Vrbs Avgvrio Avgvsto Condita: Ennius ap. Cic. Diu. I. 107 (= Ann. 77–96 V2)

H. D. Jocelyn

doi:10.1017/S1750270500012811

^{page 44 note 1} I am grateful to O. Skutsch for several letters concerning Cincius ap. Fest. p. 241 and Ennius, Ann. 79-81, to S. Mariotti for a letter concerning Ennius, Ann. 79–81 and 89 and to F. R. D. Goodyear for a searching criticism of a draft of the whole paper and many items of information.

^{page 44 note 2} in monte * B.

^{page 44 note 3} deuoueratque B: deuouerat quae A: deuoueratq V.

^{page 44 note 4} auem B^c: autem AVB^p.

^{page 44 note 5} alteuolantum AVB.

^{page 44 note 6} rem * * amne B^c.

^{page 44 note 7} quamox AVB.

^{page 44 note 8} et simul AV: * * simul B.

^{page 44 note 9} prioram B^c: propriam AVB^p: proprium L. Mueller.

^{page 44 note 10} The three most important items of a large bibliography are T. Bergk, ‘Quaestionum Enniana-rum specimen nouum’, Ind. schol. Halle 1860, iii–xi ( = Kleine philologische Schriften I, Halle, 1884, 235–46), Vahlen, J., ‘Ueber das Stadtgründungsaugurium bei Ennius’, SB Preuss. Ak. zu Berlin 1894, 1143–61Google Scholar (= Gesammelte philologische Schriften II, Leipzig, 1923, 388–409)Google Scholar, Skutsch, O., ‘Enniana IV’, CQ N.S. XI (1961), 252–67CrossRef Google Scholar ( = Studia Enniana, London, 1968, pp. 62–85 Google Scholar).

^{page 45 note 1} Cf. Polybius VI. 56. 6 ff., Posidonius ap. Athen, VI. 274a.

^{page 45 note 2} I leave aside the question of who the Ennius was who wrote de augurali disciplina (Suetonius, Gramm. I).

^{page 45 note 3} Cf. also I.105 collegae mi… quibus nulla uidebatur in auguriis autpraesensio aut scienna ueritatis futurae; sapienter, aiebant, ad opinionem imperitorum esse fictas religiones, quod longe secus est; neque enim in pastoribus Ulis, quibus Romulus praefuit, nec in ipso Romulo haec calliditas esse potuit, ut ad errorem multitudinis religionis simulacra fingerent, II. 70 et tamen credo Romulum, qui urbem auspicato condidit, hahuisse opinionem esse in prouidendis rebus augurandi scientiam (errabat enim mulds in rebus antiquitas), quam uel usu iam uel doctrina uel ue tus tate immutatam uidemus; retinetur autem et ad opinionem uulgi et ad magnas utilitates rei publicae mos, religio, disciplina, ius augurium, collegi auctoritas (Marcus Cicero replying to Quintus).

^{page 45 note 4} Cf. Cicero, , Brut. I Google Scholar, Phil. II. 4, Plutarch, Cic. 36. 1.

^{page 45 note 5} He wrote a book de auguriis (cf. Charisius, pp. 133. 23, 156.23, 176. 16, Servius, Virg. Aen. V. 738 Google Scholar).

^{page 45 note 6} Cf. Messalla ap. Gell. XIII. 14. 4–6, Seneca, , Dial. X. 13. 8Google Scholar.

^{page 45 note 7} Cf. Varro, , Ling. V. 143 Google Scholar, Gellius XIII. 14. 1 on the pomerium and the urbs. For augural distinctions within the ager see Varro, Ling. V. 33.

^{page 45 note 8} Cf. Pascoli, G., Epos 1 (Livorno, 1897), 20 Google Scholar, Petersen, E., Klio IX (1909), 43 Google Scholar.

^{page 45 note 9} Cf. Cicero, , Diu. II. 71–2Google Scholar, Leg. III. 43, Rep. II. 16, Livy X. 40. 2–4, Dionysius Hal. II. 6. 2, III. 70. 5 (of the augurs themselves inviting a non-member of the college).

^{page 45 note 10} 10 Cf. Cicero, Lael. 7, Diu. I. 90.

^{page 46 note 1} Cicero's language is a little odd but cannot have been influenced by verses of Ennius omitted from the quotation. The standard verbal phrase was augurium accipere (cf. Livy I. 34. 9, I. 55.4, VII. 26. 4, Hyginus, Mun. castr. II). The word auguratus normally denoted the augur's office, although at Diu. I. 32 it seems to have denoted the augur's techniques. It could not, however, because of its metrical shape, occur in dactyls.

^{page 46 note 2} See below, pp. 62, 68.

^{page 46 note 3} Many critics see traces of Ennian verse in Romulus augur…cum fratre item augure. I think rather that Cicero is drawing out the implication of dant operam simul auspicio augurioque. Earlier he refers to the elder Tiberius Gracchus (I. 36) and to Marius (I. 106) using similar language.

^{page 46 note 4} Cf. Livy I. 18. 6, IV. 4. 2, Dionysius Hal. II. 64. 4.

^{page 46 note 5} Cf. Rep. II. 16. Dionysius Hal. (II. 22. 3) talks of Romulus establishing haruspices, one from each tribe.

^{page 46 note 6} = 99–100 V². 97 Iuppiter ut muro fretus magis quamde †deman' irnpe† has been attributed to a speech of Remus contemptuous of wall-building. On 98 †at tu non ut† sum summam seruare decet rem see O. Skutsch, CQ N.S. X (1960), 188 ff. ( = Stud. Enn. pp. 47 ff.).

^{page 46 note 7} Aen. III. 46.

^{page 46 note 8} IV. 3 Praestana est, ut perhibetis, dicta, quod Quirinus in iaculi missione cunctorum praestiterit uiribus; et quod Tito Tatio, Capitolinum capiat ‹ut› collem, uiam pandere atque aperire permissum est, dea Panda est appellata uel Pantica. ante facta et haec numquam fuerant numina et nisi Romulus tenuisset tali traiectione Palatium nique Tarpeiam rupem rex Sabinus potuisset accipere, nulla esset Pantica, nulla Praestana?

^{page 46 note 9} See Lactantius Placidus on Ovid, Met. XV, p. 720 Magnus. Ovid, Met. XV. 560–4 and Plutarch, Romul. 20. 6–8 say nothing about the circumstances of the marvel.

^{page 46 note 10} See below, p. 54.

^{page 47 note 1} See the notes on Aen. I. 273 and VI. 779.

^{page 47 note 2} Cf. the behaviour of the arrow at Virgil, , Aen. V. 485–544 Google Scholar.

^{page 47 note 3} Only Carter, J. B., Roschers Lexikon der griechischen und römischen Mythologie IV (1909–1915), 180 Google Scholar, s.v. Romulus, seems flady to deny any connection between Ennius and the Servian note. Those who write about Romulus always quote this note but no one seems to have argued out the issue of its source.

^{page 47 note 4} See Diodorus XVII. 17. 2 on Alexander; Pliny, , Nat. XXXIV. 32 Google Scholar on Hannibal.

^{page 47 note 5} See Varro ap. Serv. Auet. Virg, . Aen. IX. 52 Google Scholar duces cum primum hostilem agrum introituti erant, ominis causa prius hastam in eum agrum mittehant ut castris locum caperent.

^{page 47 note 6} See Livy I. 32. 12–14. Cf. Bayet, J., MAHER LII (1935), 29 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 47 note 7} E.g. Evander's (cf. Fabius Pictor ap. Dionys. Hal. I. 31. 4, 79. 8, Varro ap. Virg, Serv. Auct.. Aen. VIII. 51 Google Scholar, Livy I. 5. 1–2). No extant fragment of the Annals, however, refers to Evander.

^{page 47 note 8} Cf. Cicero, , Leg. II. 21 Google Scholar… uineta uirgetaque…auguranto…urbemque et agros et templa liberata et effata habento. The fundamental modem work on this aspect of Roman augury is Flink, E., Auguralia und Verwandtes (Helsinki, 1921)Google Scholar (= Ann. Acad. Scient. Fenn. B, XI. 10 Google Scholar); see particularly pp. 22 ff.

^{page 47 note 9} Cf. Homer, Od. XX. 97 ff.

^{page 47 note 10} Cf. Cicero, , Marii fr. in Diu. I. 106 Google Scholar, Virgil, , Aen. II. 687 ff.Google Scholar, VII. 112 ff., X. 252 ff., Livy I. 55. 3–6, Seneca, , Nat. II. 49 Google Scholar. 2. For a second sign contradicting the first cf. Plautus, , Asin. 259 ff.Google Scholar, Seneca, , Nat. II. 34 Google Scholar. I, II. 49. 2.

^{page 47 note 11} Cf. Plautus, , Pseud. 761–2Google Scholar, Livy V. 21. 2, VI. 12.7, XXI. 63. 9, Virg, Servius Auct.. Aen. IV. 262 Google Scholar.

^{page 47 note 12} Cf. Servius, Virg. Aen. XI. 19 Google Scholar. Before the batde of Trasimene Flaminius received an unfavourable auspice and then found the standards immovable ( Cicero, , Diu. I. 77 Google Scholar).

