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Diachronic split and phoneme borrowing in Resígaro (Arawakan)

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  19 March 2018

Fernando O. de Carvalho
Fernando O. de Carvalho*
Affiliation:
Universidade Federal do Amapá
*
[email protected]
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Abstract

This paper examines a previously identified but so far imprecisely defined split in the historical phonology of Resígaro (Arawakan). I argue that this development was a simple case of allophonic redistribution or primary split, in which word-final allophones of *a merged with ɯ. However, comparative data offers no evidence for the existence of ɯ before the operation of the split in question. This apparent paradox can be resolved by the plausible hypothesis that ɯ entered the language via the massive influx of morphemes from Bora, an unrelated language of the Bora-Muinane family. Only after that were some contextual allophones of *a merged with ɯ. This is the first solidly justified case of loan phonology in Resígaro and it provides further support to the hypothesis that Bora influence on Resígaro is not a result of the language's obsolescent status.

Résumé

Cet article examine une scission précédemment identifiée mais jusqu'ici imprécise dans la phonologie historique du Resígaro (Arawakan). Je soutiens que ce développement est un simple cas de redistribution allophonique ou de scission primaire, dans lequel les allophones de *a en position finale ont fusionné avec ɯ. Cependant, les données comparatives n'offrent aucune preuve de l'existence de ɯ avant l'opération de la scission en question. Cet apparent paradoxe peut être résolu par l'hypothèse plausible voulant que ɯ est entré dans la langue via l'afflux important de morphèmes du Bora, une langue non apparentée de la famille Bora-Muinane. C'est seulement par la suite que certains allophones contextuels de *a ont été fusionnés avec ɯ. C'est le premier cas convenablement justifié de la phonologie de prêt en Resígaro et il fournit un soutien supplémentaire à l'hypothèse que l'influence du Bora sur le Resígaro n'est pas le résultat du statut obsolescent de ce dernier.

Keywords

Sound changecontactloan phonologyArawakan languagesChangement phonologiquecontactphonologie de prêtlangues arawakan
Type
Article
Information
Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique , Volume 63 , Issue 3 , September 2018 , pp. 339 - 358
Copyright
© Canadian Linguistic Association/Association canadienne de linguistique 2018 

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Footnotes

I am grateful for the comments and observations of three anonymous reviewers. Their contributions have improved this paper in many ways; all remaining shortcomings are my own.

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