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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 24 December 2009
page xix note 1 Cf. above, p. xii, n. 7, and below, p. xxxvi.
page xix note 2 Milton already uses the Encomium freely in his History of England, and points out its value as a contemporary source for the murder of Alfred. He gives a translation of the forged letter (Enc. III, 3).
page xix note 3 These facts are all recorded in the Prologue and II, 20–1. The assumption (which is as old as Duchesne) that the Encomiast was a monk of St. Bertin's is quite unjustified. He regarded the two foundations at St. Omer as being a unity (see below, p. xx), and gives no indication as to which he was the more closely attached. The word uernula does not necessarily mean ‘ monk ’ in the Latin of the period : it often is simply ‘ servant’. We know of at least one canon of St. Omer's who engaged in historical studies ; see below, note 6. On the evidence of the drawing on fo. iv of MS. L, see Preface.
page xix note 4 See Introduction, § C.
page xix note 5 See Cartulaire de l'abbaye de Saint-Bertin, edited by GuéVard, M. (Paris, 1840), pp. 74–5Google Scholar.
page xix note 6 Ibid., 84 : ‘ Hugo abbas condolens infelicissimæ et miserrimae divisioni et discissioni venerabilis Sithiensis coenobii ab infando Fridogiso factæ …’ Similarly Lambert, a canon of St. Omer's, who compiled lists of the heads of both foundations about 1120, says : ‘ iste Fredegisus a consortio monachorum Sancti Audomari segregavit aecclesiam anno Domini 830 ’. Lambert, however, regards Hugo of St. Quentin, Fridogis's successor, as being actually the last abbot to preside over both houses. See M.G.H.S., xiii. 390–1.
page xx note 1 Cartulaire de … Saint-Bertin, 85–8.
page xx note 2 Neues Archiv, vi. 421–2, footnote.
page xx note 3 St. Omer MS. 750 (written about 1512).
page xx note 4 Cartulaire de … Saint-Bertin, p. xcix.
page xx note 5 Martène and Durand, Thesaurus novus anecdotorum, iii. 571.
page xx note 6 Ed. in Cartulaire de … Saint-Bertin, and in M.G.H.S., xiii. 600 ff.
page xx note 7 It has sometimes been stated that Bovo was educated at St. Bertin's, but this is only derived from John of Ypres, who interpreted the statement of Simon, that Bovo imitated the virtues of his predecessor, as implying that he modelled himself on Rodericus, while the latter still presided over St. Bertin's. Simon's statement that Bovo was the egregius imitator of Rodericus may mean no more than that he discharged his office in same admirable manner as the latter. Simon also says that Bovo was reared from his youth under monastic discipline, but we cannot infer that this means at St. Bertin's.
page xx note 8 Acta Sanctorum Septembris, ii. 604. At least as the teacher of this eminent biographer of Englishmen, Bovo deserves to be remembered in this country.
page xx note 9 The works in question are a few eleventh-century additions to the Libellus Miraculorum S. Bertini, Erembold's Libellus de Miraculo S. Bertini (see M.G.H.S., xv. 516 ff.), and a poem printed in Neues Archiv, ii. 228–30.
page xx note 10 ‘ Cum nonnullas rerum convenientias scribendis gestis antehac pervenisse meminerim, quorum plura ego ipse viderim, quaedam maiorum haud spernendorum virorum relatu didicerim …’ (M.G.H.S., xv. 526).
page xxi note 1 See below, p. xl.
page xxi note 2 II, 13 ; note also II, 16, where the war is said to have been one of ‘ pares paribus ui corporis uirtuteque animi ’.
page xxi note 3 II, 14 : ‘ ne forte si uterque superuiueret neuter regnaret secure, et regnum diatim adnihila[re]tur renouata contentione’.
page xxi note 4 II, 1 : ‘ Angli siquidem memores, quod pater eius iniuste suos inuasisset fines …’
page xxi note 5 See below, p. lx.
page xxi note 6 Note especially the description of his gallantry at Ashingdon (II, 9) and his determination to renew resistence afterwards (II, 10).
page xxi note 7 II, 15.
page xxi note 8 This is clearly placed before the reader by the Encomiast in his Argument: he explains that he begins a work in praise of Emma with an account of Sveinn, because the war begun by that monarch might have had no end but for his son's marriage to Emma ; cf. II, 16 (at end).
page xxii note 1 It has been argued on insufficient grounds that the Encomiast was English (see below, p. xxxvi) : if this were the case, he would be even less likely to have personally over-estimated Emma's capacity to cause a sudden wave of contentment with Danish domination among the English.
page xxii note 2 III, 1 : ‘ ut quidam Anglorum … mallent regnum suum dedecorare quam ornare’.
page xxii note 3 III, 1 : ‘ relinquentes nobiles filios insignis reginae Emmae ’.
page xxii note 4 III, 8.
page xxii note 5 III, 1.
page xxii note 6 See below, p. xlix.
page xxii note 7 Steenstrup first pointed this out (Normandiets Historie, p. 21).
page xxii note 8 Pp. xxxiv ff.
page xxii note 9 Cf. below, pp. xlvi fi.
page xxii note 10 See A. le Moyne de la Borderie, Histoire de Bretagne, ii. 355–98 and especially 496–504.
page xxii note 11 See below, pp. lxviii fi.
page xxii note 12 Cf. below, pp. liv ff.
page xxiii note 1 See below, n. 6, and p. lxiv.
page xxiii note 2 See note 6 below.
page xxiii note 3 See below, p. lxv.
page xxiii note 4 See below, p. lxiv.
page xxiii note 5 III, 7.
page xxiii note 6 See the curious letter (III, 3) alleged to have been forged by Haraldr in the Queen's name. While this document shows us Haraldr canvassing support as he appeared to Emma's party, its picture of Emma shows her as she knew she must have appeared to her opponents, enraged to be tantum nomine regina and revolving all manner of schemes to secure a change on the throne. This view of the Queen is put skilfully by her Encomiast into a composition attributed to the villainous Haraldr : this is equivalent to saying that it was prevalent in some quarters, but was mere scandal. The Encomiast is careful to say that Emma actually passed the time in sorrowful expectation and *** prayer (III, 2). See further on the story of the letter below, p. lxvii.
page xxiii note 7 Arg., ‘ maternis per omnia parens consiliis’.
page xxiii note 8 See below, p. lxv.