^{page 48 note 1} Cf. L. Valmaggi, Q. Ennio, (I Frammenti degli Annali’, Turin, 1900, p. 21.

^{page 48 note 2} Cf. Livy V. 52. 2. This suggestion first came from Norden, E., Ennius und Ver gilius, Leipzig, 1915, p. 72 II. 2Google Scholar and was repeated by Klotz, A., RAM XCI (1942), 365 Google Scholar. Soltau, W., Philologus N.S. XXV (1912), 317 ff.Google Scholar, had criticised the traditional view that the verses belonged to the poet's own narrative and suggested a context like that of Livy V. 40. I. 3 501–2 v2.

^{page 48 note 4} Cf. Catil. I. 33 tu Iuppiter qui isdem quibus haec urbs auspiciis a Romulo es constituais, Vatin. 14 auspicia quibus haec urbs condita est… contempseris, 23 quiprimum earn rem publicam quae auspiciis inuentis constituía est isdem auspiciis sublatis conarere peruertere.

^{page 48 note 5} Cf. Diu. I. 3 huius urbis parens Romulus non solum auspicato urbem condidisse sed ipse etiam optumus augur fuisse traditur, II. 70 … Romulum qui urbem auspicato condidit, Rep. II. 5 Google Scholar urbem auspicato condere et firmare dicitur primum cogitauisse rem publicam, II. 16 Romulus…urbem condidit auspicato, II. 51 in ea re publica quam auspicato urbem condiderit, Leg. II. 33 nec uero Romulus noster auspicato urbem condidisset.

^{page 48 note 6} Cf. I. 12. 4 iussus auibus hie in Palatio prima urbi fundamenta ieci, I. 18. 6 sicut Romulus augurato urbe condendo regnum adeptus est, III. 61. 5 Us auspiciis conditae urbi, V. 52. 2Google Scholar urbem auspicato inaugurato conditam habemus, VI. 41. 4 auspiciis hanc urbem conditam esse… quis est qui ignorat?, XXVIII. 28. 11 urbem auspicato dis auctoribus in aeternum conditam.

^{page 48 note 7} Cf. Hyginus, , Grom. p. 170 Google Scholar posito auspicaliter groma, ipso forte conditore praesente.

^{page 48 note 8} Cf. Varro, , Ling. V. 143 Google Scholar oppida condebant in Latio Etrusco ritu multi, id est iunctis bobus, tauro et uacca, interiore aratro circumagebant sulcum (hoc faciebant religionis causa die auspicato), ut fossa et muro essent muniti, Livy I. 44. 4, Ovid, , Fast. IV. 827 ff.Google Scholar, Dionysius Hal. I. 88. 2.

^{page 48 note 9} See above, p. 46.

^{page 49 note 1} Cf. Nonius, p. 429. 25, Virg, Servius Auct.. Aen. I. 398 Google Scholar, III. 20, Probus, , Gramm. Lat. IV. 201. 25Google Scholar, Isidore, , Diff. I. 6 Google Scholar.

^{page 49 note 2} Cf. Ernout, A., MSL XXII (1921), 234–8Google Scholar ( = Philologica I. 67–71 Google Scholar).

^{page 49 note 3} Cf. Plautus, Cas. 86, Cicero, Cluent. 14.

^{page 49 note 4} See above, p. 47.

^{page 49 note 5} Cf. Plautus, , Asin. 259–64Google Scholar, Stüh. 459–63.

^{page 49 note 6} Cf. Varro, Ling. VII. 8, Cicero, , Diu. I. 28 Google Scholar, Nat. deor. II. 9 Google Scholar.

^{page 49 note 7} See XXVI. 41. 18 nunc di immortales imperi Romani praesides, qui centuriis omnibus, ut mihi imperium iuberent dari, fuere aue tor es, Udem auguriis auspieiisque et per nocturnos etiam uisus omnia laeta ac prospera portendunt. I should accordingly interpret v. 52. 2 urbem auspicato inauguratoque conditam habemus as mere pleonasm and not linguistically comparable with Ennius, , Ann. 78 Google Scholar. The final state of degeneration can be seen in Minucius Felix 26. 1, 26. 4 and Ammianus XXI. I. 9.

^{page 49 note 8} Cf. Varro, , Ling. V. 47 Google Scholar, Festus, p. 333, s.v. spectio, Livy I. 55. 3, Cassius Dio XXXVII. 24. I.

^{page 49 note 9} Cf. Cicero, , Diu. I. 3 Google Scholar exactis regibus nihil publice sine auspiciis nec domi nec militiae gerebatur. Whether, as Flink (see above, p. 47 II. 8) and Latte, K., Philologus XCVII (1948), 156 ff.Google Scholar ( = A7. Sehr. 103 ff.), Römische Religionsgeschichte (Munich, 1960), pp. 67, 141 Google Scholar, seem to argue, the augures originally had nothing at all to do with auspicium is another question.

^{page 49 note 10} For the proper augural use of this adjective see Cicero, Dom. 137 in tempio inaugurato…in loco augusto, Servius, Aen. XI. 235 Google Scholar tectum augustum, i.e. augurio conditum, Paulus Fest. p. 1 augustus locus sanctus…quia ab auibus significatus est…quia aues pastae id ratum fecerunt. Ennius transferred the adjective poetically from the place made holy (or what you will) to the operation which made it holy; cf. his application of the adjective praepes, properly used of a bird behaving in a certain way, to the place favoured by such a bird (Ann. 94, 488).

^{page 49 note 11} See Festus, p. 258, s.v. quadrata Roma.

^{page 49 note 12} 157 V².

^{page 50 note 1} On the text and its interpretation see most recendy Timpanaro, S., Maia III (1950), 26 Google Scholar.

^{page 50 note 2} Cf. Varro ap. Solin. I. 16–18, Dionysius Hal. I. 88. 2, II. 65. 3, Plutarch, , Romul. 9. 4Google Scholar.

^{page 50 note 3} Cf. Szabó, A., RAM LXXXVII (1938), 160 ff.Google Scholar, Ferri, S., RAL VIII, 5 (1950), 3 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 50 note 4} See Festus, p. 157, s.v. minora templa,… itaque templum est locus ita effatus aut ita septus, ut ex una parte pateat, angulosque adfixos habeat ad terram. Cf. Virg, Servius Auct.. Aen. II. 512 Google Scholar Varro locum quattuor angulis conclusum aedem docet uocari debere (aedem must be a mistake for templum).

^{page 50 note 5} Romul. 22. I, Camill. 32. 5.

^{page 50 note 6} Ling. VII. 7 Google Scholar. Cf. Servius, Virg. Ecl. 9. 15 Google Scholar, Isidore, , Orig. XV. 4. 7 Google Scholar. Weinstock, S., Röm. Mitteil. XLVII (1932), 95 ff.Google Scholar, agrees with many earlier students that the templum was not necessarily always quadrilateral. I can find no evidence to suggest that the augures, as distinct from littérateurs, thought the circle of the horizon to be the boundary of a templum.

^{page 50 note 7} Diu. I. 31. Cf. Nat. deor. II. 9 Google Scholar.

^{page 50 note 8} III. 70. 2–4.

^{page 50 note 9} See Fast. Praenest. 23 Mar. (CIL I² p. 234).

^{page 50 note 10} XIV. 2. 2 διέγραφε τῶν οἰωνῶν τὰς χώρας. Cf. Plutarch, Romul. 22. I, Camill. 32. 5. Lydus, Johannes, Mens. IV.Google Scholar 73 may be consulted for amusement; this writer has Romulus trumpeting the ‘public’ name of the city through his lituus.

^{page 50 note 11} Cf. Livy I. 18. 7 (regiones ab oriente ad occasum), Servius, Virg. Aen. VII. 187 Google Scholar (ad designanda caeli spatta), Ecl. 9. 15 (désignant spatia).

^{page 51 note 1} Cf. Varro, , Ling. VII. 10 Google Scholar, ap. Gell. XIV. 7. 7, Servius, Virg. Aen. VII. 153 Google Scholar.

^{page 51 note 2} Cf. Cicero, , Inu. II. 52 Google Scholar, Vat. 24, Manil. 70, Livy II. 56. 10, III. 17. I, VIII. 14. 12, VIII. 35. 8, XXIII. 10. 5.

^{page 51 note 3} Cf. Cicero, , Rab. perd. II Google Scholar (auspicato in loco), Catil. IV. 2 Google Scholar (campus consularibus auspiciis consecratus). For the place of the censor on the Field of Mars see Livy XL. 45–6.

^{page 51 note 4} Cf. Cicero, , Dom. 131, 137 Google Scholar, Varro ap. Gell. XIV. 7. 7, Livy I. 30. 2, Virg, Servius Auct.. Aen. 1. 446 Google Scholar, Servius VII. 153, VII. 174, XI. 235.

^{page 51 note 5} The triumuiri were accompanied by pullarii (cf. Cicero, Leg. agr. II. 31) to assist them in auspice-taking. These should not be confused with augures.

^{page 51 note 6} Cf. the lex coloniae Iuliae Genetiuae (CIL II suppl. 5439).

