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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 03 November 2023
A crucial aspect of the intellectual field shaped by religious relations and conflicts following the Reformation was the domain of historiography, which involved the writing of works that aimed at edification and at the support of the doctrinal stances of opposing ideological factions. This article examines the positioning of early modern Orthodox reflections on the past. The scholars under consideration were the first Greek-speaking writers of early modern times to delve into the uses of historical documentation and raise inquiries concerning the nature and methodology of historical knowledge. The ‘idea of history’ built on the vita activa of key actors of the Orthodox community in the Ottoman Empire, contributing to discussions on identity in a world of competing empires and churches.
1 Kontouma, V., ‘Recherches sur Dosithée de Jerusalem’, Annuaire de l’ École pratique des hautes études. Section des sciences religieuses 124 (2017) 207–18Google Scholar.
2 See the approach of, most influentially, Quentin Skinner in the field of the history of political theory: Whatmore, R., What is Intellectual History? (Cambridge 2016) 51–4Google Scholar.
3 On the West, see Polman, P., L’ élément historique dans la controverse religieuse du XVI siècle (Gembloux 1932)Google Scholar; Spini, G., ‘The art of history in the Italian Counter Reformation’, in Cochrane, E. (ed.) The Late Italian Renaissance 1525-1630 (London 1970) 91–133Google Scholar; Momigliano, A., The Classical Foundations of Modern Historiography (Berkeley 1990) 149-51CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Backus, I., Historical Method and Confessional Identity in the Era of the Reformation (1378-1615) (Leiden 2003)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bauer, S., ‘The uses of history in religious controversies from Erasmus to Baronio. Introduction’, Renaissance Studies 35.1 (2021) 9–23CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
4 On Jeremias II, Ioannes and Theodosios Zygomalas and their contact with Western clerical scholars see Wendebourg, D., Reformation und Orthodoxie. Der ökumenische Briefwechsel zwischen der Leitung der Württembergischen Kirche und Patriarch Jeremias II. von Konstantinopel in den Jahren 1573-1581 (Göttingen 1986)CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Runciman, S., The Great Church in Captivity. A study of the Patriarchate of Constantinople from the eve of the Turkish conquest to the Greek War of Independence (Cambridge 1968) 238–58Google Scholar. For biographies and the bibliography of many such figures in the context of early modern Orthodox religious dynamics see G. Podskalsky, Griechische Theologie in der Zeit der Türkenherrschaft (1453-1821): die Orthodoxie im Spannungsfeld der nachreformatorischen Konfessionen des Westens (Munich 1988, Greek translation, Athens 2008). For an introduction to the political and intellectual context of the early modern Orthodox Church, see N. Chryssidis, ‘The world of Eastern Orthodoxy’, in H. Scott (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Early Modern History (Oxford 2015) 626–51.
5 M.-H. Blanchet, Georges-Gennadios Scholarios (Vers 1400 - Vers 1472): Un intellectuel Orthodoxe face à la disparition de l'Empire Byzantin (Paris 2008), esp. 111–22, and Ι. Κ. Hassiotis, ‘From the “refledging” to the “illumination of the nation”. Aspects of political ideology in the Greek Church under Ottoman domination’, Balkan Studies 40 (1999) 41–55.
6 On Neo-Aristotelian studies in Greek intellectual contexts see Tsourkas, C., Les débuts de l'enseignement philosophique et de la libre pensée dans les Balkans. La vie et l’ oeuvre de Théophile Corydalée (1570–1646) (Thessaloniki 1967)Google Scholar. On the sixteenth- and seventeenth-century ecclesiastical history with which Dositheos’ work conversed, see n. 3 above and A. Grafton, ‘Church history in early modern Europe’, in K. v. Liere, S. Ditchfield, and H. Louthan (eds.), Sacred History: uses of the Christian past in the Renaissance world (Oxford 2012) 3–25; Pullapilly, C., Caesar Baronius, Counter-Reformation historian (South Bend, IN) 1975Google Scholar; K. Sarris, ‘Ιερή Historia. Οι αποκλίνουσες διαδρομές ενός είδους μεταξύ Ανατολής και Δύσης. Από την Δωδεκάβιβλο του Δοσίθεου Ιεροσολύμων στην Εκκλησιαστική Ιστορία του Μελέτιου Αθηνών᾽ (PhD diss. Aristotle University of Thessaloniki 2010) 270–85.
