No CrossRef data available.
We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 21 December 2009
page 17 note 73 Firth, , ii. 509–11.Google Scholar
page 18 note 74 Firth, , i. x.Google Scholar
page 18 note 75 An entry in Bishop Nicolson's diary for 29 October 1705 reads: ‘I dined at Lambeth, together with the Archdeacon of Dublin, Sir Gustavus Hume, Mr. Archdeacon Kennett, Dr. Fuller of Hatfield, etc. The impudent forgery of the History of Formosa occasioned the mentioning of the counterfeit Petronius, Caesar's Commentaries, and others; and the Archbishop of Dublin confidently averred that Ludlow's Memoirs are of that kind. No, saies my Lord of Canterbury. Ludlow indeed left his works, in Slingsby Bethel's hand, much larger than they are; but nothing was cut of f, save his long citations out of Scripture and some canting digressions.’. Tullie House MS., Carlisle, vol. vi: transcript by Geoffrey Holmes at the History of Parliament Trust.
page 18 note 76 Below, p. 55.
page 18 note 77 Rostenberg, Eleanor, ‘English “Rights and Liberties”: Richard and Anne Baldwin, Whig Patriot Publishers’, in her Literary, Political, Scientific, Religious and Legal Publishing in England (2 vols., New York, 1965), ii. 369–415Google Scholar. Staunchly Whig as the Baldwins were, they were capable of backing more than one Whig horse at once. I refer to Mrs. Baldwin by the name by which she was commonly known, but her Christian name was in fact Abigail: see Michael Treadwell's notes on the bookseller James Roberts in the John Johnson collection in the Bodleian (Room 132).
page 18 note 78 Muddiman, J. G., State Trials. The need for a new and revised edition (Edinburgh, 1920).Google Scholar
page 19 note 79 Register of St. Michael's, Cornhill, 14 July 1696.
page 19 note 80 For introductions to these publishers, see Plomer, H. R., A Dictionary of the Printers and Booksellers.… from 1688 to 1725 (Oxford, 1922), pp. 15–17, 28, 97Google Scholar; cf. Schwoerer, Lois, ‘No Standing Armies!’ (Baltimore, 1974), p. 198.Google Scholar
page 19 note 81 Most of these figures will be discussed in due course. The political views of the Phillips brothers were flexible. For the stature in the group of Samuel Johnson, see especially King Charles I no such Saint, Martyr or Good Protestant as commonly reputed (1698), p. 22Google Scholar. Other radicals of the 1690s whose careers and affiliations would repay closer-examination than they have received include Sir Robert Howard, Charles Blount and Charles Gildon; for Howard, compare the present introduction with Oliver, H. G., Sir Robert Howard (North Carolina, 1963), pp. 115, 126n., 154.Google Scholar
page 19 note 82 There are two hints in the Memoirs. that the manuscript may have been perused, prior to publication, by someone who had been well acquainted with Ludlow in the 1660s but whose memory had faded. In the manuscript (‘Voyce’, p. 964Google Scholar) Ludlow correctly states that Bethel visited Lausanne in 1662: the Memoirs surprisingly leave the date blank. In the manuscript (‘Voyce’, pp. 1218–19Google Scholar) Ludlow refers to a French officer, who allegedly plotted against the exiles in 1668, as ‘Marrell’. The Memoirs, recognising an error, change the name to ‘Martell’: it should, apparently, have been ‘Mazel’ (see Nouveaux Mémoires d'Edmond Ludlow,.preface; cf. Jacob, M. C., The Newtonians and the English Revolution (1976), p. 258).Google Scholar
page 20 note 83 Firth, , i. x–xi.Google Scholar
page 20 note 84 See B.L., Add. MS. 17677SS, fo. 171; Nouvelles de la République,. 02 1700, p. 180n.Google Scholar
page 20 note 85 Firth, , i. xiiiGoogle Scholar; cf. Regicides no Saints,.p. 134.Google Scholar
page 20 note 86 Brief Reply,. pp. 24–6.Google Scholar
page 20 note 87 All these books either bear Darby's name on their title-pages or are frequently advertised in his publications. That he published Sidney's Discourses, Milton's Works and Harrington's Works is confirmed by: A Transcript of the Registers of the Worshipful Company of Stationers from 1640 to 1708 (3 vols., 1913–1914), iii. 484, 492Google Scholar; the title-page of the 1704 edition of Sidney's Discourses; The Post Boy,. 9–11 08 1698Google Scholar; The Post Man no. 559, 5–7 January 1699, and no. 628, 15–17 June 1699.
