and, more recently, Harris, James F., The People Speak! Anti-Semitism and Emancipation in Nineteenth-Century Bavaria (Ann Arbor, 1994), 220–21.Google Scholar

4. Thompson, E. P., The Making of the English Working Class (New York, 1966), 205.Google Scholar For the German context, see Eley, , “Hans Rosenberg and the Great Depression of 1873–1896,” 3233.Google Scholar

5. In recent studies of German anti-Semitism, the relative autonomy of ideology has come to assume a more central role, eclipsing older approaches that emphasized the determining function of socioeconomic factors. For an astute review of this new literature, see Rahden, Till van, “Ideologie und Gewalt: Neuerscheinungcn fiber den Antisemitismus in der deutschen Geschichte des 19. und frühen 20. Jahrhunderts,” Neue Politische Literatur 49 (1996): 1129.Google Scholar For a broader introduction to the current debate about the relation of structure to political ideology and action (especially as this debate is understood in Germany), see Mergel, Thomas and Welskopp, Thomas, eds., Geschichte zwischen Kultur und Gesellschaft (Munich, 1997).Google Scholar

6. Jews as usurers counted among the most frequent topoi in the petitions of rural Bavarians opposed to Jewish emancipation. See Harris, , The People Speakl, 133, 217.Google Scholar

7. Stolz, Alban, Annut und Geldsachen: Kalender für Zeit und Eirgkeit 1874, 7th ed. (Freiburg im Dreisgau, 1908), 27,Google Scholar and, more generally, 25–48. Stolz reprinted long excerpts from Jean Müller, “Hilfsbüchlein gegen viele Wucherjuden and etwelche Wucherschriften (1852). On Müller, an Alsatian writer, see Wahl, Alfred, Confessions et comportement dans les campagnes d'Alsace et de Bade, 1871–1939, 2 vols. (Metz, 1980), 2: 846–52.Google Scholar

8. For the drafts of the bill, sec Stenographische Berichte über die Verhandlungen des deutschen Reichstages, 4te Legislationsperiode, III. Session, 1880, Band 3, Anlagen, pp. 371–401; Band 4, Anlagen, pp. 783–69.

9. This became especially evident in the debate on the Reichstag floor. See ibid., Band 1, pp. 555–77; Band 2, 827–55, 1212–33.

10. Riehl, Wilhelm Heinrich, Die Pfalzer: Ein rheinisches Volksbild (Stuttgart and Augsburg, 1857), 356.Google Scholar

11. On Riehl, see Campbell, Joan, Joy in work, German Work: The National Debate (Princeton, 1989), 3446.Google Scholar

12. Der wucher auf dem Lande: Schriften des Vereins für Sozialpolitik, vol. 35 (Leipzig, 1887);Google ScholarBäuerliche Zustände: Schriften des Vereins für Sozialpolitik, vol. 22 (Leipzig, 1883).Google Scholar

13. See table of contents and chapter headings for Der wucher auf dem Lande and Bäuerliche Zustände.

14. Peal, David, “Anti-Semitism and Rural Transformation in Kurhessen:The Rise and Fall of the Böckel Movement” (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1985), 9598.Google Scholar

15. Ibid., 95–96.

16. Bäuerliche Zustände, 2: 4.Google Scholar

17. Der Wucher auf dem Lande, 77. Similarly, Bäuerlicie Zustände, 133.

18. Der wucher auf dem Lande, 77.Google Scholar The general thesis of manipulation could be found in French language treatises as well.Writing in 1882, Charles Perrot opined that “the usurers totally abuse the misery and the ignorance of the peasant in the service of their fraudulent manipulations…“. Cited in Wahl, , Confession et comportement, 2:547.Google Scholar

19. For a thoughtful essay on the current state of the research on anti-Semitism in nineteenth-century Germany, see Rahden, Till van, “Ideologie and Gewalt,” 1129.Google Scholar For a recent overview, see Lowenstein, Steven M., Mendes-Flohr, Paul, Pulzer, Peter, and Richarz, Monika, Integration in Dispute 1871–1918, vol. 3 of German:Jewish History in Modern Times, ed. Meyer, Michael A. (New York, 1997), esp. 196251.Google Scholar

20. For more detail on the case of Bretten, see Smith, Helmut Walser, “Alltag und Antisemitismus in Baden, 1890–1900,” Zeitschrift für die Geschichte des Oberrheins 141 (1993): 290–94.Google Scholar

21. See, for details, Generallandesarchiv Karlsruhe (hereafter GLA) 357/10035 Bitte der Vertretung der israelitischen Gemeinde Bretten um Massregeln gegen die Übergriffe des Antisemitismus.

