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The Constantinopolitan abbot Dius: his life, cult and hagiographical dossier

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  22 January 2016

Dirk Krausmüller*
Affiliation:
Queen’s University, Belfast

Abstract

Although one of the founding fathers of Constantinopolitan monasticism, the Syrian ascetic Dius is hardly ever mentioned in secondary literature. The reason for this unfavourable treatment lies in the scarcity of information available for this saint. His Late Antique Life is lost and can only be studied in Middle Byzantine adaptations, three canones, two synaxaria and an unedited encomium. This article offers a discussion of Dius’ biography, the development of his cult and his hagiographical dossier on the basis of the surviving material.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © The Centre for Byzantine, Ottoman and Modern Greek Studies, University of Birmingham 2007

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References

1 ‘On Dius’ (no. 84), ed. Speck, P., Theodoros Studites. Jamben auf verschiedene Gegenstände [Supplementa Byzantina, 1] (Berlin 1968) 239 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, a poem of four lines. In line 2 the Eastern origin of the saint is mentioned, and in line 4 he is called first abbot: πρώτος μοναστών ποιμεναρχεΐς άξίως. The epigram on Dius is preceded by similar poems on the Egyptian monks Anthony, Pachomius and Arsenius, the Palestinian monks Hilary, Euthymius, Sabas and Theodosius and one other Constantinopolitan figure, Dalmatus.

2 Cf.Dagron, G., ‘Les moines et la ville. Le monachisme à Constantinople jusqu’au concile de Chalcédoine’, TM 4 (1970) 229-77Google Scholar, esp. 237, states ‘nous aimerons être mieux renseignés sur … Dios’, but adds that we have no evidence for the foundation of the monastery. Saradi, H., ‘Constantinople and its saints (IVth-VIth c.): the image of the city and social considerations’, Studi Medievali, s. III 36 (1995) 87110 Google Scholar, does not include Dius in her survey of Late Antique Constantinopolitan saints. Secondary literature is limited to lexicon articles; cf.Aubert, R., ‘Dius’, DHGE XIV (1960) 522 Google Scholar, who lists the sparse earlier secondary literature.

3 For the synaxaria, see the notice in the so-called Synaxarium of Sirmond (hereafter S) with variant readings from D in the critical apparatus, ed. Delehaye, H., Synaxarium Ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae [Propylaeum ad Acta Sanctorum Novembris] (Brussels 1902) 829 Google Scholar.30-830.33, and the notice in the Menologium of Basil II (hereafter B), MPG 117, 549BC.

4 Although a distinguishing epithet such as ό μικρός is missing, Theodosius II seems the more likely candidate since the ordination by Atticus is mentioned immediately afterwards (only in S, not in B). The statement at the beginning of both notices that Dius lived during the reign of Theodosius ‘the Great’, cf. S, 829.30-1, and B, 549B8-10, may either refer to the early life of the saint in Syria or be a mistake; cf. Dagron, ‘Les moines’, 233, who comes to a similar conclusion as regards Isaacius.

5 This is suggested by one of the episodes of his Life: at one point Dius was on the brink of death and patriarch Alexander of Antioch came to bid him farewell. However, he then recovered and lived for another fifteen years. Alexander probably visited Constantinople in 416 or 417; cf.Ermioni, V., ‘Alexandre 28. Alexandre d’Antioche’, DHGE II (1914) 19 Google Scholar.

6 The evidence is collected in Janin, R., La géographie ecclésiastique de l’empire byzantin, I. Le siège de Constantinople et le patriarcat oecuménique, 3. Les églises et les monastères (Paris 1969) 97-9Google Scholar. Cf. also Berger, A., Untersuchungen zu den Patria Konstantinupoleos [Poikila Byzantina, 8] (Bonn 1988) 653 Google Scholar.

7 For the commemoration cf. S, 830.33-5: τελειται δε ή αύτοθ σύναξις έν τή εύαγεστάτη μονη αύτοδ τη οοση κατά τήν μεγάλην πόλιν καΐ βασιλίδα. For Dius’ relics cf.de Khitrowo, B., Itinéraires russes en Orient I (Geneva 1889) 103 Google Scholar: ‘Dans le couvent des hommes se trouvent la tête et les reliques de saint Die.’

8 Analecta hymnica graeca, XI, Canones Iulii, ed. Longo, A. Acconcia (Rome 1978) 348-58Google Scholar (thereafter Germanus), with commentary, 604-5. In one of the four manuscripts used for the edition, Cod. Sinaiticus gr. 625, the canon is attributed to Germanus, cf.Kazhdan, A., ‘Germanus I’, ODB II (1991) 846 Google Scholar.

9 Μηνοϋον τοίι Ίοολίου περιέχον Άπασαν την άνήκουσαν αϊηω άκολοοθίαν, 3rd edn (Athens 1980) 165-73 (hereafter Joseph). Cf.Kazhdan, A., Conomos, D., Ševčenko, N. Patterson, ‘Joseph the Hymnographer’, ODB II (1991) 1074 Google Scholar.