page 20 note 88 Title-page. The volume probably appeared at the beginning of the year: The Flying Post,. 24–26 and 26–28 01 1699.Google Scholar
page 21 note 89 Below, p. 57.
page 21 note 90 I. Littlebury and A. Boyer, The Adventures of Telemachus (1721)Google Scholar; The History o Herodotus (1709: reprinted in 1720 by Bell and Darby junior); Hill, G. Birkbeck (ed.), The Memoirs of the Life of Edward Gibbon (1900), p. 44.Google Scholar
page 21 note 91 Firth, , i. xi–xiiiGoogle Scholar; Stern, Alfred, Briefe englische Flüchtlinge in der Schweiz (Göttingen, 1874), p. xi.Google Scholar
page 21 note 92 Firth, , i. xi–xiiGoogle Scholar. The tradition reached Tyers ‘many years ago from an oracle in history to whom it was communicated by the late Mr. Andrew Stone, who derived his intelligence from Buckley, the splendid editor of Thuanus’.
page 21 note 93 B.L., classmark 521 m. 15.
page 21 note 94 pp. iii–vi.
page 22 note 95 Firth, , i. xiiin.Google Scholar
page 22 note 96 Cf. the references to Toland and Ludlow in The Secret History of the Calves-Head Club (1704), pp. 6–7.Google Scholar
page 22 note 97 Amyntor,.p. 134.Google Scholar
page 23 note 98 Just Defence, pp. 12–13, 126–9Google Scholar, part ii pp. 207–8; Regicides no Saints,. p. 123.Google Scholar
page 23 note 99 Compare the treatment of the question of the authorship of Eikon Basilike in Amyntor,. pp. 156ffGoogle Scholar., with the discussion in A Defence, pp. 15–27Google Scholar; and compare the autobiographical passage in King Charles I …. (a work which is explicitly a sequel to A Defence),.pp. 23–4, with the passage about Holland in P. Desmaizeaux (ed.), A Collection of Several Pieces of Mr. John Toland (2 vols., 1726), ii. 106–7Google Scholar. King Charles I …. is signed ‘D.J.’, i.e., presumably, [Tolan]d J[ohn] (a device characteristic of Toland, who signed a later work ‘Londat’). It may well be, however, that D[avid] J[ones], whose career the autobiographical passage would also fit, assisted Toland in the composition of the pamphlet. Jones is a shadowy figure. Baron does not mention him, and I have found nothing to connect him directly with the rewriting of Ludlow's manuscript. Had there been such a connection, it would almost certainly have left some trace.The style of the Memoirs does not seem to me to be Jones's. At the same time, Jones must have known all about the preparation of the Memoirs,. and his expertise is likely to have been drawn upon during their composition: cf. below, p. 38.
page 23 note 100 Classmark Godwin 674. The hand seems more likely to belong to the first than to any other quarter of the century, but certainty is impossible.
page 23 note 101 Perhaps the most influential study of Toland in English has been Leslie Stephen's History of English Thought in the Eighteenth Century (2 vols., 1876)Google Scholar, i. ch. iii. F. H. Heinemann wrote a series of valuable pioneering essays on Toland between 1943 and 1950, and there is a bold and informative study of Toland in Jacob, The Newtonians and the English Revolution, pp. 201ffGoogle Scholar. Other useful surveys are by W. Dienemann (1953), H. F. Nicholl (1965), E. Twynam (1968: privately printed by David Low), and J. G. Simms (1969): for full details, see Carabelli, G., Tolandiana (Florence, 1975)Google Scholar, a very substantial bibliography which is now the indispensable companion to all studies of Toland. I became aware of Professor Carabelli's book too late for me to make use of it here, but my approach to Toland has in any case been rather different from (and much narrower than) his. Professor Carabelli has deposited extensive lists of additions and corrections to Tolandiana in the British Library, the Bodleian and other major libraries.
page 24 note 102 B.L., Add. MS. 4295 (Toland papers), fo. 39v; R. Huddleston (ed.), Toland's History of the Druids (Montrose, 1814), p. 187Google Scholar; Toland, , Letters to Serena (1704), pp. 2–8Google Scholar. Toland assiduously spread confusion about the year of his birth.
