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A tenth-century inscription from Syngrasis, Cyprus
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 22 January 2016
Abstract
A hitherto unpublished 10th-c. funerary (?) painted inscription from a rather remote middle Byzantine church in rural Cyprus provides unambiguous evidence of the impact of Bardas Skleros’ revolt in areas not directly affected by the rebel’s activities. It also yields information on the floruit of Epiphanius IV, a little known metropolitan of the island. Finally, and most importantly, it furnishes the earliest and most secure terminus ante quern for any medieval building on Cyprus and for the introduction of the cross-in-square church type and the elaboration of its local variant.
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References
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5. As suggested by Hadjipsaltis, C. in ‘Βυζαντινά κοίί κυπριακά той 10ου μ.Χ. α’ιώνος’, Επετηρίδα τού Κέντρου Μελετών τής Ιεράς Μονής Κνκκον 2 (1993) 245-56, where the issues raised by this colophon are discussedGoogle Scholar.
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9. Among the published non-ecclesiastical lead seals very few belong to officials of the pre-Comnenian era; see for example Nesbitt, J. & Oikonomides, N., Catalogue of Byzantine seals at Dumbarton Oaks and in the Fogg Museum of Art, vol.2 (Washington D.C. 1994) nos.38.3 & 39.1Google Scholar.
10. Papacostas, T.C., ‘Secular landholdings and Venetians in 12th-century Cyprus’, BZ 92 (1999) 479–501 at 481-82, with further bibliographyGoogle Scholar.
11. I am most grateful to Dr. Sophocles Hadjisavvas, Director of the Department of Antiquities (Nicosia), for granting me a permit to publish the inscription; it is remarkable that this important document has never been published or even commented upon in the past; a brief mention in the Μεγάλη Κυπριακή Εγκυκλοπαίδεια vol.12 (1990) 39, claims that it pertains to a rebuilding of the church after its destruction by fire.
12. The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, ed. by Kazhdan, A. et al. (New York-Oxford, 1991) vol.3, 1731, with bibliographyGoogle Scholar.
13. The information on the relic is given in the monastery’s typikon (Par.gr.402 fol.56v.), partly published in Dmitrievskij, A., Opisanie liturgičeskich rukopisej vol.3 (St. Petersburg 1917) 121-27 at 121Google Scholar; the monastery of Kykko is said to possess part of Procopius’ relic; Meinardus, O., ‘Relics in the churches and monasteries of Cyprus’, Ostkirchliche Studien 19 (1970) 19–43 at 39Google Scholar; for the Koutsovendis frescoes, see Mango, C., ‘The monastery of St. Chrysostomos at Koutsovendis (Cyprus) and its wall paintings — Part I: Description’, DOP 44 (1990) 63–94 at 89Google Scholar; a 13th-c. Sinai diptych depicting St. Procopius and the Virgin Kykkotissa may also have Cypriot connections: Vassilaki, M., Mother of God. Representations of the Virgin in Byzantine art (Athens-Milan 2000) 444-46Google Scholar.
14. Only excavation can of course elucidate this point; it is unclear on what evidence the description of St. Procopius as ‘a pretty little monastery’ by George Jeffery, who does not seem to have visited the place, is based: A description of the historic monuments of Cyprus (Nicosia 1918, repr. London 1983) 241.
15. Syngrasis is recorded again in the 15th and 16th c: de Mas Latrie, R., Chronique de l’île de Chypre par Florio Bustron (Paris 1886, repr. Nicosia 1998) 423 Google Scholar and Grivaud, G., Villages désertés à Chypre (fin XIIe-fin XIXe siècle) (Μελέτοα к où ‘ϊπομνήματα 3. Nicosia 1998) 455 Google Scholar.
16. Ph. Chatzechristophe, ‘To δάπεδο του ανίου Προκοπίου στη Σΰγκραση’, Report of the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus (1997) 277-83, with plan on p.279; during these repairs the later north porch was removed and the west door was enlarged to its original size, although the obviously later large windows were not altered: Annual Report to the Director of Antiquities (1954) 12 & (1955) 12; views of the church before and after its restoration in Soteriou, G., Та Βνζαντινά μνημέία гѓ/с Κνπρον, A. Λεύκωμα (Athens 1935) pl.39aGoogle Scholar, and Hadjisavvas, S., Καταβολές I. Αρχαιολογική επιακόπιστ 20 κατεχομένων σήμεραχωριών της επαρχίαζ Αμμοχώστου (Nicosia 1991) 94 Google Scholar.