10 This unedited hymn is preserved in the Cod. Sinaiticus gr. 627, fols 67-9 (hereafter George), and in Codex Meteor. Metamorph. 150, fols 154-6, with the author’s name Γεωργίου in the margin, cf.Longo, Acconcia, AHG XI, 605 Google Scholar. On George see Cutler, A., Kazhdan, A., ‘George of Nikomedeia’, ODB II (1991) 838 Google Scholar.

11 Cf. Joseph, ode 9.3, 172:ύπερ τής ποίμνης σου δεόμενος. By comparison, the canon of Germanus contains no reference to a particular monastery, only a general mention of Dius as adornment of the monastic estate, cf. Germanus, ode 5.3, 353.92-6. The canon by George does not even include such a general reference.

12 Typikon de la Grande Église, Ms. Sainte-Croix no. 40, Xe siècle I, ed. Mateos, J. [Orientalia Christiana Analecta, 165] (Rome 1962)Google Scholar (hereafter H); and Dmitrievskij, A., Opisanie liturgičeskih rukopisej I (Kiev 1895) 1152 Google Scholar (hereafter P). For the dates of the archetypes, cf.Mateos, , Typikon I, xviixviii Google Scholar.

13 For the sequence 1. Dius, 2. Macrina, cf. H, 346, and P, 94. The entry on Macrina is without a reference to a cult site. It seems likely that the cult is a late development: the first evidence is a canon by Theophanes Graptos (d. 845), cf. Μηνοΰον τοδ Ίουλίοο, 165-73, where it alternates with the canon on Dius by Joseph. The synaxaria list a third commemoration of George the Younger, a confessor of icon worship, which is evidently a recent addition, cf. H, 346.8-9.

14 See e.g. ode 3, fol. 67: νέφεσιν του σώματος το τής ψυχής φαιδρόν — δσιε — μή καλυφθε ις τφ άδύτφ φεγγει Χριστφ — Δίε — προσήγγισας- ϋλην — Δίε — εφλεξας τώνήδονών σαρκος πασαν. — θείω πυρι τφ τής έγκρατείας και άπαθής διέμεινας μύρα εύωδέστατα ροαΐς δακρύων σου δέδωκας καί άρετάς τφΧριστφ — Μακρίνα — τφ σε εύωδιάσαντι.

15 Cf.Delehaye, H., ‘Le synaxaire de Sirmond’, AB 14 (1895) 396434 Google Scholar, esp. 418: the last commemorated patriarch is Nicholas Chrysoberges (d. 995). The same sequence is then also found in manuscripts of the type M, a twelfth-century re-edition of S. In the classes D and C Dius still takes the first place, cf. Delehaye, Synaxarium, 829.53-7.

16 This shift can also be seen in the Codex Sinaiticus gr. 627, where the lemma for 19 July mentions first Dius and then Macrina, but where Dius is represented with a canon in which his praise is combined with that of Macrina, whereas the following canon of Theophanes Graptos is exclusively devoted to Macrina.

17 Dmitrievskij, Opisanie I, 472. Both Dius and Macrina are missing from the Typikon of Alexius the Studite, which has no saints for 19 July.

18 Cf.Luzzi, A., ‘Il calendario eortologico per il ciclo delle feste fisse del tipico di S. Nicoladi Casóle’, RSBN, n. s. 39 (2002) 229-61Google Scholar, esp. 258, for 19 July: Casole: om., Patirion: Macrina, Messina: Macrina, Dius. Cf. also the Mili Typikon, ed. Dmitrievskij, Opisanie I, 861: Macrina, Dius.

19 Ehrhard, A., überlieferung und Bestand der hagiographischen und homiletischen Literatur der griechischen Kirche von den Anfängen bis zum Ende des 16. Jahrhunderts I.1 [Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur, 50] (Leipzig 1937) 432 Google Scholar: Cod. Marcian, gr. 360, s. 11. This is the only extant pre-Metaphrastic collection where 19 July has a reading, cf.Ehrhard, , Überlieferung I.1, 665 Google Scholar.

20 The months from May to August are covered in one volume and there are only four saints for July: 8. Procopius, 27. Panteleemon, 29. Callinicus, 31. Eudocimus, cf.Beck, H.-G., Kirche und theologische Literatur im byzantinischen Ketch [Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft XII.2.1] (Munich 1959) 575 Google Scholar.

21 Ehrhard, A., Überlieferung und Bestand der hagiographischen und homiletischen Literatur der griechischen Kirche von den Anfängen bis zum Ende des 16. Jahrhunderts I.3.1 [Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur, 52] (Leipzig 1939) 72 Google Scholar, Cod. Athen. 991 (sixteenth century), a menologium for June and July.