22. Brettener Wochenblatt, n.d. press clipping, 11 January 1892 (Offener Sprechsaal, letter “Im Namen der Israeliten in Bretten”.); GLA 357/10035.

23. Ibid.

24. Smith, , “Alltag und Antisemitismus in Baden,” 291.Google Scholar

25. The Brettener Sonntagsblatt was a conservative Anzeiger, but as the only newspaper in town, it received letters from both sides. Moreover, because it was an official paper (supported by the government of Baden), it had an obligation to be impartial in the publication of these letters.

26. Brettener Wochenblatt, 11 January 1892, G LA 357/10035.

27. Ibid., 12 January 1892.

28. Ibid., 9 March 1892.

29. Ibid., 2 January 1892.

30. Flugblatt no. 36 Deutsch-Soziale Partei (Güterschlächter Liste), 1890. GLA 60/681.

31. See, for an examination of the list, Antisemitenspiegel: Die Antisemiten in Lichte des Christentums, des Rechtes und der Wissenschaft (Danzig, 1900), 157–64.Google Scholar

33. Langmuir, Gavin, Toward a Definition of Antisemitism (Berkeley, 1990), 334.Google Scholar

33. Richarz, , “Emancipation and Continuity,” in Revolution and Evolution, 1848 in German-Jewish History, ed. Mosse, Werner, Pauker, Arnold and Rürup, Reinhard (Tübingen, 1981), 113.Google Scholar

34. Richarz, , “Emancipation and Continuity,” 106.Google Scholar

35. Der Wucher auf dem Lande, 108, n. 1. For Alsace-Lorraine, see Caron, Vicki, Between France and Germany: The Jews of Alsace-Lorraine 1871–1918 (Stanford, 1988), 125, 229, n. 30.Google Scholar

36. Peal, , Anti-Semitism and Rural Transformation, 101, cites roughly twice as many suits as convictions. In Bavaria the rate of conviction may have been higher. Between 1881 and 1884, 75 cases were brought to court, 51 of which resulted in convictions. See Der Wucher auf dem Lande, 108.Google Scholar

37. Peal, , “Anti-Semitism and Rural Transformation in Kurhessen,” 99103.Google Scholar

38. Bretten, BA, 15 January 1892. GLA 236/7241, 136–41.Google Scholar

39. Diesbach, Heinrich, ed., Prozess gegen den jüdischen Wucherer Hirsch Hausmann von Fkhiven (Mannheim, 1884).Google Scholar

40. Peal, , “Anti-Semitism and Rural Transformation,” 107.Google Scholar For a very similar pattern for an earlier period (1817 to 1819), see Friedeburg, Robert von, Ländliche Gesellschaft und Obrigkeit: Gemeindeprotest und politische Mobilisiening im 18. und 19. fahrhundert (öttingen, 1997), 182.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

41. Peal, , “Anti-Semitism and Rural Transformation in Kurhessen,” 233–34, 256–57.Google Scholar

42. See Smith, , “Alltag und Antisemitismus in Baden,” where the argument concerning the relation of town to country in anti-Semitic organizing is pursued in greater detail. On the confessional dimension of anti-Semitic electioneering in Baden,Google Scholar see Smith, Helmut Walser, “Religion and Conflict: Protestants, Catholics, and Anti-Semitism in the State of Baden in the Era ofWilhelm II,Central European History 27, no. 3 (1994): 283314.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For a perceptive discussion of the way in which in an earlier period, anti-Semitism became enmeshed in confessional polemics, see Herzog, Dagmar, Intimacy and Exclusion: Religious Politics in Pre-Revolutionary Baden (Princeton, 1996), esp. 5384.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

43. On the similarities and differences of Catholic and Protestant anti-Semitism, see now Blaschke, Olaf, Katholizismus und Antisemitismus im Deutschen, Kaiscrreich (Gottingen, 1997), esp. 172–82.Google Scholar See also Smith, Helmut Walser, “The Learned and the Popular Discourse of Anti-Semitism in the Catholic Milieu of the Kaiserreich.” Central European History 27, no. 3 (1994): 315–29.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

