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Images of towns in Frankish Morea: the evidence of the ‘Chronicles’ of the Morea and of the Tocco1
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 22 January 2016
Extract
In the summer of 1205 Raimbault of Vacqueyras, the troubadour who had shared Boniface of Monferrat’s exploits in central Greece, exclaimed enthusiastically in Salonica:
‘Never did Alexander or Charlemagne or King Louis had such a glorious expedition, nor could the valiant lord Aimeri or Roland with his warriors win by might, in such noble fashion, such a powerful empire as we have won, whereby our faith is in ascendant; for we have created emperors and dukes and kings, and have manned strongholds near the Turks and Arabs, and opened up the roads and ports from Brindisi to St. George’s Straits’.
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- Copyright © The Centre for Byzantine, Ottoman and Modern Greek Studies, University of Birmingham 1995
References
1. This is the expanded version of a paper presented at the Symposium ‘Towns and Cities in Byzantium Peloponnesus’ (Monemvasia, 24-26 July 1992). I am grateful to Dr. H. Kalligas for the financial support that facilitated my participation. For advice and assistance throughout my greatest debt is to A. Bryer. J.M. Wagstaff, E. Jeffreys, J. Pryor, and P. Lock all read an earlier draft and their comments and provoking questions helped to elucidate some thorny issues and feeble arguments. G. Smith of The Birmingham University Computing Service spent many hours in solving a technical problem and P. Baird very kindly made remarks resulting in the improvement of my English. The maps were drawn by T. Tomov. Finally, I should thank J. Haldon and the Editorial Board of BMGS for having accepted this publication for BMGS.
2. The Poems of the Troubadour Raimbaut de Vaqueiras, ed. and trans. J. Linskill (The Hague 1964) 244. The italics are mine.
3. On the internal and external frontiers that the west experienced during the Middle Ages see Burns, R.F, ‘The significance of the frontier in the Middle Ages’, in Bartlett, R. and MacKay, A. (eds.), Medieval Frontier Societies (Oxford 1989) 313 Google Scholar.
4. Jacoby, D., ‘Les États latins en Romanie: phénomènes sociaux et économiques (1204-1330 environ)’, XVe Congrès International d’Études byzantines, Rapports et co-rapports, 1.3: La symbiose dans les États latins formés sur les territoires byzantins: phénomènes sociaux, économiques, religieux et culturels (Athens 1976) 18 Google Scholar.
5. Dufournet, J., Les écrivains de la We croisade: Villehardouin et Clari, 2 vols., I (Paris 1973) 70–2 Google Scholar (Dufournet’s attention here is focused on the capture of Zara). Cf.Contamine, P., War in the Middle Ages, English trans. Jones, M. (Oxford 1992) 101 Google Scholar.
6. Goff, J. Le, ‘Guerriers et bourgeois conquérants: l’image de la ville dans la littérature française du Xlle siècle’, in idem, L’imaginaire médiéval (Paris 1985) 213 Google Scholar. Thus, Nîmes is a city ‘forte et puissante’, ‘bone’, ‘bien pourvue’, ‘fort garnie/vaillant’, ‘belle’ (ibidem 209, 211, 213, 218 n. 1); Orange is’une admirable cité/ville’, ‘fameuse et riche’, ‘opulente’ (ibidem 217, 219); Narbonne is ‘grande’ and ‘puissante’ (ibidem 219).
7. Ibidem 220-1, English trans. Goldhammer, A., The Medieval Imagination (Chicago and London 1988) 160 Google Scholar (hereafter its corresponding pages will be given in square brackets). The reader is flooded with epithets: the town is ‘bone’, ‘riche’, ‘magnifique’, ‘admirable’, ‘fort’, ‘vaillant’, ‘grant’, ‘garnie’, ‘opulent’, ‘bele’. For a sample of Villehardouin’s repertory of adjectives and adverbs in similar contexts see Schon, P.M., Studien mm Stil der frühen franzõsischen Prosa (Robert de Clari, Geoffroy de Villehardouin, Henri de Valenciennes) (Frankfurt 1960) 218 Google Scholar (= Analecta Romanica. Beihefte zu den romanischen Forschungen, Heft 8).