^{page 51 note 7} Cf. Il. IV. 416, v. 648, VII. 20 et al. Whether the author of such formulae meant anything like augustus or even sanctus by ἱερóς is another question.

^{page 51 note 8} It is perhaps also significant that the adjective applied to Rome in V. 502, incluta, was one ordinarily applied to gods (cf. Plautus, Persa 251).

^{page 51 note 9} The point I have tried to establish could be obscured by the theory of the templum proposed by Müller, K. O., Die Etrusker 11 (Breslau, 1828), pp. 120 ff.Google Scholar, 141 ff., and Nissen, H., Das Temphm (Berlin, 1869), pp. 4 ff.Google Scholar, and perhaps still influential. This theory conflates the evidence about land-surveying and that about augury. See the refutation by Weinstock, S., Rom. Mitteil, XLVII (1932), 95 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 51 note 10} The date of composition of the Annals now tends to be put late in Ennius' career at Rome; cf. Mariotti, S., Legioni su Ennio (Pesaro, 1951), pp. 11 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 51 note 11} See Livy X. 23. 12, Dionysius Hal. I. 79. 8. See also Livy's account at X. 27. 8–9 of the wolf chasing the deer between the Roman and Gallic armies at Sentinum. The image of a wolf was a legionary symbol during the second century (see Pliny, , Nat. X. 16 Google Scholar).

^{page 51 note 12} See Mesk, J., W St XXXVI (1914), 29 ff.Google Scholar on the titles Romulus, Lupus and Alimonium Remi et Romuli.

^{page 52 note 1} See Virg, Servius Auct.. Aen. I. 273 Google Scholar. Naevius' etymology of the name Auentinus ( Varro, , Ling. V. 43 Google Scholar) has often been thought to come from an account of the twins' auspice-taking.

^{page 52 note 2} See Julius Victor VI. 4 (p. 402. 30 Halm).

^{page 52 note 3} See Plutarch, , Romul. 3. 1 Google Scholar.

^{page 52 note 4} Cf. Classen, C. J., Philologus CVI (1962), 183 ff.Google Scholar, Historia XIV (1965), 395 ff.Google Scholar, Kramer, H. J., “Die Sage von Romulus und Remus’, Synusia. Festgabe für Wolfgang Schadewaldt (Pfullingen, 1965), 355 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 52 note 5} Niese, B., Hist. Zeitschr. LIX (1888), 482 Google Scholar refers to A. W. von Schlegel's review of Niebuhr's Römische Geschichte. Cf., most recently, Binder, G., Die Aussetzung des Königskindes Kyros und Romulus (Meisenheim, 1964), pp. 75 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 52 note 6} See Zur Sage von der Gründung Roms (Heidelberg, 1968)Google Scholar (= SB Heidelberg. Ak. Phil.-hist. Kl. (1968), 5), pp. 23 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 52 note 7} Cf. Soranus, Gynaecol. 2. 88.

^{page 52 note 8} Cf. Theocritus 3. 15–16, 23. 19–20, Virgil, , Aen. IV. 367 Google Scholars, Ovid, , Met. IX. 615 Google Scholar, Trist. III. 11. 3–4.

^{page 52 note 9} Cf. Homer, Il. IV. 471, XIII. 103, XVI. 156 ff., 352 ff., Aristophanes, Av. 369, Lys. 629, Plato, Rep. III. 22 (415 e), Phaed. 31 (82 a) (on bad men becoming wolves, hawks, vultures etc.), Apollodorus, Bibl. I. 9. 2 (on wolves devouring a sheep on the site of the city to be founded by the murderous Athamas).

^{page 52 note 10} Cf. Plautus, , Asin. 495 Google Scholar, Pseud. 140, Stich. 605.

^{page 53 note 1} Cf. Nilsson, M. P., Latomus XV (1956), 133 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 53 note 2} Cf. Livy II. 29. 9 for the prodigious appearance of a wolf on the Capitol; Plutarch, Gracch. 32. 2, Appian, B.C. I. 105 for wolves disturbing the boundary stones of a new colony and helping to cause its disbandment; Horace, Carm. III. 27. 2–3 for the wolf in a series of bad omens.

^{page 53 note 3} Cf. Anon. Herenn. I. 23.

^{page 53 note 4} Cf. Bayet, J., MAHER XXXVIII (1920), 109 Google Scholar.

^{page 53 note 5} Cf. Livy I. 4. 9 (where it is suggested that they preyed on other bandits), Dionysius Hal. I. 79. 11–12, Plutarch, Romul. 6. 4–7. 1.

^{page 53 note 6} Livy I. 8. 5–6, Dionysius Hal. II. 15. 3–4, Plutarch, Romul. 9. 2–3.

^{page 53 note 7} I. 4. 2.

^{page 53 note 8} E.g. Schwartz, E., RE V. i (1903), 959 Google Scholar, s.v. Dionysios 113.

^{page 53 note 9} Cf. Pais, E., Storia critica di Roma I (Torino, 1898), 217 ff.Google Scholar, De Sanctis, G., Storia dei Romani I (Turin, 1907), pp. 217 ff.Google Scholar, Strasburger, H., Zur Sage, p. 34 II. 146Google Scholar.

^{page 53 note 10} Cf. Polybius I. 14. 3, I. 15. 11, Dionysius Hal. I. 4. 3.

^{page 53 note 11} Cf. Polybius I. 14. 1, I. 15. 12, III. 9. 1–5.

^{page 54 note 1} I. 6. 3–7. 3.

^{page 54 note 2} I. 85. 4–87.3.

^{page 54 note 3} VIII. 5–6.

^{page 54 note 4} Romul. 9. 4–10. 2.

^{page 54 note 5} 23. The author's source was probably the first book of Licinius Macer's Annales (see 23. 5).

^{page 54 note 6} Dionysius relates a variant story putting Remus on the ‘Remoria’, thirty stades away from the Palatine (I.85.6,86.2). The author of the Origo has Remus intending to settle on the ‘Remoria’ but taking auspices on the Aventine (23. 1–2).

^{page 54 note 7} Plutarch (Romul. 10. 1) and Diodorus (VIII. 6) have the building of a trench round the Palatine intervene. Livy (I. 7. 2) and Dionysius (I. 87. 4) report this as a variant story.

^{page 54 note 8} Livy (I. 7. 2) and Dionysius (I. 87. 2; cf. II. 2. 4) do not name the killer; the author of the Origo hints that it was Faustulus (23. 5). Dionysius makes Celer the killer in his variant story (I. 87. 4). Plutarch (Romul. 10. 1) reports two versions of this story, one blaming Romulus, the other Celer; Diodorus (VIII. 6. 3) has Celer as the killer.

^{page 54 note 9} Cf. Florus I. I. 5–7. Lutatius Catulus (Fast. Praen. 23 Mar.) need not have told it in this form.

^{page 54 note 10} Cf. Propertius IV. 1. 50, IV. 6. 43–4, Ovid, Fast. IV. 811 ff. (with Celer the killer after the building of the wall), V. 149 ff.

^{page 54 note 11} Cf. Messalla Rufus ap. Gell. XIII. 14. 5, Verrius Flaccus ap. Paul. Fest. p. 276, s.v. Remurinus ager, Valerius Maximus I. 4 praef., Seneca, Dial. X. 13. 8, Servius, Virg. Aen. I. 273 Google Scholar, VI. 779, Schol. Bob. Cic. Vat. 23, Aelian, , Hist. an. X. 22 Google Scholar, Anon. Vir. illustr. I. 4.

^{page 54 note 12} See below, p. 57 n. 1.

^{page 54 note 13} Lutatius Catulus is to be excluded (see above, p. 50). If Anon. Orig. gent. Rom. 23. 5 is to be trusted Licinius Macer related it. It certainly underlies the theory of Messalla Rufus (ap. Gell. XIII. 14. 5–6) on why the Aventine remained outside the pomerium.

^{page 54 note 14} Most scholars seem to date its peculiar features to after Ennius' time; cf. Bergk, T., Ind. schol. Halle (1860), XI Google Scholar ( = Kl. phil. Sehr. I. 245 Google Scholar), Valeton, I. M. J., Mnemosyne XX (1892), 356 f.Google Scholar, Skutsch, O., CQ N.S. XI (1961), 253 ff.Google Scholar ( = Stud. Enn. pp. 64 ff.). For the other view see Schwegler, A., Römische Geschichte I (Tübingen, 1853), 387 ff.Google Scholar, Rosenberg, A., RE 2. I. I (1914), 1090–1Google Scholar, s.v. Romulus.

^{page 54 note 15} Cf. Callimachus, Hymn. 2. 55 ff., Cicero, , Diu. I. 3 Google Scholar, Virg, Servius Auct.. Aen. III. 88 Google Scholar.

^{page 55 note 1} Cf. the cases collected by Pease, A. S., CPh XII (1917), 8 f.Google Scholar

^{page 55 note 2} Cf. Velleins Patere, I. 4. I.

^{page 55 note 3} Cf. Fabius Pict. ap. Diodor. VII. 5. 4–5, Varro, , Ling. V. 144 Google Scholar, Dionysius Hal. I. 55. 4, Servius, Virg. Aen. III. 390 Google Scholar.