22 Codex Athous Dionysiou 145, fols 423-447v: βίος ήτοι έγκώμιον τοΰ όσίου καΐ μακαρίου και αληθώς άγίου πατροςήμών Δίου (BHG 2105) (hereafter Encomium). Lambros, S. P., Catalogue of the Greek Manuscripts on Mount Athos I (Cambridge 1895) 344 Google Scholar, lists the texts of the manuscript without reference to folio numbers. The text on Dius appears as no. λη’, with the incorrect title βίος KOU πολιτεία. The text on Dius is followed by Gregory’s Life of Macrina. The manuscript consists of two parts: the second part, which contains the text on Dius, was written in 1619 by the scribe Ignatius, cf.Ehrhard, , Überlieferung I.3.1, 46-7Google Scholar.

23 In his cursory description of the manuscript Ehrhard does not specifically mention the Life of Dius, but he clearly considers it to be pre-Metaphrastic, cf. Ehrhard, Überlieferung I.3.1, 48: ‘Von einer näheren Analyse der Hs kann mit Rücksicht auf ihr geringes Alter abgesehen werden. Die nichtmetaphrastischen Texte, die sie enthält, sind alle auch vormetaphrastisch mit Ausnahme des letzten, des Martyriums von Adrianos und Natalia ..., das dem kaiserlichen Menologium A entnommen ist.’

24 Encomium, fols 423–424v, proem, and fols 447–447v, exordium.

25 Encomium, fols 428v-430, cf. S, 829.34-6, and B, 549B8-10.

26 Encomium, fols 430v—432v, cf. S, 829.36-830.13, and B, 549C2-4, the expulsion of the demons is only mentioned in B, 549B10-13.

27 Encomium, fols 432v-33v, cf. S, 830.13-17, and B, 549B13-15.

28 Encomium, fols 433v-438v, cf. S, 830.19-23, and B, 549C4-5.

29 Encomium, fols 438v-439, cf. S, 830.17-19, not in B.

30 Encomium, fols 439–443v, not in S or B.

31 Encomium, fols 443v-446, cf. S, 830.23-31, and B, 549C6-10.

32 Encomium, fols 446-447, cf. S, 830.31-33, and B, 549C11-12.

33 See above nn. 24-31. The Menologium of Basil II is less close to the text of the encomium than the synaxaria S and D. It has additional information that may well have been added by its authors, cf. B, 549C1-2: ναον ζκτισε μεγιστον.

34 See above nn. 28-30.

35 For the miracle of the blossoming staff cf. Germanus, ode 5.1, 352.84-7: ράβδου βλαστήματι, and Joseph, ode 5.2, 168: ράβδου βλαστήματι. For the miracle of the well cf. Germanus, ode 5.2, 353.88-91: δικέλλχ] ...ϋδωρ ...άνεστόμωσας, and Joseph, ode, 5.3,168: δικέλλη ...ϋδωρ ... έξήγαγες. Germanus’ canon furthermore contains a reference to the drowning and resurrection of one of the well-diggers, cf. ode 7.2, 355.124–5: συ καί νεκρους έγείρειν ήξιώθης. This detail is absent from Joseph’s canon. It also appears in the canon by George where it is the only biographical detail mentioned, cf. ode 4.2, fol. 67v: Χριστος (ms. Χριστέ) σοι (ms. συ) νεκρους άνιστάν έδωρήσατο.

36 Germanus, ode 5.1, 352.84-7, and Joseph, ode 5.2, 168.

37 Such variation of a given theme is also found in the ‘generic’ parts of the canones. Cf. e.g. Germanus, ode 3.1, 350.46-51: δρει προσιών ένθέου πολιτείας / ελυσας σαυτον τών βάσεων τοΰ βίου / τά ύποδείγματα πάντα τής άλογίας / τών παθημάτων την οικείωσιν, which has a close parallel in Joseph, ode 5.1, 168: έν δρει ΐεράς πολιτείας ίστάμενος, τών βάσεων τής καρδίας ύπελόσω τά πάθη καϊ τφ θεφ ώμίλησας. In this case we also need to take into account the canon by George, ode 5.2, fol. 67v: ορει ύψηλής έπιβάς Δίε μακάριε πολιτείας προσομιλήσας τφ άοράτφ νοητώς θεφ έν πνεύματι, which shows marked resemblance to its counterpart in the canon by Joseph.

38 This is evident both in the syntactic structure and in the choice of expressions: in the canon attributed to Germanus we find the ‘natural’ word order ώς ‘Aoípíov ό πάλοα ξενοπρεπώς τφ τής ράβδου βλαστήματι whereas Joseph creates the hyperbaton ράβδου ώς Άαρών ξενοτρόπω βλαστήματι. In addition Germanus’ έκλεκτον θεοΰ ίεράτευμα is closer to its evident biblical ηκεΐ,ύμεΐς δε γένος έκλεκτον βασίλειον ίεράτευμα in I Peter 2:3, than Joseph’s ίερον τοθ δεσπότου καϊ θεΐον ίεράτευμα.

39 One can also compare the image of ascent to Sinai, see above n. 37. Here Germanus’ text contains a double pun with ύποδήματα/ύποδείγματα and βάσεων/φάσεων, which has no counterpart in Joseph’s version, cf.Krausmüller, D., ‘The limits of translation: multiple meanings in a Byzantine religious poem’, in Mullett, M. (ed.), Metaphrastes, or, Gained in Translation (Belfast 2004) 57-61Google Scholar.