page 24 note 103 Jacques Bernard told Pierre Desmaizeaux that Toland had imbibed the ‘Socinian’ doctrine ‘qu'il est permis de mentir à certaines occasions’, but his explanation of Toland's conduct seems needlessly sophisticated. B.L., Add. MS. 4286 (Desmaizeaux papers), fo. 100.
page 24 note 104 Toland's History of the Druids,.pp. 84, 92–3, 228Google Scholar; Amyntor, p. 32Google Scholar; Complete Prose Works of John Milton (Yale), e.g. i. 618Google Scholar, vii. 189, 322, 389; Toland, , Nazarenus (1718), p. iiGoogle Scholar; Toland, , A Philippick Oration (1707), p. 1Google Scholar; Somers Tracts (13 vols., 1809–1815), xii. 565Google Scholar; Desmaizeaux, , Toland, i. lxi, 404, 448–9Google Scholar; Rand, B. (ed.), The Life, unpublished Letters, and philosophical Regimen of Anthony, Earl of Shaftesbury (1900), p. xxxGoogle Scholar; Toland, (ed.), Letters from the Right Honourable the late Earl of Shaftesbury to Robert Molesworth (1721), pp. v–viGoogle Scholar; B.L., Add. MS. 4465 (Toland papers), fo. 19; B.L., Harleian MS. catalogue, ii. 230ff.
page 24 note 105 Lambeth MS. 933, no. 74, Simpson to Toland, 20 April 1697.
page 24 note 106 Paterson, Samuel (ed.), Bibliotheca Westiana (1773), p. 44Google Scholar; flyleaf of James Martineau's copy of the translated Spaccio in the library of Manchester College, Oxford (cf. Watt, R. (ed.), Bibliotheca Britannica (4 vols., Edinburgh, 1824), i. 162).Google Scholar
page 24 note 107 B.L., Add. MS. 4282 (Desmaizeaux papers), fos. 118, 190.
page 24 note 108 Ballard MS. vii, fos. 94, 96, Kennett to Charlett, 29 March and 2 April 1701, xxi, fo. 17, Bishop to Charlett, 2 April 1701, xxiv, fo. 54, Birch to Charlett, 4 April 1701.
page 25 note 109 Sharp, T., The Life of John Sharp (2 vols., 1925), i. 273ff.Google Scholar; Kemble, J. H. (ed.), European State Papers and Correspondence (1857), pp. 459–60Google Scholar; Desmaizeaux, Toland,. i. v–viGoogle Scholar; cf. Ballard MS. v, fos. 46, 58, Gibson to Charlett, 13 June, 20 July 1694. For Toland's tactics see also Cato's Letters (4 vols., 1733), i. xviiiGoogle Scholar; Bodleian Library, MS. Eng. letters c. 200, fo. 21.
page 25 note 110 Lambeth MS. 942, no. 110, Charlett to Tenison, 25 October 1695; Notes and Queries,. 4 01 1862Google Scholar. Cf. Ballard MS. v, fo. 27; Simms, J. G., ‘John Toland (1670–1722), A Donegal Heretic’, Irish Historical Studies,. 1969, p. 305Google Scholar; Toland, , ClitoGoogle Scholar (a work which may have been doctored by Toland's enemies before publication, but which was clearly based on a text of Toland: compare it with the sentiments in Toland's Anglia Libera (1701), p. 188Google Scholar, and in An Apology for Mr. Toland (1702), p. 10).Google Scholar
page 25 note 111 Toland, , Vindicius Liberius (1702), p. 146Google Scholar; Toland's History of the Druids,. p. 153Google Scholar; Toland, , High Church Displayed, (1711), p. 13Google Scholar; Somers Tracts,. xii. 573Google Scholar; The Liberties of England Asserted, (1714), p. 12Google Scholar. (This last, anonymous, work can be plausibly attributed to Toland on the basis of internal evidence: e.g. compare the page cited with Amyntor, p. 100Google Scholar, and see Toland's The Grand Mystery Laid Open (1714: published, like The Liberties of England Asserted, by James Roberts, who, with Andrew Bell's partner Bernard Lintott, was Toland's most regular publisher in Anne's reign).