^{page 55 note 4} Cf. Servius, Virg. Aen. VII. 412 Google Scholar.

^{page 55 note 5} Cf. Servius, Virg. Aen. X. 145 Google Scholar.

^{page 55 note 6} Cf. Virg, Servius Auet.. Aen. I. 242 Google Scholar.

^{page 55 note 7} Cf. Callimachus, Aet. II, fr. 43. 72 ff.

^{page 55 note 8} They were, however, occasionally listened to when the more orthodox diviners failed; cf. Livy VII. 6. 3, XXV. 12. 3, XXXIX. 46. 4.

^{page 55 note 9} The rights of two colleagues alternated between them every month within the urbs (cf. Cicero, , Rep. II. 55 Google Scholar) and every day outside (cf. Polybius in. no. 4, Livy XXII. 41. 3, XXVIII. 9. 10). Age seems usually to have determined which of the two should exercise his rights first in a year of office (cf. Gellius II. 15. 4).

^{page 55 note 10} For censores and the lustrum ci. Varro, , Ling. VI. 87 Google Scholar, Livy XXXVIII. 36. 10; for consuls and the appointment of a dictator cf. Livy IV. 26. 11.

^{page 55 note 11} The chief technical terms employed, auis sinistra et al. (see Cicero, , Leg. II. 9 Google Scholar, Festus, p. 339, s.v. sinistrai aues), aues admiserunt (cf. Plautus, , Asin. 259 Google Scholar, Livy I. 36. 7, I. 55. 3, IV. 18. 6, Paulus Fest. p. 21, s.v. admissiuae), aues addixerunt (cf. Livy I. 36. 3, I. 55. 3, XXII. 42. 8, XXVII. 16. 15, Seneca, , Dial. X. 13. 8Google Scholar) and aues abdixerunt (cf. Cicero, , Diu. I. 31 Google Scholar) show this abundandy.

^{page 55 note 12} See Cicero, , Diu. I. 31 Google Scholar, Dionysius Hal. III. 70. 3.

^{page 55 note 13} See Dionysius Hal. III. 69. 3–6 and Servius, Virg. Aen. IX. 446 Google Scholar. Cato (ap. Fest. p. 162) and Livy (I. 55. 2–4) tell the story otherwise, more in accord with Roman practice.

^{page 55 note 14} Cf. Mommsen, T., Hermes XVI (1881), 11 ff.Google Scholar ( = Ges. Sehr. IV. 10 ff.Google Scholar). Catalano, P., Contributi allo studio del diritto augurale I (Turin, 1960), 383 Google Scholar, and Skutsch, O., CQ N.S. XI (1961), 252 CrossRef Google Scholar ( = Stud. Ertn. pp. 62 f.) think that Cincius described one in his De consulum potestate liber. Explaining at p. 241, s.v. praetor, the Roman practice of hailing a departing propraetor or a consul at the gate with the appellation praetor, Festus quotes Cincius as having said that Albanos rerum potitos usque ad Tullum regem; Alba deinde diruta usque ad P. Decium Murem populos Latinos ad caput Feren-únae, quod est sub monte Albano, consulere solitos et imperium communi Consilio administrare; itaque quo anno Romanos imperatores ad exercitum mittere oporteret iussu nominis Latini, conplures nostros in Capitolio a sole oriente auspiciis operam dare solitos; ubi aues addixissent, militem ilium, qui a communi Latio missus esset, ilium quem aues addixerantpraetorem salutare solitum, qui earn prouinciam optineret praetoris nomine. There are many uncertainties here. What Cincius wrote is mediated through Verrius Flaccus and his epitomator Pompeius Festus. The quotation is made in indirect speech and shows signs of inaccuracy, in particular the unclassical use of addicere with an accusative, the association of several imperatores with one exercitus and the lack of a clear relationship between quo anno Romanos imperatores (plural) ad exercitum mittere oporteret in one sentence and ilium (singular) quern aues addixerant in the next. The source of Cincius' knowledge of details of early-fourth-century constitutional practice is obscure and likewise the relationship between his imperatores I praetor es to the two praetores of the Lucus Ferentinae league mentioned by Livy (VIII. 3. 9) and Dionysius (III. 34. 3, V. 61. 3, 76. 3). On this league see Mommsen, T., Römisches Staatsrecht III, I (Leipzig, 1886), 609 ff.Google Scholar, De Sanctis, G., Storia dei Romani II (Turin, 1907), 90 ff.Google Scholar, Pais, E., Storia Critica di Roma II (Rome, 1915), 404 ff.Google Scholar, Rosenberg, A., Hermes LIV (1919), 148–50Google Scholar, Geizer, M., RW XII. I (1924), 955 ff.Google Scholar, Radin, M., ‘Imperium’, Studi in onore di S. Riccobono II (Palermo, 1936), 23 ff.Google Scholar, Sherwin-White, A. N., The Roman Citizenship (Oxford, 1939), pp. 11 ff.Google Scholar, Coli, U., SDHI XVII (1951), 163 ff.Google Scholar, Alföldi, A., Early Rome and the Latins (Ann Arbor, 1963), pp. 34 ff.Google Scholar

It is possible that Cincius is extrapolating backwards from the practice of Rome of his own day, according to which magistrates leaving the city to take charge of troops had first to take auspices and gain divine approval (cf. Cicero, , Phil. II. 102 Google Scholar for triumuiri entrusted with the establishing of a colony; Livy XXI. 63. 9, XXII. I. 6, for consuls). In this case Cincius' complures nostros would not be a group of candidates from which the birds had to make a single choice but all the ‘imperatores’ of varying capacity already elected to command league troops. If it be objected that such organisa¬tion could not have existed in the fourth-century Latin army, then so much the worse for Cincius' reliability. In any case it is just not credible that Romans of any century allowed birds to choose military leaders either for themselves or for allies.

^{page 56 note 1} Cf. Cicero, , Verr. II. I. 104 Google Scholar, Ps.-Ascon. ad loc. (p. 247 Stangl), Valerius Max. iv. 4.1, VIII. 15. 8, Dionysius Hal. II. 6. 1–3, Cassius Dio LVIII. 5. 7.

^{page 56 note 2} For the legum dictio see Servius Virg, Auct.. Aen. III. 89 Google Scholar. Cf. further Varro, , Ling. VII. 8 Google Scholar, Livy I. 18. 10, Pliny, , Nat. XXV. 50 Google Scholar, Virg, Servius Auct.. Aen. III. 84 Google Scholar.

^{page 56 note 3} Cf. Cicero, , Diu. I. 105 Google Scholar, fr. de auguriis ap. Charis. p. 156. 23, Livy X. 42. 7.

^{page 56 note 4} The rules about conflicting signs stated by Servius ( Virg, . Ecl. 9. 13 Google Scholar minora enim augurio maioribus cedunt nec ullarum sunt uirium, licet priora sint, Aen. II. 691… si dissimilia sint posteriora soluuntur priora, II. 693 hoc autem auspicium cum de cáelo sit, uerbo augurum maximum praeualet (Auctus), III. 374 si parra uelpicus auspicium dederit, et deinde contrarium aquila dederit, auspicium aquilae praeualet…notum est esse apud augures auspiciorum gradus piures (Auctus), XII. 183 seit enim in auguriis prima posterioribus cedere) concern a single auspice-taking by a single person. It seems that normally two signs of similar tendency were required to authorise a course of action (see above, p. 47).

^{page 57 note 1} The source of Suetonius, Aug. 95 and Appian, B.C. III. 94 (388) made twelve vultures appear to the Romulus-like Octavian when he took the auspices at the beginning of his first consulship. The source of Cassius Dio XLVI. 46. 2 and Julius Obsequens 69 (probably Livy) made the six vultures and the twelve appear as successive augurio, oblatiua some time during the course of this consulship. For Octavian's quondam desire to be a second Romulus see Suetonius, Aug. 7, Florus IV. 12. 66, Cassius Dio LIII. 16. 5–8. The ambiguous character of the myth and the unflattering parallels which could be drawn between certain aspects of his career - e.g. his violent and unconstitutional seizure of power, his theft of another man's pregnant wife, his choice of low-born lieutenants like Agrippa and Calvisius – and less wholesome elements of the myth may have helped to influence his decision to take the tide ‘Augustus’ instead.

^{page 57 note 2} See Censorinus, De die nat. 17. 15.

^{page 57 note 3} See Romul. 9. 6–7, Mor. 286a–c.

^{page 57 note 4} Cf. Pliny, , Nat. X. 20 Google Scholar, Paulus Fest. p. 3, s.v. alites, Festus, p. 197, s.v. oscines (quoting Appius Claudius). The imperial poets Seneca (Herc. f. 687–8) and Silius (XIII. 597–600) include the vulture in a company of ill-omened birds dwelling in the underworld.

^{page 57 note 5} XXVII, II. 4, XXVII. 23. 3.

^{page 57 note 6} Cf. Quintus Smyrnaeus III. 353–5.

^{page 57 note 7} Cf. Juvenal 14. 77 ff.