17. The western façade also preserves a similar string course over the door’s relieving arch, indicating that this may also be part of the early basilica whose length was identical to that of the present church, as the layout of the opus sedile panels suggests; the area being inaccessible to the author, these observations are based on photographs held at the archive of the Department of Antiquities in Nicosia.
18. The earlier date is implied in G. Soteriou, ‘Ta παλαιοχριστιανικά код βυζαντινά μνημέϊα τής Κΰπρου’, Πρακπκά τής’Ακαδημίας’Αθηνών (1931) 477-90 at 484, and suggested in the Μεγάλη Κυπριακή Εγκυκλοπαίδεια vol.12 (1990) 39, while a 13th-c. date is given in Gunnis, R., Historic Cyprus. A guide to its towns & villages, monasteries & castles (Nicosia 1936, repr. Nicosia 1973) 434 Google Scholar.
19. On the introduction of the pointed arch in the Byzantine architecture of Cyprus, see Wharton, A.J., Art of Empire. Painting and architecture of the Byzantine periphery (University Park-London 1988) 56 & 81Google Scholar; for a more extensive discussion of the issue, see also Papacostas, T.C., Byzantine Cyprus. The testimony of its churches, 650-1200, 3 vols, (thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the University of Oxford, 1999) vol.2, 167-75Google Scholar.
20. St. George panel: Μεγάλη Κυπριακή Εγκνκλοπαίδεια vol.12 (1990) 39.
21. ‘So traf ich ... den Priester aus Trikomon ... der mir sagte ... daß in Synkrasis in der Kirche eine lateinische Inschrift sei’: Ross, L., Reisen nach Kos, Halikarnassos, Rhodos und der Insel Cypern (Halle 1852) 137 Google Scholar; English translation in Cobham, C.D., A journey to Cyprus (February and March 1845) (Nicosia 1910) 53 Google Scholar; on Ross, see Masson, O. & Hermary, A., ‘Le voyage de Ludwig Ross à Chypre en 1845 et les antiquités chypriotes du Musée de Berlin’, Cahiers du Centre d’Études Chypriotes [Université de Paris X-Nanterre] 9.1 (1988) 3–10 Google Scholar.
22. Sakellarios, A., Ta Κυπριακά, 2 vols. (Athens 1890-91, repr. Nicosia 1991) vol.1, 181 Google Scholar and Jeffery, Historic monuments of Cyprus, 241; Sakellarios’ reference is clearly derived from Ross, whose work he included in his bibliography, although it is not specifically mentioned concerning Syngrasis; Jeffery, on the other hand, does acknowledge his source.
23. Gunnis, Historic Cyprus, 435.
24. ‘[Μ]ελίτων [χρΐηστέ, [χαΐϊρε’: Le Bas, P. & Waddington, W.H., Inscriptions grecques et latines recueillies en Grèce et en Asie Mineure, 3 vols. (Paris 1870) vol.3 part 1, 630 Google Scholar [illustration] & part 2, 637 no.2762 [text]; on the chapel, see Hadjisavvas, Καταβολκ, 94.
25. This inscription appears to be unpublished; the archive of the Department of Antiquities in Nicosia holds a (1950s?) photograph (I.13.111) that shows the loose inscription lying outside of what seems to be the east wall of St. Procopius.
26. Gunnis, Historic Cyprus, 434.
27. On the relatively widespread use of Latin in the epigraphy of the Roman period, see Mitford, T.B., ‘Roman Cyprus’ in Temporini, H. & Haase, W. (ed.), Aufstieg und Niedergang der Römischen Welt II vol.7 (Berlin-New York 1980) 1285–1384 at 1355-57Google Scholar; Latin was used again during the Lusignan and Venetian periods (1192-1571), to which the inscription may have belonged, assuming of course that it did really exist.