page 25 note 112 The Art of Restoring,.p. 37Google Scholar; A Collection of General Monck's Letters, esp. pp. viii ff. Milton's influence on Toland was, I suspect, considerable.
page 25 note 113 B.L., Add. MS. 4295, fos. 4, 6&v, 10&v.
page 26 note 114 Desmaizeaux, Tolandi, xxv.
page 26 note 115 The Works of John Locke (9 vols., 1824), viii. 434Google Scholar; H.M.C.R. Portland, iii. 486.Google Scholar
page 26 note 116 For the timing, see Schwoerer, Lois, ‘Chronology and Authorship of the Standing Army Tracts’, Notes and Queries, 1966, p. 387Google Scholar; The Post Boy, 1–3 02 1698.Google Scholar
page 26 note 117 Stationers Company Register, iii. 384Google Scholar; The Post Boy, 9–11 and 23–25 08 1698.Google Scholar
page 26 note 118 Robbins, Caroline, The Eighteenth Century Commonwealthsman (Cambridge, Mass., 1959), p. 6CrossRefGoogle Scholar; cf. Regicides no Saints, p. 24.Google Scholar
page 26 note 119 Robbins, Caroline, ‘Algernon Sidney's Discourses concerning Government: Textbook of Revolution’, William and Mary Quarterly, 1947, p. 281n.Google Scholar
page 26 note 120 See particularly its concluding paragraph.
page 26 note 121 ‘The Trial of A. Sydney’, pp. 21–44Google Scholar, and Sidney, 's ‘Apology’, pp. 11–12, 17, 22, 26Google Scholar, both in Sidney's Works (1772). The problem of the date of the composition of the Discourses (discussed by Fink, Z. S., The Classical Republicans (Evanston, Illinois, 1945),p. 149n.Google Scholar) could profitably be considered afresh. The gaps in the Discourses (listed by Robbins, , William and Mary Quarterly, 1947, p. 281n.Google Scholar) may reflect the bafflement of the publishers, but they could alternatively be an attempt to strengthen the impression of authenticity. Even so, if Sidney's text was pruned before publication, it is surprising that it was not pruned more extensively. A discussion of the question of the fidelity of the publishers to Sidney's manuscript might also take account of the references in the Discourses to the classic work of Bartolomeo de las Casas (Robbins, , William and Mary Quarterly, 1947, p. 283n.Google Scholar), which was published by Darby in the spring of 1698 (Arber, , Term Catalogues, iii. 476Google Scholar), and to the political wisdom of Sir Walter Ralegh. The Cabinet Counsel,.a work which was supposed to have been written by Ralegh, and whose publication in 1658 had apparently been sponsored by Milton, was republished in 1697, probably by the Darby-Toland circle (see The Life of John Milton, p. 142Google Scholar). Andrew Bell published an abridged version of Ralegh's History of the World in 1698. See also Bethel, The Interest of Princes, sig. A5 and pp. 20, 36, 57.
page 27 note 122 If the opening sentence of the Memoirs was a fabrication, the inspiration for it could have come from a passage on ‘Voyce’, p. 963.Google Scholar
page 27 note 123 The Life of John Milton,.pp. 62, 122Google Scholar; cf. Anglia Libera, p. 59Google Scholar. Harrington was much quoted in the pamphlet debates of the later 1690s.
page 28 note 124 See e.g. the advertisements in the 1700 edition of Harrington's Works, in the 1704 edition of Sidney's Discourses, and in the 1705–6 edition of State Tracts, vol. ii; O. Klopp (ed.), Correspondencede Leibniz (3 vols., 1894), ii. 209Google Scholar. Toland inserted fresh manuscript material into the Harrington edition. He gained access to the Harrington family papers, and claimed to have drawn from them part of the biographical account of Harrington which prefaces the Works. He also published in the Works two treatises by Harrington which had previously existed only in manuscript. J. G. A. Pocock, our leading authority on Harrington, considers that Toland probably reproduced the treatises faithfully, but that the biographical sketch of Harrington must be treated with caution.
