Published online by Cambridge University Press: 02 May 2013
As legal authorities consider the constitutionality of the laws surrounding prostitution in Canada, we have the opportunity to rethink some of the fundamental assumptions that have been made about sex work and the socio-legal responses to it. In this article we draw on the concept of structural stigma to analyze the stigmatic assumptions inherent in the Canadian laws and briefly describe their effect—the civic exclusion of sex workers. We then consider the ways in which these same assumptions of risk and immorality are reproduced in end-demand (partial criminalization), legalized (regulatory) models, and decriminalization. While the decriminalization of sex work is the response that relies on the least stigmatic assumptions, even the celebrated New Zealand model is not absent of moralization and “othering” discourse. Further reflection is required to conceptualize a policy approach that transcends stigmatic assumptions so as to respect the human and civil rights of sex workers.
Tandis que les autorités judiciaires examinent la constitutionalité des lois sur la prostitution au Canada, il est possible de revoir certaines hypothèses fondamentales ainsi que les mesures socio-juridiques envers le travail du sexe. Dans cet article, les auteures s’appuient sur la notion des inégalités structurelles afin d’analyser les suppositions stigmatisantes inhérentes à la réglementation canadienne et décrire brièvement leurs effets, spécifiquement l’exclusion civique des travailleurs du sexe. Par la suite, les auteures examinent comment ces mêmes hypothèses concernant le risque et l’immoralité sont reproduites dans les régimes de réglementation, soit la criminalisation partielle, les modèles réglementaires de légalisation, ou la décriminalisation réglementée. Bien que la décriminalisation du travail du sexe repose sur des suppositions qui sont moins stigmatisantes, même le populaire modèle de la Nouvelle-Zélande s’appui sur un discours moralisateur ainsi que sur l’idée de « l’autre ». Il est nécessaire d’approfondir la réflexion afin de conceptualiser des politiques pouvant transcender de telles suppositions dans le but de respecter les droits humains et civils des travailleurs du sexe.
The authors wish to thank the two anonymous reviewers and the journal editor for their helpful comments. An earlier version of this paper was presented at the International Conference on Law and Society in Honolulu, Hawai’i, June 4–8, 2012.
2 Criminal Code of Canada RSC 1985, c 46, ss 210, 212.1(j) and 213(1). [Criminal Code]
3 Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, Part I of the Constitution Act, 1982 being Schedule B to the Canada Act 1982 (UK), 1982, c 11. Section 7 guarantees the right to “life, liberty and security of the person.”
4 Canada (AG) v Bedford, [2012] ONCA 186. [Canada v Bedford]
5 Ibid. at para 135.
6 Ibid. at para 256, reasoning that the “living on the avails” law was intended to protect sex workers from pimps yet criminalized all professional relationships (i.e., those with receptionists, security, drivers) that help and offer sex workers security.
7 Ibid. at para 327.
8 Ibid. at para 212.
9 Since “bawdy-house” as defined in Criminal Code s197 and not in s 210 is being revised (with the removal of the word “prostitution”), a significant grey area has emerged as “houses kept for the practice of acts of indecency” are still subject to criminal sanction.
10 Canada v Bedford at para 304.
11 Ibid. at para 322.
12 Ibid. at para 373.
13 See, for example, Maggie’s: Toronto Sex Workers Action Project. “Federal conservatives continue to jeopardize women’s lives and neighbourhood safety,” (April 26, 2012), http://maggiestoronto.ca/press-releases?news_id=89.
14 See, for example, REAL Women of Canada. “Prostitution Decision by Ontario Court of Appeal Attorney General of Canada and Bedford,” (March 26, 2012), http://www.realwomenca.com/page/mediareleases.html; The Coalition for the Abolition of Prostitution. “Equality-seeking Women’s Groups will continue to demand a change in the laws on prostitution” (March 26, 2012), http://www.rapereliefshelter.bc.ca/sites/default/files/imce/Press%20Release%20-%20March%2026%202012.pdf.
15 A Supreme Court ruling would be applicable to the nation and not just Ontario as is, at least in principle, currently the case.
16 Canada v Bedford at para 173.
17 Ibid. at paras 216–17. See also paras 183, 190, and 201.
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28 Here we are drawing attention to the process of “translation”—how a policy is enacted will be conditioned by the institutions and individuals responsible for implementation tactics—what O’Malley, Shearing, and Weir (1996) refer to as the “messy actualities.” For example, police services exercise considerable discretion in enforcement practices. See Latour, B., “The Powers of Association,” in Power, Action and Belief: A New Sociology of Knowledge, ed. Law, J., 264–80 (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1986)Google Scholar; O’Malley, P., Weir, L., and Shearing, C., “Governmentality, Criticism, Politics,” Economy and Society 26, 4 (1997), 501.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
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35 See Bruckert and Chabot, Challenges; Jeffrey and MacDonald, Sex Workers Talk Back; Lewis, J. and Shaver, F., Safety, Security, and the Well-Being of Sex Workers: A Report Submitted to the House of Commons Subcommittee on Solicitation Laws. (Windsor: Sex Trade and Advocacy–STAR, 2006).Google Scholar
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38 Canada v Bedford, at para 134, emphasis ours. When they assert “the acknowledged reality that prostitution is inherently dangerous in virtually any circumstances” (at para 117) they prioritize “common knowledge” over the volumes of expert testimony that Justice Himel ruled credible and which they implicitly they endorse when they defer to Justice Himel’s assessment (at para 130).