8. Goff, Le, ‘Guerriers et bourgeois’ 229–30 [166–7]Google Scholar.
9. Ibidem 241 [175-6].
10. Some years ago John Teal even assumed that ‘Byzantine urban history may never achieve the maturity of which its West European counterpart may boast’. — ‘Byzantine urbanism in the military hand-books’, in Miskimin, H.A., Herlihy, D. and Udovitch, A.L. (eds.), The Medieval City (New Haven and London 1977) 201 Google Scholar. It is beyond the scope and purpose of this study to discuss these issues.
11. Kurbatov, G.L. and Lebedeva, G.E., ‘City and state in Byzantium in the age of transition from Antiquity to Feudalism’, in Stanovlenie i razvitie rannellassovyh obscestv: gorod i gosudarsvo (St. Petersburg 1986) 151 (in Russian)Google Scholar; Foss, C., ‘Kastron’, in Kazhdan, A. (éd.), The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, 3 vols., II (Oxford 1991) 1112 Google Scholar (hereafter ODB); idem, ‘Fortifications’, ibidem 798.
12. Ilieva, A., Franidsh Morea (1205-1262): Socio-cultural Interaction between the Franks and the Local Population (Athens 1991) 84 Google Scholar. For the recovery see Foss, C. and Kazhdan, A., ‘Cities’, in ODB, I 466 Google Scholar.
13. Bryer, A., ‘The structure of the late Byzantine town: dioikismos and the mesoi ’, in idem, Peoples and Settlements in Anatolia and the Caucasus, 800-1900 (London: Var. repr. 1988), no. X 263–4 Google Scholar.
14. On what follows see in more detail The Chronicle of Morea, ed. Schmitt, J. (London 1904) xv–xviii Google Scholar. Schmitt edited the two most important Greek manuscripts, H and P, on facing pages and supplied readings from the Turin manuscript, or T. Hereafter his edition will be referred to as Chronikon. The relevant pages of H’s, translation into English (Crusaders as Conquerors: The Chronicle of Morea, trans. Lurier, H.E. [New York and London, 1964 Google Scholar]) will appear in square brackets.
15. ‘Versione italiana inedita della cronaca di Morea’, in Chroniques gréco-romanes, ed. C. Hopf (Berlin 1873), no. XXIV 414-68 (hereafter Cronaca).
16. On what follows see Longnon, J. (éd.), Livre de la conqueste de laprincée de l’Amorée: Chronique de Morée (1204-1305) (Paris 1911) lxxxv–lxxxvii Google Scholar (hereafter Livre) and the corrections by Jacoby, D., ‘Quelques considérations sur les versions de la «Chronique de Morée»’, Journal des Savants (1968) 134 Google Scholarf.
17. Nicol, D.M., ‘The end of the Livre de la Conqueste: a chronological note’, BF 12 (1987) 211–20 Google Scholar.
18. Die byzantinischen Kleinchroniken, 3 pts., II (Vienna 1977) 628.
19. Libro de los fechos et conquistas del principado de la Morea …, ed. Morel-Fatio, A. (Geneva 1885) xiii, 160 Google Scholar (hereafter Libro). A new edition is now in press. For Heredia see Luttrell, A., ‘Greek histories translated and compiled for Juan Fernández de Heredia, master of Rhodes, 1377-1396’, Speculum 35 (1960) 401–7 Google Scholar. For the dating see Jacoby, , ‘Quelques considérations’ 160 n. 115, 161–2, 174 Google Scholar.
20. See no. 16 above.
21. Jacoby, , ‘Quelques considérations’, 1341–50, 181–9;Google Scholar idem, ‘La littérature française dans les États latins de la Méditerranée orientale’, in Essor et fortune de la chanson de geste dans l’Europe et l’Orient latin (Modena 1984) 638, 643-4.
22. Jacoby, D., ‘Jean Laskaris Kalopheros, Chypre et la Morée’, REB 26 (1968) 199–200, 218–9 Google Scholar; idem, ‘Quelques considérations’ 140, 187.
