Published online by Cambridge University Press: 20 December 2011
In the great and widespread revival of medieval studies by which the nineteenth century was distinguished, no province was so long neglected as that of academic institutions and scholastic thought. The pioneers of the historical revival were, almost without exception, men deeply influenced by the romantic movement, and many of them were antiquaries rather than historians; their successors, especially in England and Germany, were principally concerned to trace in the Middle Ages the origins of national institutions and racial characteristics; to neither party did the speculations of what seemed an outworn religious organization make any appeal. Even those scholars who, in France and elsewhere, were themselves Catholics and ecclesiastics, were also men who had been brought up in an age of transition and adaptation, when traditional religion was on the defensive, and were often more sympathetic towards the various systems of philosophy—idealist or ontological—that flowered and fell in Germany and north Italy in the period after the French Revolution. Meanwhile, in the century before that great cataclysm, the scholastic thought of the thirteenth century, rejuvenated by the Italian and Spanish theologians of the counter-Reformation, had been all but submerged by successive waves of Jansenism, rationalism and the new philosophy of Kant, and had only survived in a few schools as a dry and formal discipline. To all alike, therefore, whether Catholics, Anglicans, Lutherans or free-thinkers, the vast mass of manuscript material which survived from the scholastic period to cumber the libraries appeared destitute of literary or human interest, and daunted the boldest with its bulk and its technical terminology.
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9 For Denifle, , v. Grabmann, M., P. Heinrich Denifle, O.P. (Mainz, 1905)Google Scholar, and article in Catholic Encyclopedia. His original appointment was that of sub-archivist of the Secret Archives of the Vatican. There is a bibliography of Ehrle's works to his eightieth year in Miscellanea Ehrle. He was a Suarezian, not a pure Thomist, in outlook.
10 An account of Baeumker's life and work, by Mgr. Grabmann, , is in Beiträge, XXV, i (for this series see below, p. 26, n. 13)Google Scholar, ‘Clemens Baeumker und die Erforschung der Geschichte der mittelalterlicher Philosophic’ (1927).
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35 Le Saulchoir, Kain, Belgium.
36 Milan.
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39 Both published at Juvisy (Seine-et-Oise), France.
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43 Published by the French provinces of Friars Minor.
44 Münster.
45 Published by the Friars Minor of the province of Tuscany.
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49 For a list of these, v. Ueberweg-Geyer (see below, p. 30, n. 60), 743-4; the Roman volumes, bearing the title Xenia Tomistica (Rome, 1925), wer e also connected with the canonization sexcentenary.
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127 The bibliography of even such a small section of Dante study is enormous; v. Ueberweg-Geyer, pp. 775-8. While B. Nardi attributes the ‘Augustinian’ element in Dante to Neo-platonist and Arab influence, M. Baumgartner, more convincingly, traces it to Albert the Great. Both agree in substance with the judgement of Geyer (op. cit. p. 550): ‘Allein als reiner Thomist kann Dante heute nicht mehr angesehen werden.’ Mandonnet, P., in Dante le thtologien (Paris-Bruges, 1935)Google Scholar did his best for the traditional view; for a considered survey, v. Gilson, E., Dante et la philosophie (Paris, 1939)Google Scholar.
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138 The three last volumes (IV-VI) of La Naissance de l'Esprit laïque au dexlin du moyen-âge are devoted to Ockham, viz. iv, Ockham et son temps (1942); v, Ockham, les bases de départ (1946); vi, Ockham, la morale et le droit (1946). They contain the clearest presentation available of Ockham's system of logic.
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143 Cf. Xiberta, B. M., O.C., ‘Joan Baconthorp Averoista?’, in Criterion (Barcelona), III (1927)Google Scholar, and the same writer's articles in Analecta Ordinis Carmelitarum, VI (1929), 516–26Google Scholar, and subsequent volume, and De scriptoribus scholasticis saeculi XIV ex ordine Carmelitarum (Louvain, 1931)Google Scholar; cf. also Chrysogone, P., Sacrament, du S., ‘Maitre Jean Baconthorpe’, in RNP. XXV (1932), 341–65Google Scholar.
144 For full references to C. Michalski's papers (of which only isolated numbers are in the Libraries of the British Museum and Cambridge University), see Gilson, , La philosophie du moyen-âge, p. 686Google Scholar, and Ueberweg-Geyer (index); a selection is given in Rashdall, , Universities, III, 266, nGoogle Scholar.
145 For th e influence of th e scholastics on modern philosophers from Descartes onward s v. literature noted in Ueberweg-Geyer, p. 679. Recently, MrOakeshott, M. has emphasized the dependence of Hobbes on the Nominalists in his introduction to Leviathan (Oxford, 1946)Google Scholar.
146 Duhem, P., Le systhne du monde (Paris, 1915-1917)Google Scholar; Études sur Leonardo da Vinci (3 vols., Paris, 1906-1913)Google Scholar. V. also the more recent works of Maier, A., Die Impetustheorie der Scholastik (Vienna, 1940)Google Scholar and Chenu, M. D., ‘Aux origines de la “Science Moderne”’, in Revue des sciences philosophiques et théologiques, XXIX (1940), 206–17Google Scholar.
147 Denifle, H., ‘Meister Eckehart's lateinischen Schriften und die Grundanschauung seine Lehre’, in ALKM. II (1886)Google Scholar; Grabmann, M., ‘Neuaufgefundene Quaestionen Meister Eckharts’, in Abhandlungen der Bayerischer Akademie der Wissenschaften, XXXII, vii (1927)Google Scholar; Volpe, G. della, It misticismo speculativo di maestro Eckhart nei suoi rapporti storici (Bologna, 1930)Google Scholar.
148 Both the anonymous Cloud of Unknowing and Walter Hilton's Scale of Perfection are, radically Thomist in doctrine.