7 Tsourkas, Les débuts de l'enseignement philosophique, 81–98 and A. Karathanassis, Η Βενετία των Ελλήνων (Thessaloniki 2010) 467–523.
8 Dositheos had studied at the Patriarchal School of Constantinople under the Padua graduate Nikolaos Kerameas. Kerameas appears to have been a stern traditionalist who mainly wrote controversial homilies listing the errors of the Roman Church, but whose Latin was as eloquent as his native Greek: Dositheos, Τόμος Χαρᾶς (Rimnic 1705) f. ιγ´ and Podskalsky, Griechische Theologie, 193–4. The best work on the Great School remains the two-volume Πατριαρχικὴ Μεγάλη τοῦ Γένους Σχολὴ by A. Gritsopoulos (Athens 1966); see too Camariano-Cioran, A., Les Académies princières de Bucarest et de Jassy et leurs professeurs (Thessaloniki 1974)Google Scholar.
9 A. Palmieri, Dictionnaire de Theologie Catholique IV 1788-1800; –, Dositeo, patriarca greco di Gerusalemme (1641–1707): Contributo alla storia della teologia greco-ortodossa nel secolo XVII (Florence 1909); Iorga, N., Byzance après Byzance (Bucharest 1935) 195–200Google Scholar and 201–17; Podskalsky, Griechische Theologie, 282–94; K. P. Todt, ‘Dositheos II. von Jerusalem’, in C.G. and V. Conticello (eds), La Théologie byzantine et sa tradition II (Turnhout 2002) 659–720.
10 Kitromilides, P.M., An Orthodox Commonwealth (Aldershot 2007)Google Scholar and ‘Orthodoxy and the West: Reformation to Enlightenment’, in M. Angold (ed.), The Cambridge History of Christianity: Eastern Christianity (Cambridge 2006) 187–209.
11 Ch. Papadopoulos, Ἱστορία τῆς Ἐκκλησίας Ἱεροσολύμων (Jerusalem 1910) 538–605. See Dositheos’ own account of his journeys in ‘Περὶ τοῦ πόσους τόπους ἐπεριπατήσαμεν ἕως ἄρτι’, A. Papadopoulos-Kerameus, Ἀνάλεκτα Ἱεροσολυμιτικής Σταχυολογίας Ι (Petersburg 1891) 302–7, and Chrysanthos of Jerusalem (Notaras), ‘Ἐπιτομὴ κεφαλαιώδης περὶ τῆς ζωῆς τοῦ ἐν μακαρίᾳ τῇ λήξει γενομένου ἀοιδίμου Πατριάρχου Ἱεροσολύμων Δοσιθέου’, in Dositheos of Jerusalem, Ἱστορία περὶ τῶν ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις πατριαρχευσάντων (Bucharest 1715) 12–13.
12 I. Kyriakantonakis, ‘Dispute and erudition. Conflicting readings on Byzantine History in early modern Greek historical literature’, in O. Delouis, A. Couderc, and P. Guran (eds) Héritages de Byzance en Europe du Sud-Est à l’ époque moderne et contemporaine (Athens 2013) 161–78.
13 Dositheos published three such compilations of theological and historical tracts by major Byzantine authors, with his own introductions and comments: Τόμος Καταλλαγῆς (Jassy 1692); Τόμος Ἀγάπης (Jassy 1698); Τόμος Χαρᾶς (Rimnic 1705, repr. Thessaloniki 1985). See N. Russell, ‘From the Shield of Orthodoxy to the Tome of Joy: the anti-Western stance of Dositheos of Jerusalem (1641-1707)’, in G. E. Demacopoulos and A. Papanicolaou (eds), Orthodox Constructions of the West (New York 2013) 74–82. See also Garnier, S., ‘L’ édition Dosithée des Opera omnia de Symeon de Thessalonique’, Annuaire de l’ École pratique des hautes études. Section des sciences religieuses 123 (2016) 215–28Google Scholar. On Dositheos’ major historical work, the Ἱστορία περὶ τῶν ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις πατριαρχευσάντων, see Sarris, ‘Ιερή Historia’ and below.