23. Ibidem 162 and nn. 126-7, 163, 169, 177-8.
24. Ibidem 177. This statement should be complemented by what Jacoby says earlier on p. 148: the redaction of the French version of 1341/6 or a copy of it was used by the author of the Moreot text compiled between 1377 and 1381.
25. Ibidem 163, 178 n. 212.
26. Ibidem 179-80.
27. ‘The Chronicle of Morea: priority of the Greek version’ BZ 68/i(1975) 304-50.
28. See recently ‘H 
, in Neograeca Medii Aevi: Text und Ausgabe (Cologne 1986) 149, 152-4, 157; M. and
Jeffreys, E., ‘The Oral background of Byzantine popular poetry’, Oral Tradition 1/3 (1986) 518
Google Scholar.
29. The Medieval Greek Romance (Cambridge 1989) 177; idem, ‘Orality and the reception of late Byzantine vernacular literature’, BMGS 14 (1990) 177.
30. The gist of the argument has been presented in a paper at the First International Medieval Congress in Leeds (4-7 July 1994). It is to be found in more detail in my monograph The Chronicles of the Morea, of Leontios Machairas and of the Tocco. A Comparative Study. Unfortunately, its publication might have to be postponed awaiting the new edition of the Aragonese version by A. Luttrell.
31. Cronaca dei Tocco di Cefalonia di Anonimo: Prolegomeni, testo critico e traduzione ‘(Rome 1975) (hereafter Chron. Tocco for the text and ‘Prolegomeni’ for Schirò’s introduction).
32. The other manuscript, Vaticanus gr. 2214 (first half of the sixteenth century) is an apograph by the scribe Sophianos, Nicholas. — Schirò, ‘Prolegomeni’ 142, 156–61 Google Scholar. On the relation between Vat. gr. 1831 and H see Koder, J., ‘Die Chronik der Tocco: ZumMetrum und zum Verhãltniss zur Chronik von Morea’, JÖB 32/3 (1982) 383–92 Google Scholar.
33. ‘Prolegomeni’ 145-9.
34. For Zachariadou’s earlier view see 
25 (1938) 159 and n. 4. For Koder’s view see op. cit. 383. Kazhdan also claims that the ‘chronicle’ was created ‘either in Italophone circles or in a mixed Grego-Italian milieu’. — ‘Some notes on the “Chronicle of the Tocco” “, in Bisanzio e l’Italia. Raccolta di studi in memoria di Agostino Pertusi (Milano 1982) 170.
Ilieva, Cf. A., ‘The image of the Morea (Frankish and Byzantine) in the mentality of a Gianniotes: the author of the Tocco Chrornicle
’ 
27-31 Maíov 1990) (Arta
1992) 309–12
Google Scholar. The Gianniote provenance of the ‘chronicle’ has been challenged by
Papatrechas, G., 
3 (1989-1990) 289–292
Google Scholar.
35. Dufournet, Les écrivains de la IVe croisade 69 (as in n. 5 above) where he also points out that in twelfth-century Old French literature in prose ville is more frequently used than cité although their usage is indiscriminate in verse. Goff, Cf. Le, ‘Guerriers et bourgeois’ 210 Google Scholar(as in n. 6 above) for the loose nomenclature of ‘château, cité, bourg ou ville, donjon ou place forte’ of Le Charroi de Nîmes.
36. See the brief entry under polis in the ODB (III 1692) where
Kazhdan, A., referring to the ‘Chronicle of the Tocco’ (on loannina), assumes that ‘in the 15th C. in addition to polis many terms were used for town, esp. chora and Kastro …, and the distinction between them was vague’. Kriaras, E.
1100–1669
Google Scholar [Thessalonike 1969—] sub Kastro (n)) notes that leas tro (n) still meant a fortress (phrourio: the reference is to H’s v. 2868) and was also used in the sense of a fortified town. The volumes of his Dictionary containing entries on polis and chora are yet to come.
37.
This expression is of a formulaic nature according to
Jeffreys, M., ‘Formulas in the Chronicle of Morea’, DOP
20 (1973) 179
Google Scholar. Concerning the fall of Constantinople it is used on equal grounds with ‘the Polis’, i.e. Chronikon vv. 838H. Cf. Chron. Tocco vv. 2119, 2122, 3415, 3506, 3516, 3529.