^{page 57 note 8} Cf. Alciphron III. 23. 4.

^{page 57 note 9} Cf. Homer, , Od. XI. 578–9Google Scholar, Juvenal 13. 51–2.

^{page 57 note 10} Cf. Plautus, , Truc. 337–8Google Scholar, Seneca, , Epist. 95. 43Google Scholar, Pliny, , Nat. X. 19 Google Scholar, Martial VI. 62. 4.

^{page 57 note 11} Cf. Statius, , Theb. III. 508 Google Scholar, Horus Gramm. Hieroglyph. I. II, Aelian II. 46.

^{page 57 note 12} Cf. Kajanto, I., The Latin Cognomina (Helsinki, 1965), pp. 330–2Google Scholar.

^{page 57 note 13} Cf. Homer, Il. XXIV. 310–11, Virgil, , Aen. V. 255 Google Scholar.

^{page 57 note 14} Cf. Homer, Il. VIII. 247, XII. 201, Aeschylus, Ag. III ff., Xenophon, Anab. VI. I. 23, Cicero, , Marii fr. in de diu. lib. I. 106 Google Scholar, Livy I. 34. 8, Seneca, Nat. II. 32. 5, Tacitus, Ann. II. 17. 2, Suetonius, Aug. 94. 7.

^{page 57 note 15} Cf. Pliny, , Nat. X. 16 Google Scholar, Juvenal 10. 43, Isidore, Orig. XVIII. 2. 5 Google Scholar, XVIII. 3. 2.

^{page 57 note 16} For the story that senators murdered Romulus cf. Livy I. 16. 4, Dionysius Hal. II. 56. 3–4, Plutarch, Romul. 27. 2–3, 8, Florus I. 1. 17. There is another version blaming the common people at Dionysius Hal. II. 56. 5.

^{page 57 note 17} The classical writers have the Aventine completely vacant for a period after Remus' defeat. The process of settlement by newcomers is variously described; see Varro ap. Virg, Serv.. Aen. VII. 657 Google Scholar, Cicero, , Rep. II. 33 Google Scholar, Livy I. 33. 1–2, Dionysius Hal. II. 37, 43. 1–2, X. 3I. 2, 32. 2 ff., Valerius Max. VI. 5. I.

^{page 58 note 1} Cf. Diodorus VIII. 5, Dionysius Hal. ι. 86. 3, Plutarch, , Romul. 9. 5Google Scholar, Anon. Orig. 23. 4.

^{page 58 note 2} See Livy IV. 2. 5, VI. 41. 6, X. 8. 9 on the alleged Plebeian lack of auspicia. Messalla Rufus (ap. Gell. XIII. 14. 5–6; cf. Seneca, , Dial. X. 13. 8Google Scholar) attributed the continued exclusion of the Aventine from the sacred area of the urbs to ‘aues obscenae’ seen there by Remus.

^{page 58 note 3} For accusations of lies about auspicia cf. Cicero, , Diu. I. 29 Google Scholar, Phil. II. 88, Livy VIII. 23. 14–16, X. 40. 9–11, XXI. 63. 5.

^{page 58 note 4} See Cato ap. Macrob. Sat. I. 10. 16, Valerius Ant. ap. Anon. Orig. genu Rom. 21. 1, Fast. Praen. 23 Dec. (CIL I ² p. 238), Livy I. 4. 7.

^{page 58 note 5} See Licinius Macer ap. Anon. Orig. gent. Rom. 19. 5, Livy I. 4. 2, Dionysius Hal. I. 77. 1–2, Plutarch, Romul. 3. 3–4.

^{page 58 note 6} For the Roman horror at unchastity in a Vestal (Latin and Greek feelings would have been similar) see Asconius, Cic. Mil. 32, Pliny, , Epist. IV. 11 Google Scholar, Juvenal 4. 8–10, Dionysius Hal. II. 67. 3–4, IX. 40. 3, Plutarch, Num. 10. 4–7.

^{page 58 note 7} Cf. I praef. 7.

^{page 58 note 8} Cf. V. 761, 831, 889–90.

^{page 58 note 9} VIII. 266 ff.

^{page 58 note 10} Cf. Il. V. 29 ff., 405 ff., XV. 123 ff.

^{page 58 note 11} Cf. Il. II. 540, XII. 188.

^{page 58 note 12} Cf. Apostolius 4. 7 ἐπὶ τῶν φιλοπολέμων, Macarius 2. 31 καὶ Ἄρεως παιδίον ἐπὶ τῶν θρσσυτάτων.

^{page 58 note 13} Cf. Latte, K., Römische Religionsgeschichte, pp. 114 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 58 note 14} I.e., in Ennius' day, in the Campus Martius (cf. Cassius Dio LVI. 24. 3) and beside the Via Appia (cf. Livy x. 23. 12).

^{page 59 note 1} I. 77. 2, II. 56. 6.

^{page 59 note 2} Romul. 12. 5.

^{page 59 note 3} Romul. 12. 2.

^{page 59 note 4} Cf. Bergk, T., Ind. schal. Halle (1860), ix ff.Google Scholar (= Kl. phil. Sehr. I. 242 ff.Google Scholar).

^{page 59 note 5} Cf. Lydus, Johannes, Osunt. 9 Google Scholar.

^{page 59 note 6} Rep. I. 25, II. 17, VI. 24. Cf. Ovid, Fast. II. 493, Dionysius Hai. II. 56. 6, Plutarch, Romul. 27. 6, Florus I. I. 17.

^{page 59 note 7} Cf. Seneca, Nat. I. I. 2–3 on unusual celestial phenomena and deaths of great men; Virgil, , Georg. I. 466–8Google Scholar, Matthew, , Evang. 27. 45 Google Scholar, Plutarch, , Pelop. 31 Google Scholar. 2–3, Cassius Dio LXI. 16.4 on solar eclipses; Plutarch, Dio 24. 2, Paul. 17. 4 on lunar eclipses.

^{page 59 note 8} Cf. Cicero, , Leg. I. 4–5 Google Scholar.

^{page 59 note 9} Cicero must have had the Annals in mind at Imp. Cn. Pomp. 25: sinite hoc loco, Quirites, sicut poetae soient, qui res Romanas scrihunt, praeterire me nostram calamitatem.

^{page 59 note 10} See Dionysius Hal. I. 74. 1.

^{page 59 note 11} See Virg, Servius Auct.. Aen. I. 273 Google Scholar, Servius VI. 777. Cf. Dionysius Hal. I.73.2, Diodorus VII. 5.1.

^{page 59 note 12} See Ann. 35–47. Eurydice was a wife of Aeneas in Lesches' epic (Pausanias X. 26. I). The notion of Mueller, L. (Quintus Ennius. Eine Einleitung in das Studium der römischen Poesie (St Petersburg, 1884), p. 150)Google Scholar and others that Ilia was the child of a daughter of Latinus requires the meaning of germana in vv. 41 and 47 to be forced.

^{page 59 note 13} See Ann. 113 and cf. Ovid, , Fast. II. 475 ff.Google Scholar, Met. xiv. 805 ff., Varro, , Ling. VII. 5 Google Scholar (~Ann. 65–6). The classical poets ( Virgil, , Aen. I. 274 Google Scholar, Ovid, , Fast. II. 383, II. 419, II. 21 ff.Google Scholar) likewise presented things very differently from the historians.

^{page 60 note 1} See Ann. 68.

^{page 60 note 2} See Anon. Orig. gent. Rom. 20. 3.

^{page 60 note 3} II. 4–24. Cf. de Orat. I. 37, Diu. I. 105, I. 107.

^{page 60 note 4} See Ann. 99–100. Cf. Cicero, Off. III. 41 (the only passage critical of Romulus in Cicero's writings).

^{page 60 note 5} See Cicero, , Rep. I. 64 Google Scholar.

^{page 60 note 6} See Ann. 87–8 and further, below, p. 69.

^{page 60 note 7} Metrical necessity did not operate. Ennius could have used the form uolturius; cf. Plautus, , Most. 832 ff.Google Scholar, True. 337.

^{page 60 note 8} Ann. 81: perhaps αἰετοὶ ὑψιπέται cf. Homer, Il. XII. 201, XIII. 822, XXII. 308. Altiuolus if not altiuolans may have been an augural term; cf. Pliny, , Nat. X. 42 Google Scholar. Boscherini, however, SIFC XLI (1969), 128–30Google Scholar, goes a little too far in arguing that Ennius' altiuolantes must of necessity be eagles.

^{page 60 note 9} Ann. 93–4; sanctus was not an epithet readers would naturally have associated with vultures.

^{page 60 note 10} CQ N.S. XI (1961), 253 ff.Google Scholar ( = Stud. Enn. pp. 63 ff.).