14 Dositheos of Jerusalem, Tόμος Χαρᾶς, f. β´.
15 Tόμος Χαρᾶς, f. β´. All translations from primary sources are my own.
16 Dositheos, ‘Ἱστορία τῶν αἱρέσεων Βαρλαὰμ καὶ Ἀκινδύνου’, Τόμος Ἀγάπης (Jassy 1698) 1.
17 See Russell, ‘The anti-Western stance of Dositheos of Jerusalem’, 71–82 and Olar, O., ‘A time to speak. The printing activity of Dositheos Notaras, Patriarch of Jerusalem’, Annales Universitatis Apulensis. Series Historica 15.2 (2011) 35–45Google Scholar.
18 Momigliano, The Classical Foundations of Modern Historiography, 136-9. ‘The subordination of historical evidence to dogmatic goals’ distinguished the thought of European scholars taking part in the religious disputations of the Reformation period, Bauer, ‘Uses of history from Erasmus to Baronio’, 16.
19 Tόμος Χαρᾶς, f. β´ (2).
20 Tόμος Χαρᾶς, f. β´.
21 Tόμος Χαρᾶς, ff. γ´–ιβ´ and 103–34.
22 ‘Οἱ μὴ εἰδότες ἐπιστημονικὴν τινά δύναμιν’, Tόμος Χαρᾶς, f. β´ (2).
23 Cf. Sarris, ‘Ιερή Historia’, 567–89.
24 Dositheos, Ἱστορία περὶ τῶν ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις πατριαρχευσάντων, 3 (text slightly paraphrased). For Chrysanthos Notaras’ edition-publication of the Ἱστορία (also known as Δωδεκάβιβλος) see Sarris, ‘Ιερή Historia’, 67, 86–98. The work was republished in 1982–3: Sarris, 98.
25 Ἱστορία περὶ τῶν ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις πατριαρχευσάντων, 3–4 and ff.
26 See Podskalsky, Griechische Theologie, 282–94 and Russell, ‘The anti-Western stance of Dositheos of Jerusalem’.
27 See P. Stathes, Χρύσανθος Νοταράς, ένας πρόδρομος του νεοελληνικού διαφωτισμού (Athens 1999), which sees him as a precursor of the Greek Enlightenment. On the connection between Chrysanthos and Meletios of Athens see Sarris, ‘Ιερή Historia’, 67–79; on Meletios of Athens and his Ecclesiastical History: Sarris, ‘Ιερή Historia’.
28 Chrysanthos Notaras, ‘Κιτάια Δουλεύουσα’, Bibliothèque grecque vulgaire, ed. Ε. Legrand, III (Paris 1881) xxiv–xliv, 337; See the same arguments in [Ambrosio Marliano], Θέατρον Πολιτικὸν μεταγλωττισθὲν ἐκ τῆς λατινικῆς παρὰ τοῦ Νικολάου Μαυροκορδάτου (Leipzig 1758) 61 and P.M. Kitromilides, Enlightenment and Revolution. The making of modern Greece (Cambridge MA 2013) 32–4.
29 ‘Κιτάια δουλεύουσα’, 337 (text slightly paraphrased). For early modern uses of history as a rhetorical art (opus oratorium maximum), according to classical authorities, particularly Cicero, see Spini, ‘The art of history in the Italian Counter Reformation’, 94–7.
30 ‘Κιτάια δουλεύουσα’, 337
31 ‘Κιτάια δουλεύουσα’, 338. For history as a mirror for princes and a primary discipline for young people of noble origin, see L. K. Born, ‘Introduction’ to Desiderius Erasmus, The Education of a Christian Prince (New York 1936) 26–43. For post-Byzantine uses of such concepts, see K.N. Sathas, Μεσαιωνική Βιβλιοθήκη Α´ (Venice 1872) ρκστ´ (an exhortation of the humanist Demetrios Rhalles to his son about the benefits of studying historical texts and Byzantine genealogy) and ρλε´(a similar address to the new generation by the sixteenth-century ecclesiastical dignitary Hierax Logothetes in the preamble of his Chronicle of the rule of the Turks); see also below on praises for Alexandros Mavrokordatos.
32 Meletios Pegas, Διάλογος Ὁρθόδοξος Χριστιανὸς εἰς τὴν τῶν σπουδαίων ὠφέλειαν (Vilna 1598); Podskalksy, Griechische Theologie, 132.
33 Κατὰ Ἰουδαίων (Lviv 1593). Pegas’ major anti-papal thesis had been published by his nephew Kyrillos Loukaris and his collaborator Nikodemos Metaxas: Περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς τοῦ Πάπα ἐν εἴδει ἐπιστολῶν (Constantinople 1628). Pegas stood by Loukaris’ side, anticipating his elevation to higher ecclesiastical office: Legrand, Ε., Bibliographie hellénique ou Description raisonnée des ouvrages publiés par des Grecs au dix-septième siècle IV (Paris 1896) 214–15Google Scholar.