38. Chronikon vv. 532 (Livre para 37), 583, 629H-30 (Livre para 47), 855H (Livre para 56), 1027H. Cf. Cronaca 420. For its translation as ‘the city of Constantinople’ see Schmitt’s ‘Index of notable Greek words’ 622 and Lurier (both as in n. 14 above) 113 n. 14.
39. Chronikon v. 8701.
40.
Chronikon v. 447. Here P has 
.
41.
Chronikon v. 848H. The whole passage runs: ‘Our Franks returned to the City 
and when they arrived at the harbour, they surrounded the town 
by land and by sea’ (vv. 846Z/-8 [91]). Cf. Livre para 56.
42. Chronikon, vv. 8761-2 [314]. Here Livre (para 605) has ‘en Constantinople’.
43. See for example Livre paras 55, 77, 84 and Chronikon vv. 840-1H, 1203-6, 1292.
44. For the concordance see nn. 38 and 41 above. Most eloquent is para 47: The Greeks killed all French whom they found in the town (‘ville’) of Constantinople. But as it was pleasing to God no gentili homme was then in the city (cité), only poor men of their retinue and men of trade. Cf. Dufournet, Les écrivains de la IVe croisade 71-2.
45. Chronikon v. 781H.
46. Ibidem v. 86P; Livre para 4.
47. Ibidem para 11.
48. Ibidem paras 14-6; Chronikon v. 343i/(but v. 349 puts chora in the doge’s speech).
49.
Livre para 12: ‘cité de Lans’. Here Chronikon has 
(v. 226). In fact, this was ‘a castle in the territory of Asti’. —
Queller, D.E., The Fourth Crusade: The Conquest of Constantinople, 1201-1204 (Leicester
1978) 27
Google Scholar.
50. Chronikon v. 416; Livre paras 22-3. However, see v. 438 (chora) and para 24 (‘ville’). The interplay between cité and ville here parallels what Dufournet (as in n. 44 above) has observed on the capture of Zara as presented by Villehadouin.
51. Chronikon, v. 1010; Livre para 69; Libro para 63.
52. Cronaca 421; Livre para71. Chronikon (vv. 1084, 1165, 1170) has chora and Livre (paras 72, 79) — ‘ville’. The motives behind the switch are the same as in the case of Zara.
53. Chron. Tocco vv. 2176, 3315. The ‘Chronicle of the Morea’ in turn, speaks of Ioannina as a kastro: vv. 8795H, 9007P.
54. Chronikon vv. 96-7P: the crusaders besieged the chora and ‘entered it’ [70],
55. It should be mentioned that Jeffreys, M. (as in n. 37 above) has not included their Greek variant in his list of formulae. The phrasing is not peculiar to the ‘Chronicle of the Morea’ alone. Cf. for example the Achuléis v. 73AÍ (p. 44 of Hesseling’s edition) and the History of Belisarius vv. 158JV, 234 Google Scholar Georghillas, 161ÍN2 (pp. 152-3 of Bakker’s and Van Gemert’s edition).
56. The Marshal of Romania consistently refers to ‘the cities and the castles’ disputed between the Franks, on the one hand, and the Greeks or the forces of Kaloyan, on the other: paras 391, 412, 418-9, 422 as in Faral’s, E. edition, vol. 2 (Paris 1939).Google Scholar ‘Domaines, châteaux, terres, donjons, forteresses’ are strong tempts to knights — ‘pauvres bacheliers’ (Le Goff, ‘Guerriers et bourgeois’ 210). See also the so-called Chronique d’Ernoul et de Bernard le Trésorier [of the 1230s], ed. Latrie, L. de Mas (Paris 1871) 379 Google Scholar (‘cil des castiaus et des cités’), 466 (‘castiaus et viles’); La continuation de Guillaume de Tyr (1184-1197) [of the third quarter of the 13th c.], ed. Morgan, M.R. (Paris 1982) 153 Google Scholar (‘les citez et les chastiaus’).