^{page 61 note 1} Cf. Varro, Rust. III. 2. 2, Servius, Virg. Aen. IX. 4 Google Scholar secundum augures ‘sedere’ est augurium captare; namque post designatas caelipartes a sedentibus captantur augurio, Schol. Ver. Aen. x. 241 in tabernáculo sella ‹se› dens auspicabatur, Livy I. 18. 7 augur…sedem cepit, Statius, Theb. III. 459. There is evidence, however, also for auspice-takers reclining (cf. Cicero, Verr. II.1.104 ut praetor foetus est, qui auspicato a C he lido ne surrexisset, Paulus Fest. p. 66 cubons auspica tur qui in lecto quaerit augurium, Virg, Servius Auct.. Aen. IV. 200 Google Scholar amplius uno exitu in eo esse non oportet cum ibi sit cubiturus auspicans) and standing (cf. Cicero, , Diu. I. 31 Google Scholar, Dionysius Hal. II. 5. I, Servius, Virg. Aen. VI. 197 Google Scholar ad captando augurio post preces immobiles uel sedere uel stare consueuerant, Festus, p. 348, s.v. silentio surgere).

^{page 61 note 2} Cf. Sophocles, , Ant. 999 Google Scholar, Euripides, , Bacch. 347 Google Scholar, Phoen. 840.

^{page 61 note 3} Marcell. 5. 2. Cf. also Rom. 22. I, Cam. 32. 5, Caes. 47. 3.

^{page 61 note 4} Cf. Cicero, , Diu. I. 27 Google Scholar eorum auspiciorum quae sibi ad Pompeium proficiscenti secunda euenerint, Livy VI. 12. 9 deos qui secundis auibus in proelium miserint, IX. 14. 4 auspicia secunda esse…pul-larius nuntiat.

^{page 61 note 5} Cf. Il. XXIV. 306 ff., Od. XX. 97 ff.

^{page 61 note 6} See above, p. 56.

^{page 61 note 7} I. 86. I.

^{page 61 note 8} Romul. 9. 5.

^{page 62 note 1} Dionysius Hal. I. 86. 2 says that φυλακή τε ἀμφοῙν παρῆν οὐκ ἐπιρέψουσα ὄτι μή φανείη λέξειν; Livy I. 7. I and Anon. Orig. gent. Rom. 23. 2 have Remus sending messengers to Romulus; Diodorus VIII. 5 has Romulus sending a messenger.

^{page 62 note 2} See above, p. 45.

^{page 62 note 3} Vahlen, , SB Preuss. Ak. (1894), 1159 n.Google Scholar ( = Ges. phil. Sehr. II. 406 Google Scholar), replaced solus with subtus.

^{page 62 note 4} Vahlen, argued, SB Preuss. Ak. (1894), 1159 ff.Google Scholar (= Ges. phil. Sehr. II. 406 ff.Google Scholar), that in ‹imo› monte was Cicero's paraphrase for a verse which he deliberately omitted. He substituted subtus for solus in v. 80.

^{page 62 note 5} See above, pp. 45–6.

^{page 62 note 6} Nat. deor. III. 72 Google Scholar (Eun. 46–9), De orat. III. 326–7Google Scholar (Andr. 117–28), Att. VII. 3. 10 Google Scholar (Eun. 114–15). Cf. Seneca, , Nat. III. 27 Google Scholar. 14 and Ovid, , Met. I. 285–90Google Scholar.

^{page 62 note 7} Whatever its grammar, auspicium must accordingly have here the meaning it has in v. 96 rather than in v. 78, i.e. ‘sign given by birds’ rather than ‘act of spotting birds’.

^{page 62 note 8} Cf. pontifex anon. ap. Macrob. Sat. III. 9. 10–12, Varro ap. Non. p. 485. 19, Livy VIII. 6. 10, 9. 8, X. 28. 13, 29. 4.

^{page 62 note 9} Ann. 208–10 seems to refer to a Decius devoting himself at the batde of Ausculum in 279; cf. Skutsch, O., CQ N.S. X (1960), 193 ff.Google Scholar ( = Stud. Enn. pp. 54 ff.).

^{page 62 note 10} Cf. Cicero, , Dom. 145 Google Scholar, P. red. ad Quir. I.

^{page 62 note 11} See vv. 77–8 cupientes regni.

^{page 63 note 1} Leg. II. 20.

^{page 63 note 2} Cf. Virg, Servius Auct.. Aen. XII. 176 Google Scholar. In Dionysius' account of the affair of the pig and the grape (III. 70) Attius Navius makes a bargain with a ἤρως The historians who tell the story of the auspices of Romulus and Remus do not mention Jupiter but rather the tutelary deities of the Palatine (cf. Livy I. 6. 4).

^{page 63 note 3} Romulus appears to have used the words nam mi calido das sanguine poenas in sentencing Remus for his behaviour in regard to the city wall (Ann. 100). It is possible that he also used some formula making Remus over to the underworld gods (cf. Dionysius Hal. u. 10. 3, 74. 3, Plutarch, Romul. 22.3).

^{page 63 note 4} The reminiscence of Ennius' alleged epitaph (uiuus uolito per ora uirum) is noteworthy.

^{page 64 note 1} Skutsch thinks that the fact that the other verbs are duratives supports his alteration of se deuouet to sedet. See above, p. 61.

^{page 64 note 2} Römische Geschichte I (Berlin ⁴, 1833), p. 235 Google Scholar.

^{page 64 note 3} As modified by Fuchs, H., Hermes LXX (1935), 245–7Google Scholar.

^{page 64 note 4} See Varro, , Ling. VI. 86 Google Scholar, ap. Gell. II.2.10 ( = Macrob., Sat. I.3.7), Festus, p. 348, s.v. silentio surgere, Livy VIII. 23. 15, X. 40. 2, Valerius Max. I. 4. 2 (Par.), Pliny, , Epist. III. 5. 8 Google Scholar, Plutarch, , Gracch. 17. 1Google Scholar, Mor. 273d-e. Cf. Dionysius Hal. I. 86. I, II. 5. 1, II. 6. 2, Ovid, , Fast. IV. 816 Google Scholar.

^{page 64 note 5} Loc. cit.

^{page 64 note 6} Ind. schal. Halle (1860), pp. iv ff.Google Scholar ( = Kl. phil. Sehr. I. 236 ff.)Google Scholar.

^{page 65 note 1} Plutarch has the people present at Numa's inauguration (Num. 7. 6) but the time of day is clearly far advanced in the Greek writer's imagining.

^{page 65 note 2} This seems to be the assumption of Skutsch, O. in writing (CQ N.S. XI (1961), 263 Google Scholar (= Stud. Enn. p. 76)): ‘the next six lines.. . describe the interest the people were taking in it, an interest we would expect to display itself on the preceding day rather than in the night itself when the augur silentio surgit’.

^{page 65 note 3} Il. I. 475–7; cf. Od. iv. 574–7, IX. 168–71, XIX. 426–9. See in addition to Castiglioni, Vahlen L., RIL LXXIV (1940–1941), 410 f.Google Scholar, Skutsch, O., CQ N.S. XI (1961), 264 Google Scholar (= Stud. Enn. p. 77). Vahlen, however, allowed the possibility of a suggestion he had himself made in RhM xvi (1861), 572–3, namely that there is a lacuna between vv. 89 and 90, a suggestion again taken up by Kvíčala, J., ZOEG LVII (1906), 5 ff.Google Scholar Bergk, T., Ind. schol. Halle (1860), p. vii Google Scholar (= Kl. phil. Sehr. I. 240 Google Scholar), transposed v. 89 to after v. 78, Terzagni, N., AATLX (1925), 58–9Google Scholar ( = Studia Graeca et Latina I. 801–2), to after v. 96. Such transpositions make the temporal conjunction exin in V. 90 hard to interpret and destroy the antitheses sol albus ~ candida…lux; recedit ~ se dedit…foras; in infera noctis ~ foras.

^{page 65 note 4} Vahlen talks of ‘den ersten Schimmer des anbrechenden Tages’.

^{page 65 note 5} Cf. Caesar, B.C. I. 68. 1 albente caelo, Virgil, , Aen. IV. 586–7Google Scholar, Martial X. 62. 6, Apuleius, , Met. VII. I. At II. 720–1Google Scholar, if the text is sound, Lucan has the first light pink before it becomes white. On Ennius, Ann. 557 see below, p. 71.

^{page 65 note 6} Cf. Aeschylus, , Pers. 386 Google Scholar, Sophocles, Ai. 673, Euripides, El. 102, 729–31, I.A. 156, Tr. 848.

^{page 65 note 7} Fr. 21. 3.

^{page 65 note 8} Androm. 1228.

^{page 65 note 9} 63. 39–41 sed ubi oris aurei sol radiantibus oculis / lustrauit aethera album, sola dura, mare ferum, / pepulitque noctis umbras uegetis sonipedibus.

^{page 66 note 1} Blümner, H., Philologus XLVIII (1889), 153 Google Scholar, interprets the Ennian epithet as ‘hell, klar… zumal im Gegensatz zur dunkeln Nacht’. André, J., Études sur les termes de couleur dans la langue latine (Paris, 1949), p. 28 Google Scholar, is forced to argue that Ennius describes the sun as losing its shine before the darkness of night. Nothing can be learnt from the fragment of Mattius quoted without context by Gellius (XV. 25. 1): iam iam albicaseli Phoebus et recentatur lumen; nor from the trochaic septenarius quoted by Martianus Capella (v. 514) as an example of ‘labdacismus’: sol et hna luce lucent alba leni láctea; nor from Ambrose's account (Hex. II. 3. 14) of a tendentious philosophical argument denying the fiery nature of the sun: … ut solem ipsum negent calidae naturae esse; eo quod albus sit, non rubicundus aut rutilus in speciem ignis.