44. The assumption is most commonly embedded in studies of prejudice, which, by dint of their approach, emphasize difference and overlook commonality. In historical studies, a recent example is Blaschke, Olaf,”Antikapitalismus und Antisemitismus: Die Wirtschaftsmentalitat der Katholiken im Wilhelminischen Deutschland,” in Shylock? Zinwerbot und Celdvedeih in der jüdischen und christlichen Tradition, ed. Heil, Johannes and Wacker, Bernd (Munich, 1996), 114–46.Google Scholar

45. See Richarz, Monika, “Emancipation and Continuity, German Jews in the Rural Economy,” 95115;Google ScholarRicharz, , “Viehhandel und Landjuden im 19. Jahrhundert: Eine symbiotische Wirtschaftsbeziehung in Siidwestdeutschland,” Menora, Jahrbuch für deutsch-jüdische Geschichte 1 (Munich, 1990): 6688;Google ScholarRicharz, , “Die soziale Stellung der jüdischen Händler auf dem Lande am Beispiel Südwestdeutschlands,” in Jüdische Unternelmer in Deutschland im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert, ed. Mosse, Werner E. and Pohl, Hans (Stuttgart, 1992). For introductions to the historiography of Jews in the countryside,Google Scholar see Richarz, Monika, “Die Entdcckung der Landjuden: Stand und Probleme ihrer Erforschung am Beispiel Südwestdeutschlands,” in Landjudentum ins Sadwestdeutschen-und Bodenseeraum, ed. Landesarchiv, Vorarlberg (Dornbirn, Austria, 1992);Google ScholarMaurer, Trude, Die Entwick lung der jüdischen Minderheit in Deutschland (17801933), 4th special issue,Google ScholarImernationales Archiv füt Sozialgeschichte der deutsthen literatur (Tubingen, 1992), 7085.Google Scholar

46. Unpublished manuscript in the Leo Baeck Institute (hereafter LBI) in New York. Andorn, Salomon,”Wie es in unserer kleinen Welt einst war,” 21.Google Scholar

47. Ibid.

48. This definition is from Weinberg, Werner, Die Reste des Jüdischdeutschen (Stuttgart, 1969), 99.Google Scholar

49. Schwab, Hermann, Jewish Rural Communities in Germany (London, 1955), 3437.Google Scholar

50. Picard, Jacob, “Childhood in the Village: Fragments of an Autobiography,” in: Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 4 (1959): 277–78.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

51. Picard, , “Childhood in the Village,” 277–78.Google Scholar

52. Richarz, Monika, ed. Jüdisches Leber: im: Deutschland, vol. 2, Selbstzeioisse zur Soziakeschichte im Kaiserreich (Stuttgart, 1979), 79.Google Scholar

53. Indeed, research in the 1980s on the German peasantry suggested that the picture of economically backward peasants, outlined with especially sharp contours by Alexander Gerschenkron, was overdrawn. Sec, for an introduction to this research. Moeller, Robert G., ed. Peasants and Lords in Modern Germany: Recent Studies in Agricultural History (Boston, 1986), 1011.Google Scholar For a more recent study that emphasizes the continuity of agrarian mentalities at the level of rural community, see Friedeburg, Robert von, Ländliehe Gesellschqft und Obrigkeit.Google Scholar

54. LBI Unpublished Manuscript. Fritz Frank,”Verschollenc Heimat,” 42.

55. Andorn, , “Wie es in unserer kleinen Welt einst war,” 1.Google Scholar

56. Ibid.

57. LBI Unpublished Manuscript. Frank, Julius, “Reminiscences of Days Gone by,” 18. For a partial translation,Google Scholar sec Richarz, , ed. Jüdisches Leben in Deutschland, 2:196.Google Scholar

58. With respect to religion, Steven Lowenstein argues that “the tendency of rural communities to be more traditional than urban communities actually seems to he more typical of the late nine teenth century and early twentieth century than it was for earlier periods.” See Lowenstein, , “Jüdisches religiöses Leben in deutschen Dörfern,” in Jüdisches Leben auf dem Lande, ed. Richarz, Monika and Rürup, Reinhard (Tubingen, 1997), 224.Google Scholar This argument, as Lowenstein himself points out, is subject to a series of regional qualifications. See also Breuer, Mordechai, Jüdische Orthodoxie im Deutschen Reich 18711918 (Frankfurt am Main, 1986), 4851.Google Scholar