28. Late antique column capitals scattered around St. Procopius may belong to this early structure; the overwhelming majority of basilicas from that period on Cyprus were columnar, although exceptions (with piers), however rare, do occur: A. Papageorgiou, ‘H βασιλική Μαραθοβοΰνου’, Report ofthe Department of’Antiquities, Cyprus (1963) 84-101.
29. Photographs B.6382 & B.6383 (probably taken at the time of the building’s restoration in 1954-55), Archive of the Department of Antiquities, Nicosia; although burials in medieval Byzantium occur mostly in the narthex and in funerary chapels attached to churches, they do occasionally appear in the naos too: Teteriatnikov, N.B., ‘Burial places in Cappadocian churches’, The Greek Orthodox Theological Review 29.2 (1984) 141-74Google Scholar; for a burial in the sanctuary of a (Greek Orthodox) church in Nicosia, recorded in an epitaph of 1235, see Darrouzès, J., ‘Textes synodaux chypriotes’, REB 37 (1979) 5–122 at 30-31CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
30. Chatzechristophe, ‘To δάπεδο του ανίου Προκοπίου στη Σΰνκραση’ 280.
31. If an average of c.47 letters is assumed for each line (cf. 1.23), the 34 lines of text (excluding 1.35) should have contained c.1600 letters; fewer than half this number, however, survive more or less intact (c.780) and the reading of c.15% among these remains uncertain.
32. I owe particular thanks to Cyril Mango and especially to Charlotte Roueché for their invaluable help with this inscription.
33. It would also allow to ascertain the colour of the lettering; the black and white archive photographs show a dark, possibly black paint; the fate of the inscription and the church itself after 1974 remain unknown; according to a report by John Fielding in The Guardian (‘The rape of Northern Cyprus’, May 6, 1976), ‘at Syngrasis, the church interior [presumably of St. Procopius] was smashed beyond recognition’; the village has been renamed Simrüstü.
34. Called ‘chora’ in the text; for the use of this term to denote a village in the 10th c, see Papachryssanthou, D., Actes du Prôtaton (Archives de l’Athos VII. Paris 1975) 190-91 [document of 942 about Hierissos]Google Scholar.
35. It should be noted that the surname is given as ΣκλερΓΚ, instead of the standard Σκληρός; the lead seals belonging to members of that family bear either the standard form, or Σκλιρός: Seibt, W., Die Skleroi. Eine prosopographisch-sigillographische Studie (Vienna 1976)Google Scholar.
36. The last word of 1.20 could have been ποιμεναρχοϋντος instead of ποιμενάρχου, although the evidence provided by 1.31-32 on the width of the inscription would favour the shorter word; the two illegible letters following άρχι- in 1.21 most probably represent an abbreviation for -επισκόπου (archbishop).
37. The surviving -ίου ending at the beginning of 1.25 probably belongs to the genitive of a saint’s name that could be any among innumerable saints, including Procopius; the latter being a martyr, however, one would expect his name to be preceded by a term like μεγαλομάρτυς, rather than οσιος and θαυματουρνικ (holy and miracle-working) which appear in our text.
38. Inscriptions dated to the joint reign and mentioning both emperors are not rare; see Seure, G., ‘Archéologie Thrace. Documents inédits ou peu connus’, Revue Archéologique 20 (1912) 313-36 at 334Google Scholar; Grégoire, H., Recueil des Inscriptions grecques chrétiennes d’Asie Mineure (Paris 1922) nos.5bis, 115bis & 115ter.Google Scholar; and Janin, R., Constantinople byzantine. Développement urbain et répertoire topographique (Paris 1964) 268 & 276Google Scholar; for contemporary inscriptions on silks, see Muthesius, A., Byzantine silk weaving, AD 400 to AD 1200 (Vienna 1997) 36 Google Scholar; and for fresco cycles (in Cappadocia, at Direkli Kilise in the Peristrema valley and at Saint Barbara at Soğanlı), N. & Thierry, M., Nouvelles églises rupestres de Cappadoce. Région du Hasan Daği (Paris 1963) 184-85Google Scholar and de Jerphanion, G., Une nouvelle province de l’art byzantin. Les églises rupestres de Cappadoce, 2 vols. (Paris 1925-42) vol.2/1, 309-11Google Scholar.