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49 Criminal Code at s 213.(1).
50 Reference re ss 193 and 195.1(1)(C) of the criminal code (Man.) [1990] 1 SCR. 1123, paras 15–16.
51 Canada v Bedford at para 307, emphasis ours. This issue was raised by Justice MacPherson writing for the dissent at 346: “It is not clear to me how street prostitution’s association with these other social ills increases the weight that ought to be assigned to the legislative objective” (emphasis in the original).
52 N. Currie and K. Gillies, Bound by the Law: How Canada’s Protectionist Policies in the Areas of Both Rape and Prostitution Limit Women’s Choices, Agency and Activities. (Status of Women Canada, Unpublished Manuscript, 2006).
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55 Lewis and Shaver, Safety, Security and Well-being.
56 Socio-historical researcher Mariana Valverde asserts that “virtually no evidence was found of a traffic in Canadian women, either within or without Canadian borders.” Valverde, M., The Age of Light, Soap and Water: Moral Reform in English Canada, 1885–1925. (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1991) at 93Google Scholar. Surprisingly, the appeal court justices refer to “the pressing social problem of so-called ‘white-slavery’”; Canada v Bedford at para 202. They also appear to accept the evidence of appellants’ witnesses when they assert that “frequently police investigating residential bawdy-houses have found vulnerable women brought in from abroad or under-age girls working as prostitutes” (at para 195).
57 Criminal Code at s 212(j).
58 Criminal Code at s 212 (a)(h).
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62 Canada’s first Criminal Code (1892) prohibited “all persons from procuring the defilement of women under the age of 21.” In 1897, a new law was added that criminalized “the procuring of women for unlawful carnal connection,” and in 1913, in the shadow of moral panic about the “white slave trade,” the procuring provisions were revised to criminalize living on the earnings of another’s prostitution.
63 Van der Meulen, “Illegal Lives.”
64 Canadian HIV/AIDS Legal Network, Not Up to the Challenge of Change: An Analysis of the Report of the Subcommittee on Solicitation Laws. (Toronto: Canadian HIV/AIDS Legal Network, 2007) at 6.
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74 Currie and Gillies, ibid.
75 Ibid. at 55.
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79 Ibid.
80 Ibid. at 27.
81 Nevada Revised Statutes at s 201.380
82 Ibid. at s 201.390
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84 Ibid. at s 441A.800
85 Nevada Revised Statutes, at s 201.356
86 Ibid. at s 201.358
87 Ibid. at s 201.356
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97 Swedish Penal Code, Chapter 6, section 11.
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104 Norway introduced an end-demand law in 2009. A 2012 Farlige Forbindelser report (http://prosentret.no/wp-content/uploads/2012/06/FARLIGE-FORBINDELSER.pdf), commissioned by the City of Oslo, concluded, based on interviews with sex workers, police and social service providers, that sex workers were more vulnerable to violence and had increased their reliance on third parties. See partial translation of report by Wendy Lyon, http://feministire. wordpress.com/2012/07/01/the-oslo-report-on-violence-against-sex-workers/.
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107 Ibid. at 34, emphasis ours.
108 Ibid. at 10.
109 Rose, T., Powers of Freedom: Reframing Political Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999)Google Scholar. See also Scoular, “What’s Law Got to Do With It?” at 33. Scoular makes a similar link to neoliberalism when she argues, “those who act responsibly by adopting appropriate lifestyles via work and norms of sexuality are offered inclusion, those who do not or cannot and instead remain in sex work . . . are excluded.”
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113 Prostitution Reform Act, 2003
114 Ibid. at s 9(3).
115 G. M. Able, Decriminalisation: A Harm Minimisation and Human Rights Approach to Regulating Sex Work (Dunedin, New Zealand: University of Otago, Unpublished PhD Dissertation, 2010); Prostitution Law Review Committee, Report.
116 Prostitution Reform Act, section 11
117 Ibid. s 10
118 Ibid. s 14.
119 Ibid. ss 8 and 9.
120 Able, Decriminalisation; Prostitution Law Review Committee, Report.
121 While arguably still in flux, the experiences of gay and lesbian communities in North America may shed some light on the importance of removing structural stigma in order to facilitate a movement toward destigmatization.
122 Prostitution Reform Act, section 9.
123 The term was famously coined by Scarlot Harlot.