34 Pegas, Διάλογος.
35 See K. Sarris, N. Pissis and M. Pechlivanos (eds), Confessionalization and/as Knowledge Transfer in the Orthodox Church (Wiesbaden 2021) and more generally Bauer (ed.), The Uses of History in Religious Controversies.
36 Kolbaba, T. M., The Byzantine Lists. Errors of the Latins (Chicago 2000)Google Scholar. For the integration of Latin ideas by Greeks in the late medieval period, see M. Hinterberger and C. Schabel (eds), Greeks, Latins, and Intellectual History 1204-1500 (Leuven 2011).
37 Momigliano, The Classical Foundations of Modern Historiography, 136–8.
38 On this spirit of antiquarianism in the case of ecclesiastical history, see Momigliano (n. 37) 137, 140–1, 149–150 and Grafton, ‘Church history in early modern Europe’, 4.
39 Momigliano, The Classical Foundations of Modern Historiography, 149–51.
40 See e.g. Dositheos, Ἱστορία περὶ τῶν ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις πατριαρχευσάντων, 50, 67, 91–3, 223; Meletios, Ἐκκλησιαστικὴ Ἱστορία (Vienna 1783) 49–55.
41 Meletios of Athens, Ἐκκλησιαστικὴ Ἱστορία, 2 (the author includes an extensive catalogue of those who contributed to the genre), with Sarris, ‘Ιερή Historia’, 154–87.
42 For example: Nektarios of Jerusalem, Περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς τοῦ Πάπα ἀντίρρησις (Jassy 1682), 187–208. He responds to the claims of the Franciscan Pedro Barnuevo that the Orthodox Church had fallen from divine grace and become morally and politically bankrupt by remaining ‘schismatic’ and not adhering to the union of the churches agreed by the Council of Ferrara-Florence. For a discussion of these perceptions by Dositheos, see below and Τόμος Ἀγάπης, 23–4.
43 Nektarios of Jerusalem, Περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς τοῦ Πάπα ἀντίρρησις, 210–11; Theodosios Zegomalas, ‘Ἱστορία Πολιτικὴ Κωνσταντινουπόλεως’, ed. Martin Crusius, Turcograeciae libri octo (Basel 1584) 3–4, 8–11; cf. Χρονικὸν τῶν Τούρκων σουλτάνων, ed. G. Zoras (Athens 1958).
44 This trend in Greek ecclesiastical/historical writing can be found in many Byzantine authors after Photios, see above n. 36. But anti-Muslim rhetoric and accounts of Muslim persecution of Christians were by no means absent from the Orthodox literature, e.g. Meletios Pegas cited by Ath. Komninos Ypsilantis, Ἐκκλησιαστικῶν καὶ Πολιτικῶν τῶν εἰς δώδεκα τὰ μετὰ τὴν Ἅλωσιν (Constantinople 1870) 117.
45 Legrand, Bibliographie hellénique ou Description raisonnée des ouvrages publiés par des Grecs au dix-septième siècle ΙΙ (Paris 1894) 404-7; Nektarios of Jerusalem, Περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς τοῦ Πάπα ἀντίρρησις, ‘τῶν κατὰ τὸν ἀοίδιμον Ἱεροσολύμων Πατριάρχην Νεκτάριον δίηγησις’, written by Dositheos of Jerusalem, Nektarios’ successor to the patriarchal office.
46 Nektarios offered a detailed account of the history of the Sinaitic community and monastic way of life in his Ἐπιτομὴ τῆς Ἱεροκοσμικῆς Ἱστορίας (Venice 1729, first edition: 1688) 75–232. See also Dositheos, ‘Ἱστορία τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς τοῦ Ἁγίου Ὄρους Σινὰ’, ed. A. Papadopoulos Kerameus, Συμβολαὶ εἰς τὴν ἱστορίαν τῆς Ἀρχιεπισκοπῆς τοῦ Ὄρους Σινὰ (Petersburg 1908).
47 At that time, Korydalleas was not the incontestable authority and leading figure of the nation's scholarly life later presented in the historiography. He had been persecuted in Constantinople and was later dethroned from the diocese of Naupaktos: see Tsourkas, Débuts de l’ enseignement philosophique, 35–7, 99–112.