39. For a recent assessment of these events, see Whittow, M., The making of Orthodox Byzantium, 600-1025 (London 1996) 361-73CrossRefGoogle Scholar; further bibliography and sources in Cheynet, J.-C., Pouvoir et contestations à Byzance (963-1210) (Byzantina Sorbonensia 9. Paris 1990) 27–29 & 33-34Google Scholar; detailed narrative in Seibt, Die Skleroi, 35-55; I am particularly indebted to Catherine Holmes for comments and useful suggestions concerning this section.
40. Macler, F., Etienne Asolik de Tarôn, Histoire Universelle, Deuxième partie, Livre III (Paris 1917) 57 Google Scholar; German translation in Geizer, H. & Burckhardt, A., Des Stephanos von Taron armenische Geschichte (Leipzig 1907) 141 Google Scholar; the vivid account of conditions during the rebellion contained in the colophon of a Georgian manuscript copied in 978 on Mount Olympus (Bithynia) gives a very good measure of the havoc caused by the events: Tarchnichvili, P.M., ‘Die Anfange der schriftstellerischen Tätigkeit des hl. Euthymius und der Aufstand von Bardas Skleros’, Oriens Christianus 38 (1954) 113-24 at 118Google Scholar.
41. Seibt, Die Skleroi, 36-43.
42. The Kibyrrhaiotai fleet was often deployed in the waters separating Cyprus from Asia Minor: according to a report of admittedly dubious reliability, it defeated an Arab squadron sent from Alexandria in 747: Oikonomakes, N.E., ‘Ή Κύπρος και ο’ι’Άραβες (622-965 μ.Χ.)’, Μελεται καϊ’Υπομνήματα 1 (1984) 219-374 at 298Google Scholar; the fleet under Constantine Chage sent to suppress the revolt of the stratègos of Cyprus Theophilos Erotikos, that erupted soon after the fall from power of Michael V Kalaphates in April 1042, was probably that of the Kibyrrhaiotai too, whose commander Chage had been in c.1036-37: Savvides, A., ‘O Κωνσταντίνος Χανέ και то ‘εθνος τών Κυπρίων’ τοΰ Σκυλίτζη’, Επετηρίδα τον Κέντρον Μελετών rrjc Ιεράς Μονης Κνκκου 3 (1996) 35–38 Google Scholar; a 9th-c. seal of Theodore, imperial spatharios and stratègos of the Kibyrrhaiotai, was found during excavations at the basilica of St. Epiphanius in Salamis/Constantia (1959): A.I. Dikigoropoulos, Cyprus ‘betwixt Greeks and Saracens’, AD 647-965 (thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the University of Oxford, 1961) 303 no.58.
43. The number of troops in the later 10th c is thought to have been in the range of 1,000-2,000 men, according to Treadgold, W., Byzantium and its army, 284-1081 (Stanford 1995) 78–79 Google Scholar; it has also been argued that a fleet was stationed off the island’s coast even before the 960s: Ahrweiler, Byzance et la mer, 90 & 100-101.
44. According to his vita, Constantine the Jew had sailed from Attaleia to Cyprus in the mid-9th c., following a well frequented route; one century later Athanasius of Athos with his companion Anthony sailed in the opposite direction after hiding on the island for a while (at the monastery of Hiereon); at Attaleia they met their fellow-monk Theodotos who arrived there intending to board a Cyprus-bound ship in the hope of tracing their whereabouts on the island: Acta Sanctorum Novembris IV.635-38 and Noret, J., Vitœ duœ antiquœ Sancti Athanasii Athonitœ (Corpus Chrìstianorum series græca 9. Turnhout-Leuven 1982) 160-64Google Scholar; on Constantine see also Rydén, L., ‘Cyprus at the time of the condominium as reflected in the Lives of Sts Demetrianos and Constantine the Jew’, in Bryer, A. & Georghallides, G.S. (ed.). “The Sweet Land of Cyprus’. Papers given at the twenty-fifth jubilee spring symposium of Byzantine studies, Birmingham, March 1991 (Nicosia 1993) 189–202 at 189-97Google Scholar; the date of Athanasius’ visit (late summer 963?) is discussed in Lemerle, P., Guillou, A., Svoronos, N. & Papachryssanthou, D., Actes de Lavra (Archives de l’Athos V. Paris 1970) 36 Google Scholar.