57. Chronikon v. 62; Cronaca 414.
58. X, IX 11 (226.11-7 of Leib’sedn., vol. 2 [Paris 1967]), Engl, trans. inG. Buckler, Anna Comnena: A Study (Oxford and London 1929) 462. The French translation (p. 226) of 
is ‘les villes, contrées ou forteresses’.
Pryor, Cf. J.H., ‘The oaths of the leaders of the First Crusade to Emperor Alexius I Comnenus: fealty, homage — pistis, douleia’, Parergon
2 (1984) 122
Google Scholar (‘all towns, districts, and fortresses’);
Shepard, J, ‘When Greek meets Greek: Alexius Comnenus and Bohemond in 1097-98’, BMGS
12 (1988) 229
Google Scholar (‘towns, territories or fortresses’).
59. Chronikon vv. 88-9; Cronaca 414.
60. Chronikon vv. 1036-7. Cf. Libro paras 37 (referring to ‘las ciudades & castiellos’ of Byzantium with regard to June 1203), 52 (here the talk is about the Partition Treaty: the other ‘barons and knights’ were given ‘tierras & castiellos’).
61. Ibidem para 62.
62. Chronikon v. 1174H [101]. The passage should be referred to Henry of Hainault and Nymphaion near Smyrna. Cf. Livre para 78.
63. Chronikon v. 1241. Cf. Cronaca 421: he gave ‘castelli a questo e a quello’.
64.
Chronikon v. 1383H. Here P has 
65. Topping suggests that the ‘plural … must rather be rendered “(country) districts” or “lands” ‘: in Speculum XL/4 (1965) 741 (a review of Lurier’s translation). As for the singular, Lurier(104 n. 88, 113 n. 14) renders chora both as ‘town’ and ‘city’ and occasionally as ‘quarter’ (e.g. in v. 1280 referring to Gaiata). His ‘Sir Nicolas [Nicholas II of Saint-Omer] also built in the town of Maniatochori a castelet’ [p. 298] for 
[Chronikonvv. 8093-4] seems impossible. Cf. Livre para 554 (‘first fermer la maison de Maniatecor quant il estoit sires’); Chronikon vv. 8069-70;
Bon, A., La Morée franque: Recherches historiques, topographiques et archéologiques sur la principauté d ‘Achate (1205-1430), 2 vols., I (Paris
1969) 416, 435
Google Scholar (hereafter Bon, La Morée).
66.
Chron. Tocco pp. 481, 483, 485 for vv. 3510, 3518, 3574. For him 
are again ‘paesi’ (pp. 485, 493 for vv. 3575, 3668), or, ‘villaggi’ (p. 493 for v. 3682). He also renders 
by ‘il paese di Andrusa’ (p. 483 for v. 3539).
67. Chronikon vv. 1524-6 [113]. Lurier (n. 4 ad he.) justifies his translation as ‘distinguishing town from castle’. Here I would rather translate chora as ‘lower town’. Cf. Schmitt (as in n. 38 above): ‘the town of Argos’.
68. Die byzantinischen Kleinchroniken, no. 32/10, I (Vienna 1975) 230 (a ‘chronicle of Argos and Nauplion’ compiled after the autumn of 1464, no. 41/5: 319-20 (a chronicle consisting of dated excerpts from a Monemvasiot source or other texts referring to Monemvasia; it may have been compiled by the Monemvasiot John Likinios and its only manuscript was copied after 1640). The second piece of evidence concerns the surrender of Nauplion and Monemvasia to the Turks (21-24 November 1540). Cf. ibidem II 580-1. When the same chronicle refers to the Venetian take over of Monemvasia [after 12 May 1462] the latter is labelled as chora (I 320). Cf. ibidem II 506. Nauplion, like Argos, is not frequently mentioned by the ‘Chronicle of the Morea’ but Monemvasia ranks second (Chronikon) and fifth (Livre) according to the data collected in the Indices and coming from a personal examination of the Greek text (see Figs. 1 and 2). References to the baronies/fiefs of the same name and their lords have not been taken into account. Of the repetitions only the meaningful ones have been included. Unfortunately, a computerised checking of the results was not possible at this stage of the study.
69. Livre paras 200 (‘la cité et le chastel d’Argués’), 223, 870, 917 (‘la cité d’Argués’) but para 105: ‘la ville de Corinte … et celle d’Argués’; Libro paras 93, 95, 212.