40 Cf. the reference to a hoe used by the saint for digging, which is found in the canones, see above n. 35, and in the Encomium, fol. 343: λαβών то δικέλλιον, but is missing from S and B.

41 A full discussion can be found in the last part of the article.

42 The similarities between S and the encomium can be striking, cf. e.g. Encomium, fol. 443v: πάντων έστώτων και έπιτάφια δάκρυα προφερόντων ώσπερ έξ ϋπνου τινος διεγερθεϊς ό μακάριος άνεπνευσε, and S, 830.23-31: τών παρόντων δάκρυσιν αύτον έπιταφίοις δεξιουμενων ... άνανήψας ώς έξ ίίπνου ό οσιος. However, this may well be explained by the faithfulness of the encomiast to his model. Unfortunately we lack a third independent text that would permit us to reconstruct the text which served as the model for S. Joseph’s canon contains one phrase that resembles closely the text in S: cf. Joseph, ode 5.3, Menaeum of July, 168: ϋδωρ ζών έκ λαγόνων τής γής έξήγαγες and S, 830.21-23: έκ των λαγόνων τής γής κατά τον μέγαν Μωϋσήν ϋδωρ έξαγαγών. Here the encomium uses different expressions, cf. Encomium, fols 434v-435: (οσπερ και ò μακάριος θεράπων τοΰ Χριστοδ Μωσής και θαυμάσιος τού Ίσραήλ καθηγητής τήν ήγεμονίαν τοΰ τών Ίουδαίων εγκεχειρισμένος δήμου έκ πέτροις συνεργία θεου ποταμους ύδάτων έξαγαγών. However, the sample is too small to be significant. Moreover, it cannot be excluded that there were intermediate stages as, for example, an epitome of the extended Life.

43 In this article the discussion is limited to Greek texts. Michel van Esbroeck who encouraged me to study the Greek Encomium of Dius had announced a study of Dius’ hagiographical dossier in Georgian, which to my knowledge remained unfinished at the time of his death.

44 Luzzi, A., ‘Precisazioni sull’epoca di formazione del Sinassario di Constantinopoli’, RSBN, n. s. 36 (1999) 75-91Google Scholar, esp. 81-2, showed that one of the few full texts in P corresponds to an epitome of the Life of Gregory of Armenia, which was already in existence and was not specifically created for inclusion in the manuscript.

45 P, 94.

46 S, 829.31-2: πολλήν έπιδειξάμενος δσκησιν, cf. also В, 549В6-8: είς οκραν δέ άσκησιν έλθών.

47 Encomium, fols 424v-425.

48 Encomium, fol. 426v.

49 Cf. especially Encomium, fol. 425r: έκ τής Άντιοχεων ώρμάτο χώρας, and P, 94: ωρμητο έκ τής Αντιοχέων χώρας, as well as Encomium, fol. 455r: μαθητεύετοα ... παρά ... Ναφραθάκαί ‘Ρωμανω, and P, 94: μαθητευθεΐς έν Εύφραθά κοά Ρωμανφ, and, for the second part, Encomium, 426v: to γάρ πλήθος τών ήμερών διά δύο έσθίων διετέλει ... ϋδατι δέ καί διρτω καΐ αλατι άρκούμενος, and P, 94: έσθίων δέ διά δυο ήμερών τής έβδομάδος οίρτον και αλατι καΐ βδατι πληρών τήν χρείαν toû σώματος.

50 Of course, the use of έν is itself highly irregular (a Semitism?). Here the encomium has the usual παρά.

51 Cf.Martindale, J. R., Prosopography of the Later Koman Empire IIIA: A. D. 527-641 (Cambridge 1992) 95 Google Scholar and 465, with one entry for Aphraates and two entries for Euphratas. By comparison, Naphrathas is not listed. Professor Sebastian Brock has kindly informed me that the name Naphrathas does not sound Syriac and that the closest equivalent would be Aphraates.

52 Cf. Acts 7:22: ήν δέ δυνατος έν λόγοις και έργοις αύτού (se. ό Μωϋσής).

53 II Timothy 2:1-2, for the following theme of spiritual warfare cf. II Timothy 2:3: συγκακοπάθησον ώς καλος στρατιώτης Χριστοΰ

54 Cf. Matthew 19:21: εί θέλεις τέλειος ειναι ίίπαγε πώλησον ..., cf. James 3:2.

55 Cf. I Corinthians 11:2: καθώς παρέδωκα ύμΐν τας παραδόσεις κατ’εχετε, and I Thessalonians 5:21: πάντα δέ δοκιμάζετε το καλον κατεχετε.

56 Cf. Luke 6:40: κατη ρτισμενος δέ πάς εσται ώς ό διδάσκαλος αύτού.

57 Cf. Psalm 88:23: συγκόψω τους έχθρους αύτού άπο προσώπου αύτοΰ

58 Psalm 111:1.

59 Cf. Matthew 19:17: εϊ δε θέλεις dç τήν ζωήν είσελθεΐν τήρει τάς έντολάς, and Matthew 91:21: τί £τι ύστερώ; cf. Luke 18:22: ëv êti σοι λείπει.