48 Nektarios, Ἐπιτομὴ τῆς Ἱεροκοσμικῆς Ἱστορίας, 215, 220–1.
49 Published in his Ἐπιτομὴ, 222–412. M. Manousakas, ‘Ἡ Ἐπιτομὴ τῆς Ἱεροκοσμικῆς Ἱστορίας τοῦ Νεκταρίου Ἱεροσολύμων καὶ αἱ πηγαὶ αὐτῆς’, Κρητικά Χρονικά 1 (1947) 291–332. K. Sarris, ‘Nektarios of Jerusalem’ in D. Thomas and J. Chesworth (eds.), Christian-Muslim Relations. A bibliographical history, X Ottoman and Safavid Empires (1600–1700), (Leiden 2017) 308–18.
50 Nektarios, Περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς τοῦ Πάπα ἀντίρρησις, 215. F. Gabriel, ‘Tradition Orientale et Vera Ecclesia: Une critique Hiérosolymitaine de la Primauté Pontificale. Nektarios, de Jassy à Londres (v. 1671–1702)’ in M. H. Blanchet and F. Gabriel (eds), Réduire le schisme? Ecclésiologies et politiques de l’ Union entre Orient et Occident, XIII–XVIII siècle, (Paris 2013) 197–238.
51 Nektarios, Περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς τοῦ Πάπα ἀντίρρησις, 218; cf. Gabriel, ‘Tradition Orientale et Vera Ecclesia’, 199–208; Papadopoulos, Ἱστορία τῆς Ἐκκλησίας Ἱεροσολύμων, 487–510, 535–8.
52 Chrysanthos of Jerusalem, ‘Ἐπιτομὴ κεφαλαιώδης περὶ τῆς ζωῆς τοῦ Δοσιθέου’, Ἱστορία περὶ τῶν ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις πατριαρχευσάντων, 12–13; see also Dositheos, ‘Περὶ τοῦ πόσους τόπους ἐπεριπατήσαμεν ἕως ἄρτι’, 302–7.
53 Karathanassis, A., Οι Έλληνες λόγιοι στη Βλαχία (1670–1714) (Thessaloniki 1982) 111–14Google Scholar.
54 Gabriel, ‘Tradition Orientale et Vera Ecclesia’, 208–12 and Russell, ‘The anti-Western stance of Dositheos of Jerusalem’, 75. Also: Dictionnaire de Théologie Catholique IV, 1798 and G. Zaviras, Νέα Ἑλλὰς ἤ Ἑλληνικὸν Θέατρον (Athens 1872) 265–73.
55 Ἱστορία περὶ τῶν ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις πατριαρχευσάντων, 1236.
56 N. Chrissidis, An Academy at the Court of the Tsars. Greek Scholars and Jesuit Education in Early Modern Russia (DeKalb IL 2016).
57 [Chrysanthos of Jerusalem: introduction] Ἱστορία περὶ τῶν ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις πατριαρχευσάντων, 4.
58 Ἱστορία περὶ τῶν ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις πατριαρχευσάντων, 5.
59 Ch. Minaoglou, ‘O Αλέξανδρος Μαυροκορδάτος ο εξ απορρήτων ως ιστοριογράφος᾽, in N. Mavrelos et al. (eds) Ο πρώιμος Διαφωτισμός στην εποχή των πρώτων Μαυροκορδάτων (Athens 2021) 84–108.
60 Alexandros Mavrokordatos, ‘Ὁ τῆς συγγραφῆς σκοπóς’, Ἱστορία Ἱερὰ ἤτοι τὰ Ἰουδαϊκὰ (Bucharest 1716) f. H´.
61 Mavrokordatos, ‘Ὁ τῆς συγγραφῆς σκοπóς’, f. Η´.
62 Mavrokordatos, ‘Ὁ τῆς συγγραφῆς σκοπóς’, f. Η´. Τhe author's views on education are reflected in his Φροντίσματα (Vienna 1805); see Gritsopoulos, Μεγάλη τοῦ Γένους Σχολὴ I. 231–47.