page 28 note 125 E.g. A Brief Reply to the History of Standing Armies, p. 24Google Scholar; A Just Defence of the Royal Martyr, preface; Regicides no Saints, pp. 12–13, 16, 18–19, 44–5, 47Google Scholar. See also The Post Man no. 628, 15–17 06 1699.Google Scholar
page 28 note 126 Confusion has arisen about this work, partly because the 1699 version was for long hard to obtain, and so eluded the searches of Stephen and others. An impression may have appeared before the end of 1698 (The Flying Post, 26–29 11 1698Google Scholar). For the version later owned by Shaftesbury, see his Characteristicks (3 vols., 1711), ii. 5–176Google Scholar; for Toland's responsibility for the revision see Rand, , Shaftesbury, pp. xxiii–xxivGoogle Scholar. See also The Post Man no. 610, 4–6 05 1699Google Scholar, and below, p. 44.
page 28 note 127 The manuscript, which is in Holles's own hand, is in the Sheffield City Library,Wentworth Woodhouse Muniments, Strafford papers, MS. 12. It differs from the printed version in only two significant (although in many insignificant) respects. It is entitled, not ‘Memoirs’, but ‘Some Observations of the Designes and Proceedings of the Independents in, by and upon the Parliament and Kingdome, since the beginning of our unnaturall Warr in the yeare 1642, unto this present Time, the ending of the yeare 1647’; and Holles's dedication is dated 14 February 1647–8 rather than 14 February 1648–9. In the same collection (Strafford papers, MS. 15) is another manuscript in Holles's hand, called ‘The Grand Question concerning the Prorogation of this Parliament for a Yeare and Three Months Stated and Discussed’. A ‘part of’ this treatise seems to have been published in 1676–7: see Journals of the House of Lords, 1 03 1676–1677Google Scholar. It was evidently related to, but should be distinguished from, two other works of approximately the same date: The Long Parliament Dissolved, and Some Considerations upon the Question whether the Parliament is dissolved by its Prorogation for 15 Months (cf. B.L., Harleian MS. 6810, fos. 102–5; W. Hamper (ed.), The Life, Diary, and Correspondence of Sir William Dugdale (1827), pp. 404–5Google Scholar). A further bibliographical problem concerning Holles is discussed below, p. 38.
page 29 note 128 Desmaizeaux, Toland, i. lxii–lxiii.Google Scholar
page 29 note 129 For Shaftesbury and Desmaizeaux, see Rand, , Shaftesbury, pp. 395–6Google Scholar; A Concise Catalogue of the Library of Anthony Collins (1731), part i, p. 79Google Scholar; below, p. 44 n. For Toland and Desmaizeaux, see e.g. B.L., Add. MS. 4282, fos. 139v, 141, 143, 190, 192, 235, Add. MS. 4465, fos. 19, 36v. Desmaizeaux was a friend of Jacques Bernard and a contributor to Bernard's Nouvelles de la République, which made its disapproval of Toland plain in its issue of July 1699, pp. 224–5. Cf. above, p. 24, n. 103.
page 29 note 130 Classmark 80. T. 40 Med. As a number of flyleaf ascriptions are cited in this introduction, it is perhaps worth mentioning that they are all in different hands.
page 29 note 131 Manuscripts were always happening to fall into Toland's hands. For Toland's relations with Newcastle see also Desmaizeaux, Toland, ii. 343, 348Google Scholar; Somers Tracts, xii. 558Google Scholar; H.M.C.R. Portland, v. 259Google Scholar; cf. Toland, , The State-Anatomy of Great Britain (1717),; p. 96Google Scholar. See also below, p. 45.