60 James 2:10.

61 Cf. Matthew 7:13a: είσέλθατε διά τής στενής πόλης, and Matthew 7:14: οτι στενή ή πύλη κοΐ τεθλιμμενηή όδοςή άπάγουσα εϊς την ζωήν; as well as Acts 14:22: παρακαλούντες ... δτι διά πολλών θλίψεων δεΐ ήμάς ασελθεΐν είς την βασιλείαν τοθ θεοΰ

62 Cf. I Corinthians 9:27: ύπωπιάζω μου το σώμα και δουλαγωγώ.

63 Cf. Matthew 7:13b: οτι πλατεία και εύρύχωρος ή όδος ή άπάγουσα είς τήν άπώλειαν.

64 In the encomium we further find references to gradual intensification of Dius’ fasting, fol. 426v: έπιτείνων τον κανόνα τής αύτου έγκρατείας καί διά τεσσάρων έσθίωνήμερών ... δι’έβδομάδος ήμερών έσθίων και άϋπνος διαμένων. In the model this information would have been found immediately after the passage quoted in P.

65 A closer study of the text may reveal the presence of references to other texts: with the combination σκολιά καΐ κρημνώδη the text may contain an allusion to Gregory Nazianzen. Cf.Nazianzen, Gregory, Oratio funebris in patrem, MPG 35, 989 Google ScholarA: τών ετι τήν σκολιάν καί κρημνώδη τού βίου τούτου τεμνόντων όδόν.

66 Encomium, fol. 424a, in margine infima: στωμύλος ήν ό συγγραφεύς τού λόγου.

67 The episode of the saint’s illness may serve as an example. The narrative core is very close to the text in S, see above n. 42. However, in the encomium this story is then followed by a long digression, fols 444v—445v, in which the saint is compared and contrasted with King Hesekiah in the Old Testament, who was also accorded additional years of life.

68 Encomium, fol. 428ν•. καν δή τννες ίχγιοι και έπίσημοι ανδρες κατα τον καιρον έκεΐνον έν Άνχιοχεία έληλυθότες νεύματι θεού κινηθένες, παρεκάλουν αύτον έφ’ φ συν αύτοΐς έν Κωνσταντινουπόλει παραγενεσθαι ύποτιθέμενοι οτι βούλησις θεοΰ έστιν ή μεταστελλομενη αύτον έκεΐσε προς σωτηρίαν πολλών.

69 Encomium, fols 428ν-430, the saint’s hesitation: άναβαλλομενου την έν Κωνσταντινουπόλει αφιξιν, φαίνεται αύτφ κατά δευτεραν τάξιν ό κύριος έναργώς λέγων αύτφ• τί άναδύη και άμφιβάλλεις; έμον θελημά έστιν άπελθεΐν σε έν Κωνσταντινουπόλει, the vision of Constantinople: ωσπερ έν έκστάσει γεγονότι τφ μακαρίω πάντας τούς έπισήμους τής πόλεως τόπους ύπέδειξε’ τήν άγίαν λέγω τοθ θεού μεγάλην καθολικήν και άποστολικην έκκλησίαν τό τε σινάτον και το παλάτιον, and the arrival in the capital: περιαθρήσας δέ καΐ άναγνωρίσας πάντας τούς έν τή όπτασία ύποδειχθέντας αύτφ τόπους, οΰς άνωτερω έπεμνήσθημεν, ηύχαρίστησε τφ θεφ.

70 Encomium, fols 431ν-432:άλλά περινοστήσας πάσαν αύτήν καί έλθών έπΐ τά έξώτερα μερη, κατα τήν πύλην λέγω τής πόλεως, και εύρών τι τοπάριον, after the planting and blossoming of the staff: καΐ ώσπερ λοιπον άριστός τις γεωργος τήν άρουραν αύτού έπιμελώς περισκάψας, χερσολυτήσας λέγω καί τάς άκάνθας άνασπάσας.

71 Encomium, fol. 446: συμβέβηκεν εϊσελθόντι αύτφ κατά то εϊωθος αύτοϋ ζνθα τά αγια τών άγίων άπόκεινται έφ’ φ τάς συνήθεις άποδοΰναι προσευχάς τφ θεφ, ίδεΐν αύτον νδρα φανερώς έν έσθητι λαμπρφ λέγοντα αύτφ’ τετέλεσται τών πεντεκαίδεκα έτών ή προσθήκη τής ζωής σου καί κοιμηθήση έν είρήνη.