63 Mavrokordatos, ‘Ὁ τῆς συγγραφῆς σκοπóς’. To that end, he also wrote histories of the Romans (Ρωμαϊκὰ) and the Moesians (Mοισικὰ) and possibly histories of the Greeks and the Syrians, Minaoglou, 85 and D. Tzelepis, ‘Το χειρόγραφο των Ρωμαϊκών του Αλέξανδρου Μαυροκορδάτου στην Βιβλιοθήκη της Ρουμανικής Ακαδημίας’, Ο πρώιμος Διαφωτισμός στην εποχή των πρώτων Μαυροκορδάτων, 109–26.
64 E. Cochrane, Historians and Historiography in the Italian Renaissance (Chicago 1981). J. Bouchard, ‘Nicolas Mavrocordatos et l’ époque des tulipes’, Ο Ερανιστής 17 (1981) 120–9.
65 Ἱστορία Ἱερὰ, f. Α´–Z´ (discourse in praise of Alexandros Mavrokordatos written by Iakovos Argeios and epigram by Hierotheos bishop of Dristra). Cf. Kitromilides, ‘Orthodox identities in a world of Ottoman power’, Orthodox Commonwealth, 7–11. Livanios, D., ‘Pride, prudence and the fear of God: the loyalties of Alexander and Nicholaos Mavrocordatos (1664-1730)’, Dialogos 7 (2000) 1–22Google Scholar and the analysis by Hirschi, C., The Origins of Nationalism (Cambridge 2012) 53–6Google Scholar, in the context of humanist patriotism in early modern Europe.
66 Among the Greek chronicle writers of the period prior to Mavrokordatos, Hierax Logothetis (who died at the beginning of the seventeenth century) and Mattheos Kigalas (1590–1642) made extensive reference to the practical aspects of historical writing by denouncing exquisite language and rhetorical eloquence (for the purposes of history). While Hierax simply aimed to provide a summary of the Turkish advance, Kigalas entered into a major historical narration by no means lacking in historical sophistication: Νέα Σύνοψις διαφόρων ἱστοριῶν (Venice 1638). On this, see P.M. Kitromilides and I. Kyriakantonakis, ‘Matthaios Kigalas’, Christian-Muslim Relations, 200–8 and compare R. Paun, ‘Pseudo-Dorotheos of Monemvasia’, in the same volume.
67 Dimaras, C. Th., ‘Alexandre Mavrocordato, Machiavel et Rochefoucauld. Notes de lecture’, Ο᾽Ερανιστής 4 (1966), 1–5Google Scholar.
68 Dimitrios Prokopiou, ‘Ἐπιτετμημένη ἐπαρίθμησις τῶν κατὰ τὸν παρελθόντα αἰῶνα λογίων Γραικῶν καὶ περί τινων ἐν τῷ νῦν αἰῶνι ἀνθούντων’, Bibliotheca Graeca, ed. Α. Fabricius, v. ΧΙ (Hamburg 1722) 776–8; Karathanasis, Έλληνες λόγιοι στη Βλαχία, 173–80 and S. Athini, ‘Οι βιο-εργογραφικοί κατάλογοι: ιστοριογραφία και ταξινόμηση της λογιοσύνης (1722–1872)’ in A. Katsigiannis, D. Polychronakis and K. Chrysogelos (eds) Ο Χριστόφορος Φιλητάς και η συγκρότηση της Νεοελληνικής Φιλολογίας τον 18ο και 19ο αιώνα (Athens 2022) 203–30.
69 Karathanasis, Έλληνες λόγιοι στη Βλαχία, 148–50.
70 ‘Ἐπαρίθμησις’, 778. This is remarkable because Dositheos had been a close ally of Nikolaos Mavrokordatos’ father, Alexandros.
71 ‘Ἐπαρίθμησις’, 793
72 Dositheos, Τόμος Ἀγάπης, 6–7, f.
73 Dositheos, Ἱστορία περὶ τῶν ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις πατριαρχευσάντων, 1178–9.
74 Many writers followed this pattern: A. Demetrakopoulos, Ὁρθόδοξος Ἑλλάς ἤτοι περὶ τῶν Ἑλλήνων τῶν γραψάντων κατὰ Λατίνων καὶ περὶ τῶν συγγραμμάτων αὐτῶν (Leipzig 1872) and Podskalsky, Griechische Theologie, 72.