page 29 note 132 Amyntor, p. 135Google Scholar. For the connection between Amyntor and Holles's Memoirs see; also Nouvelles de la République, 07 1699, pp. 223–5.Google Scholar
page 29 note 133 Memoirs of Denzil Lord Holles, pp. xi–xiiiGoogle Scholar; Short Memorials of Thomas Lord Fairfax (1699), pp. iii–ivGoogle Scholar; B.L., Harleian MS. 1786, fos. 1, 48, and Harleian MS. 6390, fos. 1–4 (letters of Bryan Fairfax). See also The Post Man, 15–17 06 1699.Google Scholar
page 30 note 134 The Life of John Milton, pp. 139–41Google Scholar; cf. Rand, , Shaftesbury, pp. 325–6Google Scholar, and Levine, J. M., ‘Ancients, Moderns, and History’, in Korshin, P. J. (ed.), Studies in Change and Revolution (Scolar Press, 1972), pp. 54ffGoogle Scholar. For Tyrell see also Kemble, , European State Papers, pp. 230–1, 240.Google Scholar
page 30 note 135 Desmaizeaux, Toland, ii. 106Google Scholar; Toland, , The Art of Governing by Partys (1701), p. 7Google Scholar; Toland, , Socinianism truly Stated (1705), pp. 5, 7Google Scholar; The State-Anatomy of Great Britain, preface and p. 28; Toland, , Tetradymus (1720), p. 182Google Scholar; cf. Somers Tracts, xii. 549Google Scholar. Cf.also Toland's ‘inclination for paradoxes’: Desmaizeaux, Toland, i. xii, lviiGoogle Scholar; Christianity not Mysterious, p. iv; Anglia Libera, p. 145Google Scholar; Letters to Serena, sig. c; State-Anatomy, p. 33Google Scholar; Toland's History of the Druids, p. 80Google Scholar. Holles's Memoirs were published not by Darby but by Timothy Goodwin, who was a friend of Darby but who had a rather more reputable clientele—a consideration which would no doubt have appealed to Newcastle. Moles-worth's An Account of Denmark was among Goodwin's publications. Anne Baldwin advertised Holles's Memoirs: The Post Man, 11–14 04 1699Google Scholar. The remark in the preface to Holles's Memoirs that Holles may have ‘guided his pencil to draw the lines of Cromwel's face too strong, and the shadows too many’ could have been elicited by the hostile reception provoked in some quarters by the characterisation of Cromwell in the first two volumes of Ludlow's Memoirs: see Somers Tracts, vi. 416ff.Google Scholar
page 31 note 136 Desmaizeaux, Toland, ii. 338–9.Google Scholar
page 31 note 137 Cf. the sources cited above, p. 30, n. 135.
page 31 note 138 Desmaizeaux, Toland, i. v–viGoogle Scholar; An Apology for Mr. Toland, p. 15Google Scholar; Tetradymus, pp. 174–6Google Scholar; Nazarenus, p. xGoogle Scholar; Toland, , An Account of an Irish Manuscript (1718), pp. 2, 16ff., 29Google Scholar; Toland's History of the Druids, pp. 52, 126, 142–3Google Scholar. Toland may have pressed the point about Londonderry on John Aubrey when he cooperated with him (and learned a good deal from him) in 1694–5: see Aubrey's Mìscellanies (1890), pp. 28–9Google Scholar, and cf. Hunter, Michael, John Aubrey and the World of Learning (1975), pp. 59–60Google Scholar. Perhaps Toland was introduced to Aubrey by Milton's nephews Edward and John Phillips, who knew Aubrey well; cf. Helen Darbishire (ed.), The Early Lives of Milton (1932).Google Scholar
page 32 note 139 Isaac Littlebury, as we have already seen, may also have had a hand in the prefaces. Baron refers to the ‘prefacers’ of volume 3 of the Memoirs (Regicides no Saints, pp. 3–4).Google Scholar
page 32 note 140 Below, pp. 41, 48–50, 62.
page 32 note 141 ‘Voyce’, p. 1068.Google Scholar
page 32 note 142 ‘Voyce’, p. 983.Google Scholar
page 32 note 143 ‘Voyce’, pp. 749, 985, 1022, 1067, 1096, 1141, 1149, 1219.Google Scholar
page 32 note 144 ‘Voyce’, p. 786.Google Scholar
page 32 note 145 The same objection can be made against David Jones (cf. above, p. 23, n. 99).
page 33 note 146 ‘Voyce’, p. 853.Google Scholar
page 33 note 147 The Life of John Milton, p. 22Google Scholar; cf. Darbishire, , The Early Lives of Milton, pp. 2, 38, 59Google Scholar. For Cook, Diodati and Milton, see also A true Relation of Mr. Justice Cook's Passage (1650), p. 16Google Scholar, and Firth, C. H. (ed.), ‘Papers relating to Thomas Wentworth’, Camden Miscellany, ix (1895), 19.Google Scholar
page 33 note 148 ‘Voyce’, p. 977.Google Scholar
page 33 note 149 How did Toland acquire—or how did it occur to him to invent—so arcane a piece of information? One slight possibility will perhaps suggest itself to the reader who consults: Firth, , ii, 346nGoogle Scholar.; Hunter, , John Aubrey, p. 103n.Google Scholar; the reference to John Evelyn in the life of Edward Phillips in the Dictionary of National Biography; and above, p. 32, n. 138.