72 Encomium, fol. 446ν: πδσαν τήν άδελφότητα προσκαλεσάμενος κοά πάσι προφητικώς то μέλλον εΐς οώτον συμβήσεσθαι μετά την έξοδον αύτοΰ είρηκώς• θελήσοιεν γάρ φησιν ή τε σύγκλητος καί ό άρχιεπίσκοπος έξαγαγεΐν μου то σώμα έντεΰθεν είς την άγίαν έκκλησίαν καν μετά δορυφορίας άγαγεΐν, άλλά τοθτο γενεσθαι μή συγχωρήσητε, б δη κα’ι γεγονεν έπειράθησαν γάρ τούτο ποιήσαΐ’άλλά γνόντες την παραγγελίαν τούπατρός, ούκ έτόλμησανάκυρώσαι αύτήν.

73 Encomium, fol. 434: τών μοναχών είς πλήθος αύξηθέντων, συμβέβηκεν ύστερεΐσθαι ϋδατος τούς αύτόθι συναγηγερμένους άδελφούς• δθεν τινές αγιοι καί έπίσημοι άνδρες παραβαλόντες τφ μακαρίω, συνεβούλευσαν αύτφ έφ’ φ φρεαρ όρύξαι έν τφ μοναστηρίφ διά τε τας άναγκούας χρείας τών μοναχών καΐ διά τούς παραγινομενους και ξεναγουμένους άδελφούς.

74 Encomium, fol. 434: καί πάνυ βαθύναντες κοα ϋδωρ μή εύρηκότες διά τε καί [sic] τον τόπον γεωλόφον ύπάρχειν λειποθυμήσαντες οί έργαζόμενοι τοΰ έργου άπειρήκασιν.

75 Encomium, fol. 434v: £κρουσεν έκ πλαγίων τοϋ όρύγματος τρεΐς δεδωκώς πληγάς, και εύθεως καΐ παραχρήμα, άγαπητοί, τοσαυτη άνάβλυσις ύδάτων έπήγασεν, ώστε μή δυνασθαί τινα τήν όρμήν τών ύδάτων ύπενεγκεΐν.

76 S, 830.19-23: ϋδωρ έξαγαγών καί τον έν οώτφ δι’ άπιστίαν άποπνιγέντα άναστήσας. Cf. also В, 549С4-5: και ϋδωρ άναβλύσαι πεποίηκεν και νεκρον άνέστησεν.

77 Encomium, fols 435-435ν: ό παμπόνηρος και άρχεκακος διάβολος ... èVa τινά τών φρεωρύχων ... καταληφθήναι ύπο τής άσχβτου έκείνης τών ύδάτων ρυήσεως πεποιηκώς άποπνιγήναι παρεσκεύασε. See also below.

78 Encomium, fols 436-436v: κρατήσας τής τού τεθνηκότος χειρός, ήγειρεν αύτον τ•η έπικλήσει τής παντοδυνάμου τού θεοϋ δεξιάς και χειροδότως παρέδωκεν αύτον τη αύτοθ συμβίφ.

79 Encomium, fol. 436ν: τόξου βολήν διαστάντων αύτών όκλάσας τοΐς γόνασιν ό άρτίως άναβιώσας, και πρηνής γεγονώς, τού ζήν άπηλλάγη.

80 Encomium, fols 436v-437.

81 Encomium, fols 435v—436.

82 For the apparent hapax άφαρομόναχος see Τοΰ Όσίοο Θεοδώρου τοΰ Στοοδίτοο Μεγάλη Κατήχησις , ed. Papadopoulos-Kerameus, A. (St Petersburg 1904) 143 Google Scholar: oi άφαρόκαυκοι καί ψευδομόναχοη, cf. Lexikon zur byzantinischen Gräzität, fase. 2 [Veröffentlichungen der Kommission für Byzantinistik, 6.2] (Vienna 1996), 245: άφαρόκαυκος mit kahlem Schadel, from άφαρός nackt, bloss.

83 Life of Isaacius (BHG 956), AASS Maii, VII, 3rd ed. (Paris and Rome 1868) 244-53Google Scholar (hereafter Life of Isaacius); Life of Dalmatus (BHG 482), ed. Banduri, A., Imperium Orientale (Paris 1711) 699 Google Scholar (hereafter Life of Dalmatus).

84 Encomium, fols 435-435v: έ’να τινά τών φρεωρύχων ούκ όρθώς ... διακείμενον τών ύπο τοΰ άγίου πατρος ήμών πραττομενων ού μόνον, άλλά και άπιστίαν ώς ή ζκβασις τής άπαλλαγής αύτοϋ δηλώσει νοσοΰντα. This explanation was already given in the Life since δι’ άπιστίας is also found in S, 830.19-23.

85 Cf.de Cyr, Théodoret, Histoire des Moines de Syrie: ‘Histoire Philothée’ I-XIII. Introduction, texte critique, traduction et notes,ed. Canivet, P. et Leroy-Molinghen, A., I [Sources Chrétiennes, 234] (Paris 1977) 454-8Google Scholar (hereafter Theodoret, Religious History). Unfortunately Theodoret provides no information that would allow us to date this hermit, but it seems likely that he lived in the second half of the fourth century. In addition one could consider identification of Dius’ second spiritual father, Naphrathas/Euphrathas with the ‘Persian sage’ Aphraates who visited Antioch during the reign of Emperor Valens, cf.Theodoret, , Religious History I, 372404 Google Scholar.