75 Dositheos, Ἱστορία περὶ τῶν ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις πατριαρχευσάντων, 1178–9; See also Τόμος Ἀγάπης, 547, 552, with Tsakiris, V., ‘The “Ecclesiarum Belgicarum Confessio” and the attempted “Calvinisation” of the Orthodox Church under Patriarch Cyril Loukaris’, The Journal of Ecclesiastical History 63 (2012) 475–87CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
76 Podskalsky, Griechische Theologie, 181–329.
77 See above n. 24.
78 Dositheos of Jerusalem, Tόμος Χαρᾶς, f. γ´; Podskalsky, Griechische Theologie, 181–329. Cf. Kelley, D., Faces of History. Historical Inquiry from Herodotus to Herder (New Haven 1998) 162–87Google Scholar.
79 Ἱστορία περὶ τῶν ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις πατριαρχευσάντων, first book: chapters XVI, XVII; third book: chapters, III, IV. Bellarmine composed extensive Disputationes de Controversiis Christianae Fidei adversus hujus temporis Haereticos (Ingolstadt 1586, 1588, 1593). Along with Antonio Possevino, he was the Jesuit mastermind to deal with the ‘Oriental Christians’: Podskalsky, Griechische Theologie, 121–8; Hofmann, G., ‘Il Beato Bellarmino e gli Orientali’, Orientalia Christiana 8.6 (1927) 260–307Google Scholar; and more generally: Backus, Historical Method and Confessional Identity, 227–36. On Baronius see Bauer, ‘Uses of history’.
80 [Chrysanthos of Jerusalem: introduction], Ἱστορία περὶ τῶν ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις πατριαρχευσάντων, 10; see also Russell, ‘The anti-Western stance of Dositheos of Jerusalem’, 72. See also Notaras’ similar thoughts in ‘Κιτάια δουλεύουσα’, 338–9.
81 Apostolos Tzigaras, ‘Τοῖς ἐντευξομένοις τῇ παρούσῃ ἱστορικῇ βίβλῳ’, Dorotheos [?Ierotheos] of Monemvasia, Bιβλίον Ἱστορικὸν περιέχον διαφόρους καὶ ἐξόχους ἱστορίας ἀρχόμενον ἀπὸ κτίσεως κόσμου μέχρι τῆς ἁλώσεως Κωνσταντινουπόλεως καὶ ἐπέκεινα (Venice 1814; first edition: 1631) 5. This related to the translation of the sacred scriptures long forbidden by the Church, Samuel Mesemvrias, ‘Eἰσαγωγὴ εἰς τὴν ἐπομένην ἀντίρρησιν’ in Ἀντίρρησις Μητροπολίτου Κυζίκου Ματθαίου πρὸς τὴν ἀπολογίαν περὶ τῆς εἰς τὸ χυδαῖον μεταφράσεως τῶν Ἱερών Γραφῶν (Constantinople 1841) α´–ξα´.
82 Cf. Burke, P., The Renaissance Sense of the Past (London 1969) 14–15Google Scholar. This kind of literature was often more apocalyptical-eschatological than properly historical, at least in Byzantium; see the classic study by Argyriou, A., Les exégèses grècques de l’ Apocalypse à l’ époque turque (Thessaloniki 1982)Google Scholar. See further O. Olar, ‘Païsios Ligarides’, Christian-Muslim Relations. A Bibliographical History, 286–91 and ‘Prophecy and history. Matthew of Myra, Paisios Lygaridis and Chrysanthos Notaras’ in R. Paun (ed.), Histoire, mémoire et dévotion : regards croisés sur la construction des identités dans le monde orthodoxe aux époques byzantine et post-byzantine, (Seyssel 2016) 364–88. In fact, Chrysanthos Notaras denounced apocalyptic writing such as Païsios Ligarides’ popular Book of Prophecies as mere waste of time, Olar, ‘Prophecy and History’, 365–6.
83 [Chrysanthos of Jerusalem: introduction], Ἱστορία περὶ τῶν ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις πατριαρχευσάντων, 10; Compare: ‘For it is the rare that is precious’, Plato, Euthydemus 304b quoted by Chrysanthos Notaras, ‘Κιτάια δουλεύουσα’, 340.
84 See, for example, the characteristic title of (Pseudo-) Dorotheos’ Historical Book (n. 81).
85 [Chrysanthos of Jerusalem: introduction], Ἱστορία περὶ τῶν ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις πατριαρχευσάντων, 10–11.
