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Westernisation in the eighteenth-century Ottoman empire: how far, how fast?

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  22 January 2016

Rhoads Murphey*
Affiliation:
Centre for Byzantine, Ottoman and Modern Greek Studies, University of Birmingham

Abstract

A long-cherished assumption in standard periodisations of Ottoman history holds that Westernisation in the Ottoman empire had its beginnings in the early eighteenth century. According to the traditional view, the effects of the European Enlightenment began to be felt in the Ottoman empire with the establishment of the Muteferrika Press in 1727, gained pace as the century progressed and achieved a kind of culmination under the rule of the would-be reformist sultan Selim III (reigned 1789-1807). This study examines the evidence for the broader reception of Western, especially secular, ideas at the community level among various of the principal population groups (both Christian and Muslim) of the empire, and attempts a reassessment of the pace of Westernisation divorced from the usual Istanbul-centric and court-centred framework of analysis.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © The Centre for Byzantine, Ottoman and Modern Greek Studies, University of Birmingham 1999

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References

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15. See Hoçi, ‘Said Mehmed Pasa’ nin sefareti’: 659 where he specifies that of a total duration of 327 days accounting for Said Paşa’s embassy, only three months and two days (101 days) were actually spent in Stockholm. The remainder of the time (226 days) was taken up by the outward bound journey from Istanbul during winter (159 days), and his return journey undertaken during the summer months (67 days).

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27. A number of reproductions (both in black and white and colour) of this portrait have been published. See in particular the black and white version published in ‘La mode des portraits Turcs au XVIII, siècle’ unsigned article in La Revue de l’Art Ancien et Moderne 12 (1902) 210-15 (p. 211) and the colour version in Sievernich, G. and Bude, H. (eds.), Europa und der Orient 800-1900 (Munich, 1989) 823 Google Scholar (illustration no. 896).

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36. As an example of the ambivalent and self-contradictory character of Greek thought in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries one might cite the case of the celebrated founder of the Mavrocordato dynasty, Alexander Mavrocordatos (1641-1709). Although Alexander had studied ‘new science’ in Europe, his own written works were, in the estimation of Kitromilides, devoted to ‘traditional religious and literary subjects’, see Kitromilides, P., ‘The idea of science in the modern Greek Enlightenment’ in Nicolacopoulos, P. (ed.), Greek Studies in the Philosophy and History of Science (Dordrecht and Boston 1990)Google Scholar [Boston Studies in the Philosophy of Science, no. 121] 187-200; see in particular p. 189.

37. See Wilkinson, W., An Account of the Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia: Including Various Political Observations Relating to Them (London 1820) 130 Google Scholar. The view that the student body of these schools was not made up exclusively of the country’s social elites is reiterated in the only comprehensive study devoted to the academies. Camariano-Cioran, A., Les academies princières de Bucharest et de Jassy et leurs professeurs (Thessaloniki 1974)Google Scholar; see in particular p. 283; ‘A notre avis, jusqu’à envers la fin du XVIIIe siècle la majorité des élèves provenaient des couches moyennes et inférieures de la population; alors que les fils des grands boyards avaient des professeurs particuliers’ [italics are mine].

38. Camariano-Cioran, Academies 147 (notes 4-6).

39. Kitromilides, ‘Idea of science’, 135.

40. Ibid., 188.

41. Kitromilides, P., ‘Cultural change and social criticism: the case of Issipos Moisiodax’, History of European Ideas 10 (1989) 667-76CrossRefGoogle Scholar; especially p. 667.

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43. Ware, T., Eustratios Argenti: A Study of the Greek Church under Turkish Rule (Oxford 1964) 7 Google Scholar. Ware is here citing the observation of the Russian cleric Father Florovsky.

44. Runciman, Church in Captivity, 357.

45. For a contemporary account of the proselytising activities of the Jesuits in the East, see Aubrey de La Mottraye, F., Voyage du Sieur A. de La Mottraye en Europe, Asie et Afrique [1699-1715] 2 vols. (La Haye 1727)Google Scholar. See in particular 1: 299-304 (1703) where La Mottraye relates the troubles between the Catholic and anti-Catholic congregations of Istanbul’s Armenian community and the role played by the Catholic missionaries in those disputes, and 1: 305 (1703) where he records the sultan’s decision to order the closing of the Jesuit college in Trabzon as a source for the fomenting of inter-denominational acrimony.

46. Ware, Eustratios Argenti, 23.

47. Ware, Eustratios Argenti, 171.

48. By the early twentieth century on the eve of the Young Turk Revolution Istanbul boasted more than 300 tekkes (Sufi lodges). According to statistics provided by Gündüz, Irfan, Osmanlilarda devlet-tekke münasebetleri (Istanbul 1984) 219-20Google Scholar, a rapid increase (a rise of more than 23 per cent) in the number of Istanbul’s Sufi lodges had taken place during the relatively short period of four decades between 1868 and 1908. During this period, the number of Sufi lodges rose by 59 from a base number of 252 in 1868 to 285 in 1890 and reached a peak of 311 in 1908. In the years following the Young Turk Revolution their number seems to have stabilised at around 250, but it is significant that in later years (see for example the statistics for the year 1330/1912 published in 1330 Senesi Istanbul Belediyesi Ihsaiyat Mecmuasi [Istanbul 1331] 109-13), alongide the established orders such as the Nakşibendî (52 lodges), the Kadirî (45 lodges), the Rifaî (40 lodges) and the Halvetî (32 lodges)), some of the more recently founded orders also seem to have survived.

49. See note 43 above.