86 Isaacius enjoyed the material support of Dalmatus and other high officials such as Saturninus, magister militum and consul of 383, cf. Life of Isaacius, 252AB, and Jones, A.H. M., Martindale, J.R., Morris, J., Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire, I: A.D. 260-395 (Cambridge 1971) 807-8Google Scholar.

87 Life of Dalmatus, 699.

88 Cf.Anagnostes, Theodoros, Kirchengeschichte, 321, ed. Hansen, C.G. (Berlin 1971), 94.10-12Google Scholar, and Theodoret, , Kirchengeschichte, V.35.4, ed. Parmentier, L. [Die griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller, 19] (Leipzig 1911) 338 Google Scholar.9-10 (hereafter Theodoret, Church History). For a narrative of the events cf.Baur, C., John Chrysostom and His Time, II.2: Constantinople: The Later Years (Vaduz 1988) 444-66Google Scholar.

89 Atticus, Letter 75, MPG 77, 348D-352C, esp. 349C: ... τινές τήν προσηγορίαν μόνον τού μακαρίου Ίωάννου ταΐς μυστικαΐς δέλτοις γραφήνοα ήθέλησαν ώστε καί τον μακάριον έπίσκοπον Άλεξανδρον rov τής Άντιοχείας φημί έπιστάντα τη μεγαλοπόλει πολλά θρασυστομήσοα, πολλ« δε καϊ τους λαους έπεγεΐραι θελήσαι ωστε καί μή βουλομενων ήμών άναγκάσαι γραφήναι το τοϋ μνημονευθέντος δνομα.

90 Alexander organized one such demonstration in Antioch to mark the reconciliation with the Eustathian schismatics, cf.Theodoret, , Church History V.35.4, 337.21-338.4Google Scholar.

91 Cf. Dagron, ‘Les moines’, 261-6, on Chrysostom’s attempts to suppress urban monasticism and the resulting opposition.

92 Due to the silence of the sources we cannot be certain that Dius was already in the capital during John’s patriarchate.

93 Theodoret, , Church History V.35.13 Google Scholar, 337.6-18: διέπρεπε .... άσκήσει καϊ φιλοσοφίαι κου άκτήμονι βίφ.

94 Life of Isaacius, VII, 246B, and Callinicos, , Vie d’Hypatios. Introduction, Texte critique, traduction et notes, 8.8-12, ed. Bartelink, G.J.M. [Sources Chrétiennes, 177] (Paris 1971) 100-2Google Scholar (BHG 760) (hereafter Life of Hypatius). These two features are also found in the Life of Daniel the Stylite (BHG 489), which contains a further parallel in the forced ordination, cf.Delehaye, H., Les saints stylites [Subsidia Hagiographica, 14] (Brussels and Paris 1923) 1112 Google Scholar, 14-16.

95 Life of Hypatius, 23.1-3, 146.

96 Life of Isaacius, 252C: Isaac dies and is taken for the funeral service to St Irene, cf. 253D: a man called Aurelianus takes the corpse from the funeral procession and deposits it in a church that he has founded, much to the grief of Isaacius’ flock.

97 See e.g. Cod. Athon. Vatopedi 84, s. 9-10, cf.Ehrhard, , Überlieferung I.1, 359-61Google Scholar, a menologium for May to August where the lives of Isaacius and Dalmatus appear as readings for their feast days 30 May and 2 August; characteristically there is no text for 19 July.

98 De s. Theodoro monacho begumenoque Chorensi, ed. Loparev, C. [Zapiski klass. Otdeleniju Imperatorskago Russkago Arheol. Obščestva, 1] (St Petersburg 1904)Google Scholar (BHG 1743). On this text see Auzépy, M.-F., ‘De la Palestine à Constantinople (VIIIe-XIe siècles): Ütienne le Sabaïte et Jean Damascène’, TM 12 (1994) 183218 Google Scholar, esp. 199.

99 Hatlie, P., ‘The Encomium of Ss. Isakios and Dalmatos by Michael the Monk (BHG 956d): Text, Translation and Notes’, in Ruggieri, V. and Pieralli, Luca (ed.), ΕΥΚΟΣΜΙΑ. Studi miscellanei per il 75° di Vincenzo Poggi S.J. (Catanzaro 2003) 275311 Google Scholar (hereafter Encomium of Isaacius and Dalmatus). The unedited encomium of Dalmatus (BHG 481) is preserved in the Cod. Paris, gr. 1453 and the Cod. Chalki (mon.), 96.

100 The alternation between close adaptations from the original narrative and long additional passages is also found in the encomium of Dalmatus as is evident from a comparison with the Life of the saint edited by Banduri. In this text borrowings from Gregory of Nazianzus are much more prominent than in the encomium of Dius.

101 The manuscript of the Encomium of Isaacius and Dalmatus, Cod. Paris, gr. 548, contains glosses for the many rare words used in the text, cf. e.g. fol. 279v: άκήσαΐ’ θεραπεΰσαι.