86 Ἱστορία περὶ τῶν ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις πατριαρχευσάντων, 10–11. See also: Nektarios of Jerusalem, Περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς τοῦ Πάπα ἀντίρρησις, 120 f. (debate on the nature and historical character of the True Church); Gabriel, ‘Tradition Orientale et Vera Ecclesia’, 217–23.
87 Cf. Russell, ‘The anti-Western stance of Dositheos of Jerusalem’.
88 Nektarios, Ἐπιτομὴ τῆς Ἱεροκοσμικῆς Ἱστορίας, 2–4; cf. Meletios of Athens, Ἐκκλησιαστικὴ Ἱστορία, I, 2–3.
89 Nektarios, Ἐπιτομὴ τῆς Ἱεροκοσμικῆς Ἱστορίας, 2.
90 Chrysanthos, Συνταγμάτιον περὶ τῶν ὀφφικίων, κληρικάτων καὶ ἀρχοντικίων τῆς τοῦ Χριστοῦ Ἁγίας Ἐκκλησίας (Targoviste 1715; second edn: 1778) κβ´–γ´.
91 Συνταγμάτιον, κβ´–γ´.
92 Arseniοs Kalloudis, Προσκυνητάριον τῶν Ἱερῶν Τόπων (Venice 1683) 1-10; see also (Pseudo-) Dorotheos, Βιβλίον Ἱστορικόν, 5–6; Θέατρον Πολιτικὸν μεταγλωττισθὲν ἐκ τῆς λατινικῆς παρὰ τοῦ Νικολάου Μαυροκορδάτου, 311.
93 Ἱστορία περὶ τῶν ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις πατριαρχευσάντων, 8.
94 Ἱστορία περὶ τῶν ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις πατριαρχευσάντων, 3–4.
95 This issue was raised by several writers of history. According to Agapios Loverdos (1720-1795), a rector of the Greek College of Venice, the validity of sources was the main challenge to the historian's craft. The divergence that readers trace in different historical versions of the same events signified the falsity of some of them. What is more, prejudice corrupted historical truth: ‘Imagination, preconception, inclination of the heart distort intellect’, ‘Περὶ τῆς ἱστορίας τοῦ κόσμου’, in Βίβλος χρονικὴ περιέχουσα τὴν ἱστορίαν τῆς Βυζαντῖδος (Venice 1767).
96 Dositheos of Jerusalem, Ἱστορία περὶ τῶν ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις πατριαρχευσάντων, 4.
97 Ἱστορία περὶ τῶν ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις πατριαρχευσάντων, 788–9. Cf. W. Ullmann, A Short History of the Papacy in the Middle Ages (London 2003) 152–6.
98 Kyriakantonakis, ‘Conflicting readings on Byzantine history in early modern Greek historical literature’.
99 See above n. 40. Dositheos’ Tόμος Καταλλαγῆς focused on responding to Allatius’ works De ecclessiae occidentalis atque orientalis perpetua consensione libri tres and Enchiridion de Processione Spiritus Sancti: Russell, ‘The anti-Western stance of Dositheos of Jerusalem’, 78; Podskalsky, Theologie, 213–9.
100 Dositheos of Jerusalem, Ἱστορία περὶ τῶν ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις πατριαρχευσάντων, 38–40, 238.
101 Dositheos, Ἱστορία, 38.
102 Dositheos, Ἱστορία, 81; cf. Burke, Renaissance Sense of the Past, 11–13.
103 Dositheos, Ἱστορία, 188.
104 Dositheos, Ἱστορία, 82; Grafton, A., The Art of History in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge 2007) 35–7Google Scholar.
105 Dositheos, Ἱστορία, 82–6. For Protestant and Catholic debates over legends and forgeries in Church history, cf. Bauer, S., ‘Pontianus Polman re-imagined: how (not) to write a history of religious polemics’, Renaissance Studies 35. 1 (2021) 37–41CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
106 Komnenos Ypsilantis, Τὰ μετὰ τὴν Ἅλωσιν, 165–9, 798.
107 Ph. Vapheidis, Ἐκκλησιαστικὴ Ἱστορία, ΙΙΙ (Constantinople 1912). See also G. Afthonidis, ‘Πρόλογος τοῦ ἐκδότου’ in Komnenos Ypsilantis, Τὰ μετὰ τὴν Ἅλωσιν, γ´–ιβ´.
108 Iorga, Byzance après Byzance, chapters II and IV.
109 Gabriel, ‘Tradition Orientale et Vera Ecclesia’, 212–7.