^{page 66 note 2} Cf. Homer, Il. I. 605, VIII. 485. Instructive also is Sophocles, Trach. 94–6 ὂv αἰόλα νὺξ ἐναρι-3ομένα / τίκτει κατευνάзει τε φλογιзόμενον, / Ἃλιον.

^{page 66 note 3} Cf. Ovid, , Met. XV. 30 Google Scholar.

^{page 66 note 4} Cf. Ovid, , Met. XV. 193–4Google Scholar mane rubet, terraque rubet cum conditur ima, Candidus in summo est, Seneca, Nat. I. 17. 2 quamuis enim orientem occidentemque eum contemplari liceat, tarnen habitum eins ipsum, qui uerus est, non rubentis sed candida luce fulgentis nesciremus nisi… Redness all day long in the sun was considered ominous (Livy XXXI. 12. 5).

^{page 66 note 5} Cf. Virgil, , Aen. XI. 913–14Google Scholar.

^{page 66 note 6} Cf. Lucan V. 541, Statius, , Theb. III. 408–9Google Scholar.

^{page 66 note 7} Cf. Ovid, , Fast. II. 74 Google Scholar.

^{page 66 note 8} Cf. Sophocles, fr. 235. 3, Tibullus I. 3. 94.

^{page 66 note 9} Cf. Plautus, Amph. 239, Bacch. 579 et al.

^{page 66 note 10} Cf. 5 reuinetus, 46 resistei, 186 requirunt, 556 reponunt.

^{page 66 note 11} 364, 383. At v. 544–5 Lucan uses recedere to describe not the sun's sinking below the horizon (which he has already done by implication at v. 541) but an ominous loss of radiance before sinking (cf. Virgil, Georg. I. 442 medioque refugerit orbe [of the rising sun]).

^{page 66 note 12} Cf. schol. ad loc. ἡρωικὸν πρόσωπόν ἐστι τὸ λέγον. ó δέ ποιητὴς είς ὠκεανὸν τὴν δύσιν καὶ ἐξ ὠκεανοῦ τήν ἀνατολήν φησι γίνεσθαι. III. 329 ran ἠέλιος δʾ ἄρʾ ἔδυ καὶ ἐπίὶ κνέφας ἦλθε.

^{page 66 note 13} Cf. Homer, Il. I. 475, VIII. 48–6., Od. II. 388, IV. 574, IX. 168, Virgil, , Aen. II. 250 Google Scholar, XI. 913–14, Ovid, , Met. xv. 30–1Google Scholar. A similar conception informs Aeschylus, Pers. 377–8, Lucretius V. 650–5 and Livy x. 42. I. In general see Strabo I. 1. 3.

^{page 67 note 1} The notion that the constellations are fixed to a revolving sphere lies behind Ann. 29 and 211; that solar eclipses are caused by the moon blocking the sun's light from the earth lies behind Ann. 163.

^{page 67 note 2} Cf. Crates ap. Eustath. Hom. Il. X. 394, Cicero, , Rep. I. 22 Google Scholar, IV. 1, Diu. II. 17, Nat. deor. II. 49, Ovid, , Met. XV. 652 Google Scholar umbraque telhiris tenebros induxerat orbi. The notion even affects the Epicurean poet Lucretius (v. 764).

^{page 67 note 3} Cf. vv. 580 ἔννυχος, 600 σκιόωνται.

^{page 67 note 4} Cf. vv. 83, 355, 361, 411, 463. As paradoxical as the references to obscura nox in V. 404 and caligp caeca in V. 478 are those to supera lux in vv. 284, 364. Professor Goodyear draws my attention to Germanicus, Arat. 627–8 nixa genu species flexo redit ardua crure. partibus haud aliis node eluctata suprema, ibid. 695 auersum Chirona trahit nox atra sub undas and Housman, A. E., CR XIV (1900), 32 Google Scholar.

^{page 67 note 5} Cf. Pasquali, G., GG A (1915), pp. 593–610 Google Scholar ( = Vecchie e Nuove Pagine Stravaganti di un Filologo (Florence, 1952), pp. 285–307)Google Scholar.

^{page 68 note 1} Cf. Livy VIII. 16. 14, IX. 26. 3–5, IX. 28. 8, XXXVII. 46. 10, XLIII. 17. 1, Vellerns I. 14. 1.

^{page 68 note 2} Whether any of the business about the three names of the city, the mystic, the hieratic and the political (cf. Pliny, , Nat. XXVIII. 18 Google Scholar, Servius, Virg. Aen. I. 277 Google Scholar, II. 351 (Auct.), Macrobius, , Sat. III. 9 Google Scholar. 2–5, Plutarch, Mor. 278 f., Lydus, Johannes, Mens. IV. 73 Google Scholar) goes back to Ennius cannot be known.

^{page 68 note 3} Diu. I. 105.

^{page 68 note 4} Cf. Dionysius Hal. II. 14, Plutarch, , Romul. 13. 1–2 Google Scholar.

^{page 68 note 5} This interpretation was adopted by Rosenberg, A., RE XI. I (1914), 1140 Google Scholar, s.v. imperator, and continues to affect discussion of Roman constitutional development.

^{page 68 note 6} For the former meaning cf. Ennius trag. ap. Cic. De orat. I. 199, for the latter Plautus, Pseud. 178.

^{page 68 note 7} Cicero clearly interpreted it as multitudo, πλῆθος (Diu. I. 105).

^{page 68 note 8} The ratio of occurrence between uir and homo is: in tragedy, with its ancient military atmosphere, 20:10; in comedy, with its contemporary bourgeois atmosphere, 316:980. The ratio in Ennius' Annals, 10:17, is at first sight surprising but ceases to be so when one considers the wide sweep of the poem's subject matter.

^{page 68 note 9} In the Annals homo applies in the singular to a statesman in his civil role (e.g. vv. 177, 331) and in the plural to members of a citizen body (e.g. vv. 34, 307) or to all mankind (e.g. vv. 175, 249, 580, 581). The contrast in vv. 370–2 between unus homo…cunctando and uiri…gloria claret is instructive.

^{page 68 note 10} Cf. Cicero, , Att. V. 20 Google Scholar. 3, Caesar, B.C. II. 26. 1, Tacitus, , Ann. III. 74 Google Scholar.

^{page 69 note 1} Cf. Livy XXVII. 19. 4 turn Scipio…sibi maxumum nomen imperatoris esse dixit, quo se milites sui appelassent; regiam nomen alibi magnum Romae intolerabile esse.

^{page 69 note 2} Hence perhaps the practice of κόλακες in Latin translations of Attic comedy of calling the wealthy men who fed them reges (Plautus, Capt. 92 et al.).

^{page 69 note 3} A corollary of this interpretation is that v. 150, Tarquinio dedit imperium simul et sola regni, refers to the king's military as well as his civil authority.

^{page 69 note 4} Vahlen let the word stand, as had P. H. Peerlkamp who, however, put a comma after timebat and understood utri as a genitive (on Horace, Carm. IV. 6. 23 (Leyden, 1834)). T. Bergk proposed ore timebat robus utri et (NJbb LXXXIII (1861), 316 ( = Kl.phil. Sehr. I. 247 Google Scholar)), H.Sauppe ora tenebat rectus utri (Ind. schal. Göttingen (1886), p. 15 ( = Ausg. Sehr. p. 796)) and O. Skutsch ore timebat, dubius utri (CQ N.S. XI (1961), 262 ( = Stud. Enn. p. 74)). For timebat rebus cf. Caesar, Gall. IV. 16.1 cum videret Germanos tam facile impelli ut in Gailiam venirent, suis quoque rebus eos timere noluit.

^{page 69 note 5} Emenders of this fragment generally try to insert a preposition before populos; cf. Skutsch, O., CQ XXXVIII (1944), 82 f.Google Scholar ( = Stud. Enn. pp. 22 f.), Timpanaro, S., SIFC N.S. XXII (1947), 44, 207 Google Scholar, Mariotti, S., Lezioni su Ennio (Pesaro, 1951), p. 72 Google Scholar, Strzelecki, L., Charisteria T. Sinho…oblata (Warsaw, 1951), p. 343 Google Scholar.

^{page 69 note 6} Cf. also Virgil, , Aen. V. 446–9Google Scholar, XII. 684–90.

^{page 69 note 7} Cf. Koller, H., MusH VIII (1951), 78 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 69 note 8} Skutsch, , CQ N.S. XI (1961), 260 Google Scholar ( = Stud. Enn. p. 71), proposes tentatively e specula but thinks the paradosis can stand.

^{page 70 note 1} For the auspice-taker looking eastwards cf. Livy I.18. 6–7, Dionysius Hal. II. 5. 2–3, Plutarch, Mor. 282 d, Virg, Servius Auct.. Aen. II. 693 Google Scholar, Isidore, , Etym. XV. 4. 7 Google Scholar.

^{page 70 note 2} See above, pp. 65–6.

