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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 21 December 2009
MS 5 consists of 8 foolscap folios, 7 closely written on both sides, and one partly written on one side. It is in George Wyatt's hand, but not the firm italic of most of his works; although legible and regular, it has a broken backed appearance, as though age or sickness had weakened him. In form it is a letter to his son, Sir Francis, then Governor of Virginia, but it bears no sign of having been sent as a letter, and is therefore, presumably, a copy of the original. MS 6 is another holograph copy of the same document, and we are bound to ask why George transcribed his letter in this way. The answer perhaps lies in the fact that, although it contains some personal matters, it is primarily a treatise on the security of the Virginian plantations. Such a treatise might well have been circulated among the members of the Virginia Council in London at a time when the Company was in grievous difficulties, and was being bombarded with criticism and advice. Although portions of this letter savour of Polonius, it contains many shrewd and practical suggestions, and George was obviously kept well informed by his son of events in the colony, as well as studying to good effect the map which he had received. Although a ‘Roman’ in his military science, in so far as he was a firm believer in the classical discipline and tactics, George here shows himself to be fully aware of the peculiar military problems presented by the small number of the colonists and the elusive nature of their enemies.
page 105 note 1 Craven, W. F., The Southern Colonies in the Seventeenth Century (Louisiana, 1949) 147–9Google Scholar; Morton, R. L., Colonial Virginia (Virginia Historical Society, 1960), I, 86–99Google Scholar. See also p. 14.
page 105 note 2 Peace with the most powerful of the neighbouring Indian confederations had been sealed in 1614 by the marriage of John Rolfe to the daughter of Powhatan, the leader of the confederation. Powhatan had died in 1618, and been succeeded by his brother Opechancanough, who had ostensibly continued his policy of peace. When Wyatt arrived in November 1621, the peace had been solemnly ratified and renewed. The sense of security which this treaty gave the colonists encouraged the expansionist plans of the Sandys administration and caused defences to be neglected. Morton, I, 73–76.
page 106 note 1 Kingsbury, , III, 666–8Google Scholar. To add insult to injury this letter went on to attribute the colonists' misfortune to ‘excesses of appareil and drinkeing’.
page 106 note 2 Morton, , I, 76–77Google Scholar. The arrival of fresh colonists at this juncture was a serious mistake, as the depleted resources of Virginia were not able to support them.
page 106 note 3 Kingsbury, , III, 549–59.Google Scholar
page 106 note 4 See p. 112.
page 106 note 5 See for example his letter to his father of 4 April 1623, Kingsbury, , IV, 236–8.Google Scholar
page 107 note 1 Cal. Pat. Elizabeth, , I, 413Google Scholar, Charter granting the fairs, 12 November 1559.
page 107 note 2 Sir Edwin Sandys to John Ferrar, 13 October 1622. Kingsbury, III, 690. See also p. 14. It was this ship that carried to Virginia the devastating plague of 1623.
page 107 note 3 Sir Francis Wyatt arrived in Virginia as Governor in November 1621; the massacre occurred on 22 March 1622. Kingsbury, , III, 549–59; 565–71.Google Scholar
page 107 note 4 Punitive expeditions were mounted against the Indians before the end of 1622. Not only did this not provoke any protest from the Council in London, but by April 1623 Wyatt was beinge urged to greater efforts than the colony was capable of. ‘They talke of an Army of 500’, he wrote to his father, ‘to issue out upon th'Indians’, and added bitterly, ‘I often wish little Mr. Farrar here, that to his zeale he would add knowledge of this Countrey.’ Kingsbury, , IV, 237.Google Scholar
page 108 note 1 The Pamunkey Indians, a tribe living in what was later York County, and after whom the Pamunkey River was named. The outlying settlements of Werowacomoco and Gloucester Point were situated in their territory.
page 108 note 2 A detailed set of instructions was issued by the Council on 24 July 1621 to the ‘Governor for the Time Being’, which included details of the hand-over from Sir George Yeardley to Sir Francis Wyatt. These instructions must have been primarily intended for Sir Francis's direction, as no others seem to have been sent. Kingsbury, , III, 468–82.Google Scholar
page 108 note 3 The meaning of this phrase is obscure, unless ‘on adventure’ is an unintentional repetition.