70. Both are mentioned quite often: Clarentza ranks first, third and fifth in my count (Libro, Livre and Chronikon resp.) while Andravida is first, second and fourth (Chronikon, Libro and Livre). Clarentza is the only ville appearing in the ‘table of contents’ (Livre p. 403).
71. Chronikon vv. 1428-9; Livre para 105. See also below.
72. Bon, La Morée 321, 322, 602-7. It is interesting to note that Clarentza was a striking exception to a general rule applied in the Holy Land where the crusaders did not construct any entirely new cities. There they might use an ancient site to build a castle in the ‘shadow’ of which ‘civilian population settled’ in the event, as was the case with Château Pèlerin. — Prawer, J., ‘Crusader cities’, in The Medieval City (as in n. 10 above) 180, 182 Google Scholar.
73. Chron. Tocco vv. 560, 607f., 618-9, 629, 631-633. In fact, apart from the opposition between the chora and the kastro of Clarentza, in this episode concerning the Moreot expedition of Carlo I Tocco in 1407 the town as a whole appears both as a chora (v. 540, 556) and a kastro (vv. 653-4).
74. See Figs. 1-3. Regarding Nikli occasional confusion with Amyklai in Laconia should be taken into account. It is worth noting that Patras is the only cité in the ‘table of contents’ (Livre p. 403).
75. Chronikonw. 1411, 1415-7, 1421 and Livre para 91 (onPatras). Cf. ‘short chronicle’ no. 32/43, I 236 (as in n. 68 above). On the siege of Akrocorinth, Sgouros’s tactics and the construction of Mont Escovée see Chronikon vv. 1459-62, 1470-6; Cronaca AZi-A; Livre paras 95-6; Libro paras 92-6, 99, 101, 105-6. On the capture of Argos see Cronaca 424. Cf. ‘short chronicles’ no. 32/27,1233 and no. 33/60,1254 (that portion of the chronicle was edited after 1470). Schreiner (III 69) translates the ‘chora of Argos’ as ‘Ort Argos’.
76. vv. 2024ff. This may be interpreted as implying that the outer towns of Nikli and Veligosti were not fortified. Both settlements may subsequently appear in attributive phrasing, e.g. the kastro of Nikli (Chronikon v. 4603) or the chora of Veligosti (ibidem v. 5467). In the allotment epidose (vv. 1931-4) it is the kastra of Veligosti and Nikli that are of importance, not the chores.
77. On the etymology of emporion see Zakythinos, op. cit., 168 n. 2. The term is polysemantic and ‘might designate a commercial quarter of a town, a market situated outside the urban fortifications, or a settlement which was in itself a marketplace’. — A. Kazhdan, ‘Emporion’ in ODB, I: 694. On the relation kastron/namei’emporion see M. Živojinović, ‘Settlements with Marketplace Status’, ZRVI2A-5 (1986) 408. On the term mpourkos see Schmitt’s Index (as in n. 38 above) 612: ‘the surroundings of a castle’. Cf. Kriaras, 
sub mpourgos. On the burgus in a medieval French context see A. Chédevüle, ‘De la cité à la ville, 1000-1150’, in G. Duby (ed.), Histoire de la France urbaine, vol. 2 (Paris 1980) 59-61.
78.
Chronikon vv. 1687H (here P has 
) and 1689: mpourkos — kastro.
79. Ibidem vv. 4665-6.
80.
kastro — mpourkos: Chronikon vv. 8233-6H (v. 8236P has 
8240-4H (v. 8244P has 
); Cronaca 463; Livre para 575; Libro para 435. See also below.
81. Livre paras 696, 741 (the ‘bourg’ was ‘down below the castle’). See also below. It is noteworthy that the princely castle of Kalamata is the most frequently mentioned settlement in Livre (it also appears once in the ‘table of contents’ — p. 400).
82. Libro paras 648, 651 : ‘castiello’ — ‘burguo’. The castle appears thrice in the ‘table of contents’: Livre pp. 400, 404.