45. Nesbitt & Oikonomides, Catalogue of Byzantine seals, nos.64.2 [John, imperial semeiophoros and koumerkiarios of Attaleia and Cyprus, lOth/llth c. & 64.3 [Leo, kommerkiarios of Cyprus and Attaleia, 11th c.]; on Attaleia during this period, see Foss, C., ‘The cities of Pamphylia in the Byzantine age’, in Cities, fortresses and villages of Byzantine Asia Minor (Aldershot 1996) art.IV, 4–13 Google Scholar; more evidence for relations between Attaleia and Cyprus in medieval times in Papacostas, Byzantine Cyprus, vol.1, 68–69 Google Scholar.
46. The revolt is also mentioned in a dedicatory inscription from a chapel at the monastery of Zarzma in south-western Georgia (province of Adigeni, near the Turkish border), better known for its 14th-c. church of the Transfiguration; in this case, however, the donor had fought with the Iberian contingent sent by David of Tao in 978/79 to join Bardas Phokas in his campaign against Skleros: Tarchnichvili, P.M., ‘Le soulèvement de Bardas Skléros’, Bedi Kartlisa 17-18 (1964) 95–97 Google Scholar; the colophon of a Georgian manuscript copied at Oshki (Georgia) during the same period also refers to the rebellion: Tarchnichvili, ‘Der Aufstand von Bardas Skleros’, 122.
47. Megaw, A.H.S., ‘Betwixt Greeks and Saracens’, in Karageorghis, V. (ed.), Acts of the international archaeological symposium ‘Cyprus between the Orient and the Occident’ (Nicosia 1986) 505-19 at 508-9Google Scholar.
48. The region between the villages of Akanthou, Komi Kebir and Syngrasis was surveyed in 1973/74; the results, published in Hadjisavvas, Καταβολέζ, show that there was a general move from the coastal areas to inland sites in medieval times; in the area of Syngrasis itself there is evidence for continuous occupation from Hellenistic times through the Roman and Byzantine periods: Hadjisavvas, Καταβολκ, 96.
49. A papal document of 1196 and a later land grant (1234) concerning endowments to the Latin cathedral of Nicosia contain references to Milea, Peristeronopiyi, Maratha, ‘Auramique’ near the latter, Sandalaris, Styllos, Sivouri, Sinda and a place called ‘Briem’ presumably in the same area, all situated in the eastern Mesaoria: Coureas, N. & Schabel, C., The cartulary of the cathedral of Holy Wisdom of Nicosia (Nicosia 1997) 86 & 165Google Scholar; in addition, Paradisi near Salamis is recorded in 1195/96: Morgan, M.R., La Continuation de Guillaume de Tyr (1184-1197) (Paris 1982) 162-63Google Scholar; list with further bibliography in Papacostas, Byzantine Cyprus, vol.2, 137-58Google ScholarPubMed.
50. Two 5th and 6th-c. examples in Michaelidou-Nicolaou, I., ‘Inscriptiones alphabeticæ cypriæ 1960-61, I.’, Berytus 14 (1961-63) 129-41 no.7 Google Scholar and Pouilloux, J., Roesch, P. & Marcillet-Jaubert, J., Testimonia Salaminia 2, Corpus épigraphique (Salamine de Chypre XIII. Paris 1987) no.206 Google Scholar; on the aqueduct, see now Sodini, J.-P., ‘Les inscriptions de l’aqueduc de Kythrea à Salamine de Chypre’, Εύψυχία. Mélanges offerts à Hélène Ahrweiler (Byzantina Sorbonensia 16. Paris 1998) 619-34CrossRefGoogle Scholar; see also Mitford, ‘Roman Cyprus’, 1379-80, for dating in late antique Cyprus.
51. Published by C. Mango in Megaw & Hawkins, Panagia Kanakariá, 147-49; initially it was thought to commemorate repair works, although C. Mango subsequently expressed some doubts over this interpretation, suggesting a possibly funerary character: Ruggieri, V., Byzantine religious architecture (582-867): its history and structural elements (Rome 1991) 268 n.361 Google Scholar.