page 34 note 150 ‘Voyce’, p. 1230.Google Scholar
page 34 note 151 Gardiner, S. R., The History of England (10 vols., 1886), x. 103Google Scholar; Coates, W.H. (ed.), The Journal of Sir Simonds D'Ewes (New Haven, 1942), p. 315.Google Scholar
page 34 note 152 The episode is not mentioned in Holles's Memoirs, and it seems likely that the editor of Ludlow's Memoirs was alerted to it by Ludlow. There is a brief discussion of the incident earlier in Ludlow's manuscript (‘Voyce’, p. 800Google Scholar), where Ludlow notes that it had been mentioned in a pamphlet attack on Richard Baxter published in 1660. By locating the attack, which is to be found in The Rebels Plea (1660), p. 30Google Scholar, the editor would have seen that The Rebels Plea had drawn its information from Edward Husbands's An Exact Collection (1642), p. 548Google Scholar; and from Husbands's account (but not from Ludlow's or from The Rebels Plea) the editor could, with a little licence, have produced the story as it appears in Ludlow's Memoirs. He would surely have gone to such lengths only if he had been eager to arouse his readers' interest in Holles. A second possible explanation for the appearance of the episode in Ludlow's Memoirs is that Ludlow had mentioned it in the missing, pre-1660 section of his manuscript, but the reference on ‘Voyce’, p. 800Google Scholar, does not lead one to suppose that he had done so.
page 34 note 153 The first three (whose full titles are given by Firth, i. lvi–lvii) were reprinted by Francis Maseres in 1812 as Three Tracts published at Amsterdam, in the years 1691 and 1692, under the name of Letters of General Ludlow, The fourth was Truth Brought to Light (1693). We do not know who printed the tracts, but it is a fair guess that Richard Baldwin was involved; cf. the history of James I's reign reprinted from a 1651 pamphlet by Baldwin in 1692 as Truth Brought to Light.
page 35 note 154 Truth Brought to Light (1693), p. 4.Google Scholar
page 35 note 155 Firth, , ii. 329nGoogle Scholar. The Memoirs discreetly play down Ludlow's capacity for conspiracy: see ‘Voyce’, pp. 726–8, 731–2.Google Scholar
page 35 note 156 See the references to the recovery of Ireland in Maseres, Three Tracts, pp. 63, 65Google Scholar. See also The History of the King-Killers (2 vols., 1720), i. 44ff.Google Scholar
page 35 note 157 See especially Providences, pp. 8ffGoogle Scholar. (Compare for example the references on p. 9 to Scotland and to Vittorio Siri with Maseres, Three Tracts, pp. 36, 112Google Scholar; and see Toland, , State-Anatomy, p. 5.)Google Scholar
page 35 note 158 Flyleaf to Bodleian Library, Wood pamphlets 363.
page 35 note 159 Advertisement in the 1697 edition of The Providences of God. For further support for Percival see Notes and Queries, 21 10 1933.Google Scholar
page 36 note 160 For the resemblances between the Ludlow pamphlets and the Milton publications, compare: Three Tracts, pp. 19–20Google Scholar, with Amyntor, pp. 155ff.Google Scholar; Three Tracts, pp. 86ffGoogle Scholar., and Truth Brought to Light, p. 6Google Scholar, with The Life of John Milton, pp. 86ff.Google Scholar; Three Tracts, pp. 111–12Google Scholar, and Truth Brought to Light, p. 6Google Scholar, with Amyntor, p. 171Google Scholar; Three Tracts, pp. 141–2Google Scholar, with Amyntor, p. 129Google Scholar; and Three Tracts, p. 144Google Scholar, with The Life of John Milton, p. 123Google Scholar. See also the reference to Truth Brought to Light in Amyntor, p. 85Google Scholar, and Madan, F., A New Bibliography of Eikon Basilike (1950), pp. 126, 142–5.Google Scholar
page 36 note 161 Classmark Bodl. C. 6. 12. Linc. (2).