83. Libro paras 714-6: ‘burguo’ — ‘castiello’.
84. vv. 3756, 3759, 3774, 3780, 3792, 3796, 3800. It was the mporia of both towns that bade for pillage. On the market as the central place in the twelfth-century town in the west see Le Charroi de Ntmes and Le Goff s comments — ‘Guerriers et bourgeois’ 213 (as in n. 6 above).
85. Livre paras 928-9. On more details see below.
86. Chronikon vv. 1426-7 [109]. Cf. Livre paras 92, 105 (‘la meillor/maistre ville de la Morée’).
87. Ibidem paras 858, 871.
88. Libro para 216. Longnon, Cf. J., Les compagnons de Villehardouin: Recherches sur les croisés de la quatrième croisade (Geneva 1978) 37 Google Scholar, who links the episode to Geoffrey I of Villehardouin (1209-1226/31). The castle of Corinth, coupled with those of Monemvasia and Nauplion, is also reported to have had the best harbour for connections with Constantinople. — Chronikon vv. 2765-7; Livre para 189.
89. Chronikon vv. 2052-3 [1311]; Cronaca 430. Cf. Livre paras 329, 385.
90. Libro para 291.
91. Chronikon vv. 5606-5619P [234].
92.
Chronikon vv. 1752-37H [121]. Here P has 
bigger.
93. Chronikon vv. 4410-2H puts it in the chora while P specifies that it was in the kastro.
94. Chronikon vv. 1403-6; Cronaca 422. Ilieva, Frankish Morea 197-8. The kastra which put up resistance were more than twelve: Patras, Pontikokastro, Araklovon, Arkadia, Modon, Coron, Kalamata, Lakedaimon, Nikli, Veligosti, Monemvasia, Argos, Nauplion and Akrocorinth.
95. See n. 65 above.
96. Livre para 355; Chronikon v. 5038H.
97. Livre para 693.
98.
Libro para 485.
Bon, Cf., La Morée
182
Google Scholar;
Moutsopoulos, N.K., 
(Thessaloniki
1984) 158
Google Scholar (he dates the event to 1294).
100. Livre para 929. Cf. Bon, La Morée 178-9.
Livre para 930.
101. Libro para 298. Mistra ranks third in Chronikon and ninth in Livre.
102. Livro p. 401. This is dated to 1294(?). Modon is labelled as cité by Villehardouin (paras 328-9). Other castles mentioned in the ‘table of contents’ are, to repeat, Kalamata and St. George; Skorta is also represented by the castles of St. Helen, Crivecuer, Karytaina, and Mategrifon [Akova, on the border with Mesarea]; Elis — by Clermont [Chlemoutsi] and Beauvoir [Pontiko]; Corinthia — by Poliphant [Polyphengos] (Livre pp. 400, 401, 403, 405).
103. Chronikon vv. 554 (‘the young archons’ in the City), 595. Cf. Livre para 54: ‘li autre gentil homme’. This distinction was familiar to the Western sources at the time of the conquest. — Ilieva, Frankish Morea 95 with the references there cited.
104. Chronikon vv. 342-3, 351-2; Livre para 16.
105. Chronikon vv. 1435 and 2255-6; Livre paras 152, 154.
106. Libro para 212. The Mamonas, Daimonogiannes and Sophianos who delivered the keys of the castle of Monemvasia to William II of Villehardouin were given gifts in the Byzantine style — precious clothes, horses and lands: Chronikon vv. 2943-55. On the problem concerning the Greek archons and their identity see Ilieva, Frankish Morea, 85ff. The archons of Nikli, Lakedaimon and Mistra should join the company of those of Andravida and Monemvasia just mentioned. See below.
107.
Chronikon v. 1471H (here P has
). Was it the retinue of Leon Sgouros?
108.
Livre para 929. We know that the archers in Latin Morea were Greeks. —
Longnon, J. and Topping, P. (eds.), Documents sur le Régime des terres dans la Principauté de Morée au XlVe s. (Paris
1969) p. 65
CrossRefGoogle Scholar 1. 16. Cf. the 
left to guard the chora of Clarentza for the Prince during summertime. — Chron. Tocco, vv. 543-4, 566.
