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The Cosmic Symbolism of the Cross and the Emperor in Ptochoprodromos, Poem IV.

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  22 January 2016

Zaga Gavrilović
Zaga Gavrilović*
Affiliation:
Centre for Byzantine Studies and Modern Greek, University of Birmingham
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Abstract

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Type
Short Notes
Information
Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies , Volume 10 , 1986 , pp. 195 - 202
Copyright
Copyright ©The Centre for Byzantine, Ottoman and Modern Greek Studies, University of Birmingham 1986

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References

* The references for the quotations from the Poem throughout the article are from Poèmes prodromiques en grec vulgaire, ed. D. C. Hesseling, H. Pernot (Amsterdam 1910).

1. The redaction of the Triodion, in its greatest part, was accomplished by the monks of the Studios monastery at the beginning of the 9th century. Its contents are considered to be the best expression of monastic spirituality. See Wellesz, E., A History of Byzantine Music and Hymnography (Oxford 1961) 140ff Google Scholar. Meyendorff, J., Byzantine Theology (London and Oxford 1975) 124 Google Scholar; The Lenten Triodion, transl. by Mother Mary and Archimandrite Kallistos Ware (London and Boston 1978).

2. Ladner, G. B., ‘St. Gregory of Nyssa and St. Augustine on the symbolism of the Cross’, Late Classical and Medieval Studies in honor of A. M. Friend Jr. (Princeton 1955) 88–95.Google Scholar

3. The feast is also called because it falls in the middle of Lent. As an example among many one can quote the following sticheron from the Canon by St. Theodore Studite: “The world venerates it and, illumined, cries aloud: ‘Great is the power of the Cross! When devils look upon it, they are burnt; by the sign of the Cross they are consumed with fire’…”. The Lenten Triodion, 351.

4. Two art-historical studies dealing with this iconography are by Deér, J., ‘Das Kaiserbild im Kreuz’, Schweizer Beitrage z.allg. Geschichte 13 (1955) 48–110 Google Scholar; Grabar, A., ‘La precieuse croix de la Lavra Saint-Athanase au Mont-Athos’, Cahiers Archéologiques 19 (1969) 99–125.Google Scholar

5. Catalogue of Byzantine Coins in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection and in the Whittemore Collection ed. by Bellinger, A.R. and Grierson, Ph. Vol. III/2 (Washington 1973) PI. XXXVIII, XLI, XLII Google Scholar. See also Grabar, A., op. cit., 119–120 Google Scholar and fig. 21.

6. Weitzmann, K., Catalogue of the Byzantine and Early Medieval Antiquities in the DO Collection, Vol. III (Washington D.C. 1972) 55–58 PI. XXXII, XXXIII, XXXIV.Google Scholar

7. Deér, , op. cit., 77 ff. Google Scholar; Grabar, , op. tit. 121.Google Scholar

8. Ihm, C., Die Programme der christlichen Apsismalerei vom vierten Jahrh. bis zur Mitte des achten Jahrh. (Wiesbaden 1960) 165, Tf. XX, 2.Google Scholar

9. Grabar, A., Ampoules de Terrre Sainte (Paris 1958) PI. XXXIV, XXXV.Google Scholar

10. The Smyrna Codex also contained an illustrated Physiologus and parts of the Treatise on the twelve stones decorating the breastplate of Aaron by Epiphanius of Salamis. J. Strzygowski, Der Bilderkreis des griechischen Physiologus, des Kosmas Indikopleustes und Oktateuch nach Handschriften der Bibliothek zu Smyrna (Leipzig 1899). — E.K. Rjedin, Khristianskaja Topografija Kozmy Indikoplovapo grečeskim i russkim spiskam (Moskva 1916), reproduces the miniature with the cross on p.8. A large inscription EMMANOVHΛ above the cross (not seen on fig. 2 here) is also visible. According to Rjedin, the cross as well as Christ’s dress were painted in gold. The gemmed rim of the cross consisted of pearls and red and blue stones. — Wolska-Conus, W., Cosmas Indicopleustes: Topographie chritienne t.I (Paris 1968) 98 ff Google Scholar. — Demus, O., ‘Bemerkungen zum Physiologus von Smyrna’, JÖB 25 (1976) 235–257 Google Scholar. After a closer analysis of the at one time lost and recently found collection of photographs at the Austrian National Library, O. Demus dates the miniatures to the 14th century.

11. Gavrilović, Z., ‘La Resurrection d’Adam: Une réinterprétation’, Cahiers Archéologiques 27 (1978) 101–115 Google Scholar, fig. 1.

12. Magdalino, P. and Nelson, R., ‘The Emperor in Byzantine Art of the Twelfth Century’, BF (1982) 123–183 Google Scholar, see esp. 142–146.

13. Dictionary of the Bible, ed. J. Hastings, s. v. “Immanuel”. For the association of the Emperor Manuel’s name with Emmanuel see Hendy, M. F., Coinage and Money in the Byzantine Empire 1081–1261 (Dumbarton Oaks 1969) 126.Google Scholar

14. The verses including the term in Prodromos’ Poem are mentioned by Vasiliev, A. A., ‘The Historical Significance of the Mosaic of Saint Demetrius at Sassoferrato’, DOP 5 (1950) 31–39 Google Scholar. In connection with the representation of four Greek letters B surrounding two crosses on the mosaic plaque (ascribed to the Palaeologan period) which is the subject of his study, A. A. Vasiliev recalls an article by C. Sathas published in 1877 (Vasiliev, op. cit. 35, n. 12) who maintained that the four letters B around the cross symbolised the domination of the Byzantine emperors over the four regions of the world. C. Sathas had announced a longer study on the subject but it did not appear. A.A. Vasiliev concludes that further research is necessary. The references to the cosmic symbolism of the cross are not included in his discussion.

15. Porphyrogenitus, Constantine VII, De Cerimoniis, ed. Reiske, , 1. 69, 317 ff Google Scholar. Treitiriger, O., Die Oströmische Kaiser-und Reichsidee nach ihrer Gestaltung in höfischen Zeremoniell (Jena 1938, reprinted Darmstadt 1956) 119 ff., 170ff.Google Scholar

16. Oratio XIII, De Spiritu Santo, Migne PG 107, col. 133–157. See Gavrilović, Z., ‘The Humiliation of Leo VI the Wise’, Cahiers Archéogiques 28 (1979), 87–94.Google Scholar

17. The Saints Theodore, Demetrius and George mentioned by Ptochoprodromos all appear on Manuel I’s coinage, see Hendy, , op. cit. 111f.Google Scholar