page 36 note 162 Compare Three Tracts, p. 120Google Scholar, with A Defence, pp. 55–6Google Scholar; the passages in the Ludlow pamphlets concerning Eikon Basilike cited above, n. 160, with A Defence, pp. 15–17Google Scholar; and Three Tracts, p. 10Google Scholar (marginal reference to Fleta and Bracton), with King Charles I…., p. 7.Google Scholar
page 36 note 163 Heinemann, F. H., ‘John Toland and the Age of Enlightenment’, Review of English Studies, 1944, pp. 127–8Google Scholar, and ‘John Toland, France, Holland, and Dr. Williams’, Review of English Studies, 1949, pp. 346–7Google Scholar. These stories, which we owe to Toland's enemies in the Church and the Universities, may have grown a little, but probably did not grow much, in the telling.
page 37 note 164 Three Tracts, pp. 71–2, 85ff., 102, 143, 146Google Scholar; Truth Brought to Light, pp. 4–5Google Scholar; A Second Defence of King Charles 1 (1692)Google Scholar, dedication.
page 37 note 165 Whiting, G. W., ‘A Late Seventeenth-Century Milton Plagiarism’, Studies in Philology, 1934, pp. 37–50Google Scholar; Sensabaugh, G. F., That Grand Whig Milton (New York, 1952), pp. 144ff.Google Scholar
page 37 note 166 Three Tracts, pp. 8–9, 15–16, 41, 55, 66, 77, 131–2Google Scholar; Darby, , i. 1–39Google Scholar: Firth, , i. 9–36Google Scholar; Truth Brought to Light, p. 4Google Scholar; ‘Voyce’, pp. 762ffGoogle Scholar. We may also note the similarity between the curious chronology of Charles I's reign in the first of the Ludlow pamphlets (Three Tracts, p. 7Google Scholar) and the parallel chronological approach in the Memoirs. We may observe too the use of the words ‘digress’ and ‘digression’ in the Ludlow pamphlets (Three Tracts, pp. 41, 103, 123Google Scholar), which, if it was Toland's, was very characteristic of him: The Life of John Milton, p. 139Google Scholar; Letters to Serena, p. 186Google Scholar; Socinianism truly Stated, pp. 6, 10–15Google Scholar; The Liberties of England Asserted, p. 20Google Scholar; The Art of Restoring, p. 6Google Scholar; Nazarenus, p. 76Google Scholar; Tetradymus, pp. 20, 113Google Scholar; Toland's History of the Druids, pp. 62, 226Google Scholar; cf. Anglia Libera, pp. 62–3Google Scholar. See also Darby, , iii. 698Google Scholar: Firth, , ii. 118.Google Scholar
page 38 note 167 B.L., Loan MS. 29/90 (Harley papers, Portland Collection), fo. 157; Dictionary of National Biography, Jones.
page 38 note 168 See the distinctively inaccurate observations that ‘The Victory at Worcester swelled the sails of Cromwel's ambition brimfull, so that he began to entertain thoughts of setting up himself’ (cf. below, p. 75), and that ‘The Dutch above all things dreading the Rump, animated Cromwell to dissolve it’. The remark that Cromwell ‘felt the pulse of the lawyers and soldiers’ also sounds like an echo of Ludlow: the metaphor (like ‘taking off the masque’) appears frequently both in the Bodleian manuscript and in the Memoirs. A Detection, pp. 348, 359, 361Google Scholar; Firth, , i. 282, 344, 355Google Scholar and n.
page 38 note 169 Three Tracts, pp. 18, 55Google Scholar; above, p. 29. On ‘Voyce’, p. 962Google Scholar, Ludlow has a passage concerning ‘Mr. Denzil Hollis’: Toland, revising the passage in Ludlow's Memoirs, inserts the information that Holles was ‘since the late Revolution called the Lord Hollis’.
page 38 note 170 Holles's ‘letter’ is usually supposed to have been published in 1676, but of the many variant pre-1700 editions of the pamphlet which I have seen, only one (in the Bodleian, with the title The Danger of Europe, from the growing power of France foretold) gives (on p. 8) a date of publication: 1691. The document had been printed as a folio sheet in the 1689 State Tracts (and reappeared in later editions), but the prefaces to the State Tracts leave open the question whether the pamphlet had been in print earlier than 1689. I can find no reference to the tract in Van Beuningen's correspondence (B.L., Add. MS. 17677CC and DD; and the words ‘at Amsterdam’ in the title are a puzzle). Radical Whigs were to make further use of Holles in publications of Anne's reign.
page 39 note 171 Above, p. 30.