102 A TLG search yields no other references, Hesychii Alexandrini Lexiconcf. I, ed. Latte, K. (Copenhagen 1953) 425 Google Scholar, and Photii Patriarcbae Lexicon I, ed. Theodoridis, C. (Berlin and New York) 393 Google Scholar.

103 Encomium of Isaacius and Dalmatus, 293. Hatlie, 276, points out the difficulties arising from an identification of this Michael with Michael the Syncellus from Palestine. A more likely candidate is the monk of the same name who held this function under patriarch Nicholas Mystikos (901-7 and 912-25). This personage appears on an inscription from Galakrenai, the monastic foundation of Patriarch Nicholas Mystikos, cf.Ševčenko, I., ‘An Early-Tenth-Century Inscription from Galakrenai with Echoes from Nonnos and the Palatine Anthology’, DOP 41 (1987) 461-8Google Scholar, esp. 461-2.

104 Encomium, fols 447-447v: ταΰτα λογιζόμενοι και ήμεΐς — άγαπητοί — σπεύσωμεν τούτων μιμηται γενεσθοα καί κατ’ ϊχνος βαδίσαι τών καθηγεμόνων ήμών.

105 Encomium, fol. 443ν: та πολλα τών αύτφ κατορθωθέντων διά τε λόγων καί έργων παρασιωπήσαντες, ϊνα μή τφ πλήθει τών λεγομενων δκνον τινά έμποιήσωμεν τοΐς ραθυμοτέροις τών έντυγχανόντων τφδε τφ τευχει.

106 Encomium, fol. 431: ή και μέχρι νΰν δναρκεσασα, περίεσιιν έν τφ μοναστηρίω, άθάναια τά ύπομνήματα τών κατορθωμάτων έν έαυτη δεικνΰσα, και τήν τού θεοδ φιλανθρωτήαν κηρύττουσα. This detail was most likely already found in the Life, cf. S, 830.12: ко» νΰν περίεστι, and В, 549С2-4: μέχρι τοΰ νύν όρατοα.

107 Encomium, fols 437v-438.

108 Encomium of Dalmatus, Cod. Chalki (mon.) 96, fol. 138: κατηνέχθη δέήμερας αλλας τεσσαράκοντα τρεΐς και ήν οϋτω κείμενος έν τφ δίφρω αύτοθ ώς έν έκστάσει, οπερ σκάμνιον σώζεται άχρι τής σήμερον, πολλάς ίάσεις τοΐς πιστώς προσερχομενοις έπιτελουν.

109 Encomium of Isaacius and Dalmatus, 290.

110 Encomium, fols 438v-439: ό έν όσία και μακαρία τη μνήμη Άττικος ό τηνικαύτα τά πηδάλια τής τού θεοθ άγιωτάτης μεγάλης έκκλησίας κατέχων μαθων την θαυμαστήν καϊ μακαρίαν τοΰ άοιδίμου πατρος ήμών διαγωγήν, και τά τούτω κατορθωθέντα διά τε λόγων και εργων κου των θαυμάτων τήν ύπερβολήν άγάσας [sic] και αξιον κρίνας τής ίερατικής τάξεως εύθέως καί παραχρήμα μεταστειλάμενος αύτον τής τού πρεσβυτέρου χειροτονίας ήξίωσεν, cf. S, 830.17-19: άλλά κου ό μακαριώτατος πατριάρχης Άττικος βιασάμενος αύτον πρεσβύτερον κεχειροτόνηκε, not in B.

111 Encomium, fols 439-444, including a paraphrase of the Nicaean creed and — anachronistically — also of the dogmatic formula of Chalcedon. From fol. 442, monastic life is presented as the ideal precondition for orthodoxy.

112 Life of Hypatius, 24.1-104, 146-78. Cf. also the Life of Auxentius (BHG 199), MPG 114, 1377-1436, esp. 1432C-1436A, 1416C-1420A, 1424B-1425C, where the saint gives spiritual advice. In the Life of Auxentius there is a passage about doctrine but in this case it is the saint who is being instructed, cf. 1409A-1412A. A notable exception is the sixth-century Life of Theodosius (BHG 1776), cf.Usener, H., Der heilige Theodosius. Schriften des Theodoras und Kyrillos (Leipzig 1890) 63 Google Scholar.8-68.19.

113 On the construction of this image by the author of the Life of Stephen the Younger, cf.Auzépy, M.-F., L’hagiographic et l’iconoclasme byzantin: le cas de la Vie d’Etienne le Jeune [Birmingham Byzantine and Ottoman Monographs, 5] (Aldershot 1999) 271-8Google Scholar. The monks of Dalmatou were also responsible for creating a Life of Hilarion, abbot and confessor during the Second Iconoclasm, which provides a counterpart to the lives of Theodore of Stoudios. By comparison, we know nothing about a more recent saintly abbot of the monastery of Dius.

114 Nicetas’ encomia on Apostles and Evangelists are edited in PG 105, 37-300.