page 109 note 1 A variant of ‘wakeful’. OED.
page 109 note 2 This word runs off the edge of the page. ‘Deeme’ is supplied from MS 6.
page 109 note 3 This presumably refers to the Council in Virginia.
page 110 note 1 ‘That the slaughter had beene universal, if God had not put it into the heart of an Indian belonging to one Perry to disclose it… Such was (God bee thanked for it) the good fruit of an Infidell converted to Christianity;’ Waterhouse's Declaration; Kingsbury, , III, 555Google Scholar. The Indian's name was Chanco. Morton, , I, 75.Google Scholar
page 110 note 2 There does not seem to be any clue to the identity of the person alluded to here.
page 111 note 1 Sir Francis was the Company's servant, not the King's, and the power by which he and the Council in Jamestown sat as a ‘general court’ was derived from the Council in London. He did not receive a Royal Commission until 26 August 1624, when he became the first Royal Governor.
page 111 note 2 See p. 108 n. 2.
page 111 note 3 I. e. ‘because I have not seen your instructions, I cannot say much, and I do not want to risk a guess’.
page 111 note 4 On the health and diet of the colony, Sir Francis himself had some pertinent comments to make. William and Mary College Quarterly, 2nd series, VI, 114–21.Google Scholar
page 111 note 5 Tobacco was the colony's chief cash crop, and favourable trading terms were essential to its economy. See Morton, , I, 33–44.Google Scholar
page 112 note 1 See p. 106.
page 112 note 2 There is ample testimony to the care and skill with which the massacre was planned, but according to the accounts which have survived there was no fighting to speak of, and certainly nothing which would justify George's remarks here. Either he had misunderstood the situation or, as seems more probable, was referring to some incidents not mentioned in the existing descriptions. See p. 106.
page 112 note 3 There does not seem to be any clue to the identity of this person beyond those given in the following passage. MS 6 gives his name as ‘Jak of the fethers’, which is probably the correct version.
page 112 note 4 Hernan Cortes, the conqueror of Mexico.
page 113 note 1 ‘… yet were the hearts of the English ever stupid, and averted from beleeving anything that might weaken their hopes of speedy winning the Savages to Civilitie and Religion.’ Kingsbury, , III, 553.Google Scholar
page 113 note 2 Fetial; a Roman herald or ambassador, here used generally.
page 113 note 3 Sic, for ‘rest on’.
page 114 note 1 Xenophon, , Cynegeticus.Google Scholar
page 114 note 2 The James River, along which all but two of the twenty-five settlements were situated.
page 114 note 3 Rendezvous.
page 114 note 4 A light firearm, smaller than a musket or arquebus.
page 114 note 5 By 1624 every householder was required to have a palisade around his home, and the communities were put under the command of military captains for defence, but according to one of the investigating commissioners the settlers were still dangerously scattered. Morton, , I, 77.Google Scholar
page 114 note 6 In Kent; a parish bordering on Boxley to the South East.
page 115 note 1 The Court Leet was a court of Record, appointed to be held once a year within a particular hundred, lordship or manor; being the King's Court, granted by charter. Its original purpose was view of frankpledge, and it was the ancient custom for all subjects on reaching years of discretion to be summoned to the Court Leet to take the oath of allegiance to the King.
page 115 note 2 This was later done. Morton, , I, 84.Google Scholar
page 115 note 3 Heaps.
page 116 note 1 Iusti Lipsii tractatus ad historiam Romam cognoscendum, Cambridge 1592Google Scholar. STC, 15702.