59. LB1 Unpublished Manuscript. Nathan Marx,”Erinnerungen,” n.d., 6–7.

60. Picard, , “Childhood in the Village,” 277.Google Scholar

61. Frank, Fritz, “Verschollene Heimat,” 42.Google Scholar For the general argument, see especially Breuer, , Jüdische Orthodoxie, 279–81.Google Scholar

62. Aligenteine Zeitung des Judentunts, 19, 20 (1890): 263–66, 273–77.Google Scholar Cited by Toury, Jacob, “Antisemitismus auf dem Lande: Der Fall Hessen 1881–1895,” in Richarz, et al. , Jüdisches Leben auf dem Lande, 177.Google Scholar On Rülf, see also Peal, , Antiscmitism and Rural Transformation in Kurhessen, 98.Google Scholar

63. Jeggle, Utz, Judendörfer in Württemberg (Tubingen, 1969), 157–69.Google Scholar

64. Blaschke, , “Antikapitalismus and Antisemitismus.”Google Scholar

65. Quoted in Jeggle, , judendörfer in Württemberg, 159.Google Scholar

66. Reinhard, Rürup, “Die jüdische Landbevölkerung in den Emanzipationsdebatten,” in Richarz, et al. , Jüdisches Leben enf dem Lande, 130–31.Google Scholar

67. Geertz, Clifford, “Ideology as Cultural System,” in Geertz, , Interpretation of Cultures (NewYork, 1973), 206.Google Scholar

68. See also Schorsch, Emil, “Judische Frömmigkeit in der deutschcn Landgemeinde,” Der Motgen 6 (1930): 47.Google Scholar

69. Labsch-Benz, Elfe, Die jüdische Gemcinde Nonnenweier (Freiburg, 1981), 3336.Google Scholar

70. Harris, née Brandes, “Fröhliche Kindheit im Dorf,” in Richarz, , Jadisches Lehen in Deutschland, 2:163–64.Google Scholar

71. LBI, Unpublished Manuscript. Harris, née Brandes, “Fröhliche Kindheit itn Dorf,” esp. 68. On the mediating role of women in his home town of Rheinbischofsheim, see also Cahnman, , German Jewry, 5859.Google Scholar For the wider picture of female sociability, see Kaplan, Marion A., The Making of the Jewish Middle Class:Woman Family and Identity in Imperial Germany (New York, 1991), 127–34.Google Scholar

72. Spiro, , “Jugenderinnerungen,” in Richarz, , Jüdisches Leben, 140.Google Scholar

73. See also Cahnman, Werner J., German Jewry: Its History and Sociology (Brunswick, N.J., 1989), 51,Google Scholar who remembers Jews who engaged in foreclosing peasant farms as people “who did not always enjoy the most salubrious reputation among Jews or Christians.”

74. née Brandes, Harris, “Fröhliche Kindheit im Dorf,” in Richarz, , Jüdisches Leben, 2:163–64.Google Scholar For a parallel strategy in Alsace in the 1820s, see Hyman, Paula E., The Emancipation of the Jews of Alsace: Acculturation and Tradition in the Nineteenth Century (New Haven, 1991), 141.Google Scholar According to Hyman, the Jewish Consistory urged rabbis to report instances of usury and even recommended denying synagogue honors to Jews who were usurers. In 1844, the rabbinical assembly in Braunschweig also took a public position against any notion that Jews were allowed to charge unfairly high interest in dealings with Christians. See Hamburger, J., Real-Encyclopädie für Bibel und Talmud, supplemental vol. 2 to parts 1 and 2 (Leipzig, 1891), 121.Google Scholar

75. This point may be reinforced by considering Jewish responses to the charge, especially responses by those closer to the rural world. See, for example, Helmdörffer, F.X., Politik und Wucher der Juden: Zu den Schriften Wilhelm Marrs (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1879). Helmdörffer, a south German Jew, took issue with the anti-Semitic writings of Wilhelm Marr by arguing that the Jewish usurer may constitute a real problem, but Marr, as other anti-Semites, vastly overrated it.Google Scholar