109. Prawer, , ‘Crusader cities’ 194 (as in n. 72 above)Google Scholar.
110. Goff, Le, ‘Guerriers et bourgeois’ 225 Google Scholar.
111. Chronikon vv. 3209, 8632H; Livre para 595.
112. Chronikon v. 5848; Libro paras 167, 565; Livre para 854. Long ago J. Longnon considered the bourgeoisie of Clarentza to have formed ‘a financial aristocracy’: Livre ci, on the evidence of para 794 where this social group is said to have lent money for the ransom of the barons captured by Roger of Lloria in 1292.
113. Jacoby, ‘Les États latins’ 35, 41, 48 (as in n. 4 above).
114. On the episode see Bon, La Morée 155, 370-1 n. 2.
115. Livre para 565; Libro para 435.
116. Chronikon v. 8311; Livre para 572. Cf. Libro paras 436-40, speaking of many gates.
117. Livre para 571; Cronaca 463.
118. Livre para 694. Cf. Bon, La Morée 168.
119. Cronaca 464. Cf. Chronikon v. 8318 (‘twelve villeins and Romans’ [303]); Livre paras 572, 575 (‘bien une douzaine’); Libro para 438 (four Greek prisoners only).
120. Chronikon vv. 1706H/P (in the kastro of Coron); 2060, TiMHIP (the princely mansions in the chora of Lakedaimon); 2922 (in the kastro of Monemvasia). On houses in the ‘bourg’ of the castle of St. Helen see Livre para 929.
121. Chron. Tocco vv. 635-9.
122. Ibidem vv. 3807-9.
123. Libro paras 476, 478.
124. Chron. Tocco vv. 653-4.
125. Chronikon v. 2825; Livre paras 94 (‘de toute Romanie’), 189, 194, 223, 662; 191, 195.
126. paras 125, 801. Cf. para 709: the castle ofKalamata is one of the best [‘meillor’] castles in the Morea.
127. Cf. Libro para 653. Karytaina ranks fifth in the Aragonese version.
128. para 653. It tanks sixth in Livre.
129. paras 653, 816. Cf. Libro para 653.
130. Livre para 930.
131. Livre para 395: it was ‘une bonne marche pour gents et pour chevaux’. Note the meaning of ‘marche’ as a ‘borderland’. Cf. Chronikon vv. 5592-4.
132.
Chronikon vv. 2991, 6615, 1190-1 if. For the Greek version the castle of Mistra is 
too (v. 4331).
133. Ibidem vv. 1445-9H (‘of Romania’; v. 1445P — ‘of Morea’).
134. Ibidem vv. 1190P, 1915P. Does this phrasing parallel the Old French ‘bon’? Cf. Chr. Tocco on Clarentza (as in n. 124 above) and below.
135. Chronikon v. 2898 (for the castle of Monemvasia).
136. Ibidem vv. 1445, 3159.
137. Chronikon vv. 2085-7.
138. Ibidem v. 2991 (for the castle of Mistra).
139. Ibidem v. 1524; Cronaca 430.
140. Chronikon v. 1698.
141. Ibidem vv. 1761, 8274; Livre para 571 (of the barony).
142. Chronikon v. 3154; Libro para 661.
143. Ibidem para 92; Livre para 104; Cronaca 430. Cf. Villehardouin, La conquête de Constantinople, ed. Farai, E., vol. 2 (Paris 1939)Google Scholar, paras 301, 324 where Corinth and Nauplion are reported to have been among ‘des plus fors/des plus fort citez desoz ciel/dou monde’.
144. Ibidem; Livre para 189: ‘li plus loyal e li plus fort de tout le pays’.
145. Libro paras 714, 722.
146. Cronaca 430.
147. Libro para 661.
148. Ibidem para 92 (Akrocorinth); Chronikon vv. 2085-7.
149. Livre paras 928-9.
150. Chronikon vv. 1675; 1697 (for the castle of Coron which had low walls and towers); 1712H; 2873.
151. See n. 149 above.
152. Chronikon v. 1712P.
153. vv. 3542. Cf. v. 3524 for Mantinea.
154. On Bon’s statement see La Morée 323-4. Libro’s para 217 however might be coming from a Greek phrasing.