page 116 note 2 Macchiavelli, , The Arte of Warre.Google Scholar
page 116 note 3 The Roman Legion was drawn up for battle in three main lines, or sections (ignoring the velites, or skirmishers), the maniples being the sub-divisions of each line. In the first line, the hastati, a maniple was 120 strong; in the second line, or principes, the same. In the third line, the triarii, the maniples contained only 60 men. Adcock, F. E., The Roman Art of War, 9Google Scholar, describes their tactics in battle as follows: ‘It is generally agreed that the maniples of each line were arranged on the parade ground in a chess board pattern, so that between each maniple there was an interval as wide as a maniple and so that the second line maniples covered the intervals in the first line, and the third line maniples covered the intervals in the second. The troops were trained to advance in this way, and then the maniples of the first line were taught to retire, and those of the second line to advance, so that the intervals in the first line were filled up. The whole two lines were then taught to retire and to break in such a way as to pass through the intervals between the maniples of the third line, the triarii, who advanced slowly with their thrusting spears levelled. When the bastati and principes had passed through the intervals, the maniples of the triarii extended outwards and presented to the enemy a continuous row of spears.’ Barrett, Robert in The theoricke and practicke of moderne warres (1598)Google Scholar described the contemporary terminology as ‘a Maniple is here called so many rankes throughout the batell, as the battell is in length, at so many per ranke as they shall march in ordinance or array.’ (III, ii, 46.) See also p. 87.
page 117 note 1 Rough or waste ground.
page 117 note 2 bace; a blow. OED. Thus ‘beds the bace’ = provides the basis or foundation for the assault.
page 117 note 3 hoxen; to hamstring. OED.
page 117 note 4 The Reverend Hawte Wyatt, Sir Francis's younger brother.
page 117 note 5 Supplied from MS 6.
page 117 note 6 A novitiate; used here in the sense of basic military training.
page 118 note 1 Ælianus, , Tacticus; The tacticks of Ælian, or the art of embattailing an army. Englished and illustrated by Bingham, J. (London, 1616)Google Scholar. STC, 161.Google Scholar
page 118 note 2 Renatus, Flavius Vegetius, The foure bookes of martiall policyeGoogle Scholar, trs. J. Sadler (1572). STC, 24631. See also p. 164.
page 118 note 3 A week day, not a feast or festival. OED.
page 119 note 1 For description of the infantry tactics to which these terms and details relate see Garrard, William, The Arte of Warre (1591)Google Scholar STC, 11625.
page 119 note 2 Sic; presumably for Gardens.
page 119 note 3 The second and third ranks fired, while the first re-loaded.
page 119 note 4 Firing with powder charges only.
page 120 note 1 Sleeve; a body of troops placed on the flank of an army. OED.
page 120 note 2 Banderole; a narrow pennant. Presumably a mistake for bandoleer; a belt containing twelve pouches, each holding a single musket charge.
page 121 note 1 This seems to be a confused recollection of Anabasis, I, viiiGoogle Scholar, which simply says ‘the Egyptians in Cyrus army are men with wooden shields reaching to the feet’.
page 121 note 2 A method of war waged by destroying or cutting off supplies.
page 121 note 3 I.e. to invent suitable terms for a new analysis. Most of the words used in the following highly compressed passage as technical terms are presumably used in their common sense.
page 122 note 1 A stretching or extending.
page 122 note 2 Pinfold; to trap within narrow limits. OED.
page 123 note 1 Wiredrawing; protracting or prolonging.
page 123 note 2 Tirage; the action of pulling or drawing out. OED.
page 123 note 3 This possibly refers to Captain Each, the master of the Abigail, who in May or early June 1622 offered to construct a fort at ‘Blunt point’ to control the river. He was not in any sense ‘assigned’, and stipulated for a payment of 60,000 lbs weight of tobacco, but in a letter of the following March, George Sandys complained bitterly (and unjustly) ‘they have sent over (without any advice from us) a Captaine of a shipp, with extreame charges to the Countrey, to build a fort in the sea …’; which made it appear that Each had been sent out by the Council in London for that purpose. Kingsbury, , III, 647Google Scholar; IV, 74.
page 123 note 4 Point comfort. The points outlined here by George as suitable for fortification correspond very closely to those stipulated by Sir Francis and the Assembly in reply to the questions of the Royal Commissioners in 1624. Morton, , I, 103.Google Scholar
page 124 note 1 See p. 107.