^{page 70 note 3} Cf. Homer, Il. VII. 381 ~ 421, Aristophanes, Vesp. 216, 245 ~ 366, Euripides, Rhes. 535 ~ 985, 992.

^{page 70 note 4} Theog. 124, 371–2. Cf. Lucretius V. 457 ff., 471 ff.

^{page 70 note 5} Bacch. 255.

^{page 70 note 6} Wakefield (followed by L. Mueller) proposed acta, Bierma, J. W., Mnemosyne 2. XXXV (1097), 342 Google Scholar, apta.

^{page 70 note 7} Describing a theory developed outside the atomist schools.

^{page 70 note 8} Cf. T. Breiter on Manilius IV. 818–65 (Leipzig, 1908), da Nóbrega, V. L., Mélanges A. Piganiol (Paris, 1966), pp. 815 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 70 note 9} Romul. 12. 2.

^{page 71 note 1} See above, p. 59.

^{page 71 note 2} Cf. Mueller, L., Q. Ermi carminum reliquiae (St Petersburg, 1884), p. 178 Google Scholar, Skutsch, O., CQ N.S. XI (1961), 263 Google Scholar ( = Stud. Enn. p. 76).

^{page 71 note 3} Cf. Euripides, , Rhes. 534 Google Scholar, Ovid, , Met. II. 117 Google Scholar, Seneca, H.F. 136.

^{page 71 note 4} Sign. 5. Cf. Aristotle, , Gen. an. IV. 10 Google Scholar. 777b 26 ἠ σελήνη … γίνεται γὰρ ὣσττερ ἂλλος ἣλιος ἐλάττων.

^{page 71 note 5} Cf. Ion 1158 Ἒως διώκονσ' ἄστρα, Horace, , Carm. III. 21. 24 Google Scholar dum rediens fugat astra Phoebus, Virgil, , Aen. III. 521 Google Scholar iamque rubescebat steilts aurora fugatis, V. 42–3 postera cum primo stellas oriente fugarat cUra dies, Ovid, , Met. II. 114 Google Scholar diffugiunt stellae, Lucan II. 724–5 calidumque refugit Lucifer ipse diem. See also Diggle, J. on Euripides, Phaethon 66 (Cambridge, 1970)Google Scholar.

^{page 71 note 6} 163.

^{page 71 note 7} Cf. Cicero, , Rep. I. 25 Google Scholar, Pliny, , Nat. II. 56 Google Scholar, XVIII. 323.

^{page 71 note 8} Cf. Lucretius V. 721, Cicero, , Rep. 1. 23 Google Scholar, Virgil, , Aen. VII. 8 Google Scholar.

^{page 71 note 9} Cf. Ennius, , Ann. 557 Google Scholar albus iubar, Horace, , Carm. I. 12. 27–8Google Scholar alba…stella, Virgil, , Georg. I. 365–7Google Scholar uidebis… noctisque per umbram flammarum longos a tergo albescere tractus, Ovid, Met. xv. 189–90 alho Lucifer exit clarus equo, Trist. III. 5. 56 Lucifer albus, Pliny, , Nat. XVIII. 352 Google Scholar si uolxtare piures stellae uidebuntur, quo ferentur albescentes, uentos ex is partibus nuntiabunt.

Professor Goodyear, however, makes the point that if Ennius wanted to use sol of the moon he could not well have used Candidus, which, being sometimes quite properly applied to the Sun, would be more than ambiguous; albus, never being properly applied to the Sun, would give the necessary differentiation.

^{page 71 note 10} Cf. Servius, Virg. Aen. II. 268 Google Scholar sunt autem solidae noctis partes secundum Varronem hae, uespera conticinium intempesta nox gallicinium lucifer; diet, mane ortus meridies occasus.

^{page 71 note 11} Cf. Ovid, , Met. XV. 189–90Google Scholar, Trist, III. 5. 56.

^{page 71 note 12} Cf. Cicero, , Diu. I. 97 Google Scholar, Livy XXVIII. II. 3, XXIX. 14. 3, XLI. 21.13, Julius Obsequens 12, 14, 27, Seneca, , Nat. I. 11. 2., I. 13. 3Google Scholar, Pliny, , Nat. 11. 100 Google Scholar. Contrast the language of Johannes Lydus, Ost. 6. 23C–24a.

^{page 72 note 1} Cf. Varro, , Rust. I. 4. 1Google Scholar (~ Var. 47), ‘Promis’, Virg, . Ecl. VI. 31 Google Scholar (~ Sc. 284).

^{page 72 note 2} For the sun cf. Tibullus II. I. 47, for the moon Pliny, , Nat. II. 41 Google Scholar, for both bodies Seneca, , Nat. I. 17. 3Google Scholar.

^{page 72 note 3} Cf. Virg, Servius Auct.. Aen. IV. 130 Google Scholar …tubar…plerumque Veneris stella…alii iubar solem, alii splendorem siderum dicunt. For iubar = sol cf. Lucretius IV. 404, Anon. Aetna 333, Ovid, , Met. I. 768 Google Scholar.

^{page 72 note 4} See above, p. 62.

^{page 72 note 5} Cf. Appius Claudius ap. Fest. p. 197, s.v. oscines, aues…quae…faciant auspicium, Cicero, , Diu. II. 80 Google Scholar aliis a dextra datum est auibus ut ratum auspicium facere possint, Servius Auct. Virg. Aen. III. 246 ab alite auspicium factum…alites…certa genera auium.

^{page 72 note 6} Cf. Epid. 183–4 liquido exeo foras auspicio, aui smisterà, Pseud. 761–2 ducam legiones meas aid smisterà, auspicio liquido atque ex sententia.

^{page 72 note 7} TLL VII i 11 17. 64 gives the conventional interpretation.

^{page 72 note 8} Cf. Plautus, , Cas. 616 Google Scholar qua ego hune amorem mi esse aui dicam datum?

^{page 72 note 9} See the tirade of Williams, G., Tradition and Originality in Roman Poetry (Oxford, 1968), p. 686 Google Scholar, on the ‘series of temporal conjunctions that halts the narrative into a jerky and over-emphatic progression’.

^{page 72 note 10} Q. Enni carminum reliquiae, p. 13, construing on p. 179, ‘conspicit inde Romulus sibi propritim data esse regni scamna solumque, auspicio stabilita’.

^{page 72 note 11} CQ N.S. XI (1961), 265 ( = Stud. Enn. p. 79).

^{page 73 note 1} Ind. schol. Halle (1860), p. X Google Scholar ( = Kl. phil. Sehr. I. 244–5)Google Scholar. Bergk proposed

quom specit, inde sibi data Romulus esse priora auspicia, ac regni stabilita scamna solumque.

^{page 73 note 2} The only occurrence is at II. 973–5: denique utipossint sentire ammalia quaeque, principiis si iam est sensus trihuendus eorum, quid genus humanum propritim de quibus auctumst?

^{page 73 note 3} See also Timpanaro, S., Gnomon XLII (1970), 359 Google Scholar.

^{page 73 note 4} E.g. Ann. 89 in infera noctis. Cf. Aerius, Trag. 336 anfracta terrarum, Lucretius VI. 809 terrai…abdita, Virgil, , Aen. V. 180 Google Scholar summa…scopuli.

^{page 73 note 5} Cf. iusta facere ( Plautus, , Cist. 176 Google Scholar), sacra mouere (Plautus, Pseud. 109).

^{page 73 note 6} See above, p. 55.

^{page 73 note 7} Cf. Ann. 8 o pietas animi, 49 ad caeli caerula templa, 81 genus altiuolantum, 88 uictoria…regni, 93 corpora sancta auium.

^{page 73 note 8} Cf. Plautus, Amph. 194 regique Thebano Creoni regnum stabiliuit suom, Accius, , Trag. 210 Google Scholar prodigium misit, regni stabilimen mei, Livy I. 35. 6 regni sui fir mandi…memor.

^{page 73 note 9} This word is connected with βαίνω and properly denotes aplace to stand rather than sit upon.

^{page 74 note 1} The Annals of Quintus Ennius (Cambridge, 1925), p. 119 Google Scholar.

^{page 74 note 2} Cf. Plautus, Trin. 940, Servius, Virg. Aen. I. 506. For solium in phrases symbolising kingship cf. Lucretius v. 1137pristina maiestas soliorum et sceptra superba, Virgil, , Aen. X. 852 Google Scholar pulsus…solio sceptrisque paternis.

^{page 74 note 3} Cf. Ovid, , Fast. VI. 305 Google Scholar.

^{page 74 note 4} Cf. Varro, , Ling. V. 168 Google Scholar, Ovid, , Ars I. 162, 211 Google Scholar.

^{page 74 note 5} Cf. Columella II. 2. 25, Pliny, , Nat. XVIII. 179 Google Scholar.

^{page 74 note 6} See above, p. 49.

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Vrbs Avgvrio Avgvsto Condita: Ennius ap. Cic. Diu. I. 107 (= Ann. 77–96 V2)

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Vrbs Avgvrio Avgvsto Condita: Ennius ap. Cic. Diu. I. 107 (= Ann. 77–96 V2)

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