52. Bryer, A., ‘A seal of Epiphanios, archbishop of Cyprus’, Κυπριακαι Σπουδαί 34 (1970) 19–24, with bibliography on the earlier archbishopsGoogle Scholar.
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55. Darrouzès, ‘Documents inédits’, 252 n.1 & 254 n.1; for lead seals belonging to John of Sardeis and Stephen of Nikomedeia, see Zacos, A., Byzantine lead seals II (Bern 1984) nos.173a & 173bGoogle Scholar and Nesbitt, J. & Oikonomides, N., Catalogue of Byzantine seals at Dumbarton Oaks and in the Fogg Museum of Art, vol.3 (Washington D.C. 1996) nos.32.5 & 83.8Google Scholar; Stephen had been involved with the Skleros events, for in 976 he was sent to mediate with the rebel on behalf of the legitimate government: Seibt, Die Skleroi, 38.
56. Martin-Hisard, B., ‘La vie de Jean et Euthyme et le statut du monastère des Ibères sur l’Athos’, REB 49 (1991) 67–142 at 112CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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58. The list compiled by V. Laurent and based on information from both the synodikon of the Church of Cyprus and the lists of archbishops given by 15th/16th-c. chroniclers (Leontios Machairas, Florio Bustron) has Epiphanius followed by Nilus and Basil: Laurent, ‘Les fastes épiscopaux’, 164; a seal belonging to the latter and dated to the second half of the 11th c. was published in Laurent, V., Le corpus des sceaux de l’empire byzantin, tome V.2: l’église (Paris 1965) no.l484 Google Scholar; a l0m/llth-c. seal found on Cyprus, bearing a bust of St. Theodore (?) and also belonging to an archbishop, was published by Konstantopoulos, K.M. in ‘Βυζαντιακά μολυβδόβουλλα έν τω Έθνικώ Νομισματικφ Μουσείω’, Journal International d’Archéologie Numismatique 5 (1902) 222 no. 166 Google Scholar; it is unclear if it still forms part of the Numismatic Museum of Athens collection, for it is not included in the list of 56 seals from Cyprus published by Avramea, A., Galani-Krikou, M. & Touratsoglou, J., ‘Μολυβδόβουλλα με γνωστή προέλευση από τις συλλογές τοΰ νομισματικοΰ μουσείου Αθηνών’, in Oikonomides, N. (ed.), Studies in Byzantine sigillography 2 (Washington D.C. 1990) 235–271 at 259-66Google Scholar.
59. Lefort, J., Oikonomidés, N., Papachryssanthou, D., Kravari, V. & Métrévéli, H., Actes d’Iviron, 3 vols. (Archives de l’Athos XIV, XVI, XVIII. Paris 1985-94) vol.l, 4–5 & 39-41Google Scholar; Euthymius himself died in 1028.
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61. Mango, C. & Ševčenko, I., ‘Some churches and monasteries on the southern shore of the sea of Marmara’, DOP 27 (1973) 235-77, esp. 273-74Google Scholar; dendrochronology has now provided a terminus post quem after 799 for the church at Trilye: Ousterhout, R., ‘New evidence for Byzantine church decoration in the early ninth century’, Twenty-fourth annual Byzantine studies conference. Abstracts, 5-8 November 1998 (University of Kentucky) 10–11 Google Scholar.
62. For a recent discussion of the type and its evolution, see Ousterhout, R., Master Builders of Byzantium (Princeton 1999) 15–22 Google Scholar.
63. List in Papacostas, Byzantine Cyprus, vol.2, table 9; the most secure tool for their dating remains the fresco decoration, where this survives.
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65. Mango, C., ‘Chypre carrefour du monde byzantin’, XVe Congrès international d’études byzantines, Rapports et co-rapports, V, 5 (Athens 1976) 3–13 at 8Google Scholar [also in idem, Byzantium and its image (London 1984)] and Galatariotou, C., The making of a saint. The life, times and sanctification of Neophytos the Recluse (Cambridge 1991) 57–59 Google Scholar.