76. Sombart, Werner, Die Juden und das Wirtschaftsleben, (Munich and Leipzig, 1922), 329.Google Scholar For a recent critical evaluation of Sombart's spurious work, see Barkai, Avraham, “Judentuni, Juden und Kapitalismus: Ökonomische Vorstellungen von Max Weber und Werner Sombart,” Menora: jahrbuch für deutsch-jüdische Geschidne 4 (1994): 2538.Google Scholar

77. Spiro, , “Jugenderinnerungen,” in Richarz, , Jüdisches Leben:, 2:140.Google Scholar That peasants also knew a range of German-Yiddish expressions, see Labsch-Benz, , Die jüdische Gemeinde Nonnenweier, 52.Google Scholar

78. Spiro, “Jugenderinnerungen,” in Richarz, Jüdisches Leben, 2: 140. Linguists are now beginning to study this lost language more carefully.Google Scholar See Matras, Y., “Sondersprachliche Hebraismen: Zum semantischen Wandel in der herbräschen Komponente der südwestdeutschen Viehhändlersprache,” in Rotwelsch-Dialekte, ed. Siewert, Klaus (Wiesbaden, 1996), 4358;Google ScholarThommen, Dieter, “Das Jiddische (‘Jüdisch-Deutsche’), im Surbtal and im Bodenseekreis,“ in Landjudentum im Süddeutschen- und Bodenseeraum, ed. Landesarchiv, Voarlberg, 8791.Google Scholar

79. Labsch-Benz, , Die jüdische Gemeinde Nonnenweier, 6263.Google Scholar

80. Ibid., 62.

81. Der Wucher auf dem Lande, 78. For a similar complaint from the district ofTrier, see Bäuerliche Zustände, I, 207.Google Scholar

82. Ibid., 128. On E. R. Knebel and conditions in the Saarland, see Blackbourn, David, Marpingen: Apparitions of the Virgin Mary in Nineteenth-Century Germany (New York, 1994), 8385.Google Scholar

83. Frowald Gil Hüttenmeister, “Die Genisot als Geschichtsquelle,” in Jüdisches Leben auf dem Lande, 213–14. See also Breuer, , Jüdische Orthodoxie im Deutschen Reich, 280–81.Google Scholar

84. Breuer, Mordechai, “Jüdische Religion und Kultur in den Ländlichen Gemeinden 1600–1800;” in Jüdisches Leben auf dem Lunde, 77, citing Hugo Mandelbaum,Google ScholarJewish Life in the Village Communities of Southern Germany (New York, 1985), 47.Google Scholar See also Schwab, , Jewish Rural Communities, 38.Google Scholar

85. See Calmman, , German Jewry, 66, n. 60 for more detail.Google Scholar

86. Stolz, , Armut und Geldsachen, 4950.Google ScholarSchwab, , Jewish Rural Communities in Germany, 39, also suggests evidence “of sermons of more than one priest in Bavarian villages who praised the Jewish population for their family life and their sobriety as an example to his flock.”Google Scholar

87. Brcuer, , Jüdische Orthodoxie, 279,Google Scholar who cites a Christian villager as saying “1ch kann de Jude net leide, die den Schabbes net halte” (I can't stand the Jew who doesn't observe Sabbath). For an astute reflection on the degree to which religious life, Jewish and Christian, showed characteristics of convergence in popular religiosity, see also Lowenstein, Steven, “Jüdisches Leben in deutschen Dörfern,” in Jüdisches Leben auf dem Lande, 219–29.Google Scholar

88. Der Wucher auf dem Lande, 55.

89. Ibid., 91–92.

90. Bäuerliche Zustände, 2: 20.Google Scholar

91. Jeggle, , Judendörfer in Württemberg, 314.Google Scholar This, he writes, is a function of false consciousness, not in any way a reflection of a past reality: “Late capitalist society,” he argues,“does not know unity, for that reason it must postulate harmony all the more vigorously.” Monika Richarz, who does not argue in the same style, nevertheless emphasizes difference. Sec especially Richarz, , “Landjuden ein bürgerliches Element im Dorf?” in Idylle oder Aufbruch: Das Dorf im bürgerlichen 19.Jahrhundert, ed. by Jacobeit, Wolfgang et al. (Berlin, 1990), esp. 184.Google Scholar