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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 13 March 2018
A small silver bowl, discovered in Russia and usually attributed to eleventh-century Byzantium, displays a range of unusual imagery that has complicated its interpretation. The role of the saint and prayer on the vessel and the emphasis placed on intercession as well as on protection, this paper will suggest, was to protect the vessel's owner both on earth and in his afterlife. The vessel, which makes visible contemporary ideas about punishment, Last Things, and salvation, presents a fragmentary image of the Last Judgement designed to stress the importance of heavenly justice and to remind its viewer to remain virtuous.
1 The dish is now in the collections of the State Hermitage Museum, St Petersburg, together with a group of vessels attributed to Byzantium, which are catalogued in Darkevich, V. P., Svetskoe iskusstvo Vizantii: proizvedeniia vizantiiskogo khudozhestvennogo remesla v Vostochnoi Evrope X-XIII veka (Moscow 1975)Google Scholar. Bank, A., 'Monuments des arts mineurs de Byzance (Xe-XIIe siècles) au Musée de l'Ermitage (Argenterie, stéatites, camées)’, Corsi di cultura sull'arte ravennate e bizantina IX (1962) 125–138. 128Google Scholar.
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6 While iconographic features of the saint's portrait, such as his short hair and pointed beard, could help to identify the saint as either St Theodore Tiron or St Theodore Stratelates, the small size of the depiction on the vessel, which can measure no more than 5cm across and the resulting lack of detail make it difficult to establish with certainty the saint's identity based on these features. For the iconographic features and histories of the two St Theodores, see: Walter, The Warrior Saints, 44-64.
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12 Achmet, Achmetis Oneirocriticon, ed. F. Drexl (Leipzig 1925) 285; translated in Oberhelman, S., The Oneirocriticon of Achmet: a Medieval Greek and Arabic Treatise on the Interpretation of Dreams (Lubbock 1991) 239–40Google Scholar; Maguire, Other Icons, 88-9; for Western and Eastern sources, see: St Jerome, In Isaiam, 66,13. J.-P. Migne, Patrologia latina, 24, 662; St Ambrose, Sermo XLVI, 2. Patrologia latina, 17, 695C-D; Anastasius Sinaites, Hexameron, 6 in Patrologia graeca, 89, 926A; Maximus of Turin, Homilia LX. Patrologia latina, 57, 369-370.
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15 Maguire, ‘Profane icons’, 27.
16 The church, previously dated to the late twelfth or thirteenth century, has now been dated to the fifteenth by Kiilerich, B., ‘Making sense of the spolia in the Little Metropolis in Athens’, Arte Medievale 4 (2005) 95–114 Google Scholar.
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19 On the protective function of beasts such as dragons, sphinxes, and serpents in combination with epigraphy on a monumental scale, see: Eastmond, A., ‘Other encounters: popular belief and cultural convergence in Anatolia and the Caucasus’, in Peacock, A., De Nicola, B. and Yildiz, S. Nur (eds.), Islam and Christianity in Medieval Anatolia (Farnham 2015) 183–213 Google Scholar.
20 Maguire et al. (eds.), Art and Holy Powers; Maguire, ‘The cage of crosses’, 172.
21 Ševčenko, ‘Eaten alive’, 132; Bank, A., Iskusstvo vizantii v sobranijach SSSR (Moscow 1977) II, no.551Google Scholar.
22 Ševčenko, ‘Eaten alive’, 132.
23 Acts 1:10-11.
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26 Ševčenko, ‘Images of the Second Coming’, 252.
27 Ševčenko, ‘Images of the Second Coming’, 253.
28 Ševčenko, ‘Images of the Second Coming’, 254.
29 Matthew 25:31-46; Daniel 7:9-10.
30 Revelation 20:11-15.
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36 The beasts on the bowl might represent the punishments meted out to the sinners, therefore possibly serving as ’shorthand’ images of hell.
37 The Middle Byzantine date is implied on one hand by the occurrence of emperor John I Tzimiskes (969-976) and his predecessor Nikephoros II Phokas (963-969) in the Apocalypse of Anastasia, and on the other the cult of the Virgin as an intercessor, which begins around the ninth to tenth centuries in Byzantium, in the Apocalypse of the Theotokos. Baun suggested that the most likely period for Anastasia’s composition lies between 976 and the end of the eleventh century; see: Baun, J., Tales from Another Byzantium: Celestial Journey and Local Community in the Medieval Greek Apocrypha (Cambridge 2007) 16–17 Google Scholar.
38 Baun, Tales from Another Byzantium, 3.
39 Baun, Tales from Another Byzantium, 1.
40 Baun, Tales from Another Byzantium, 3; vices included are ploughing out of one's furrow, and virtues such as respect for the local priest, i.e. virtues and vices which weigh heavily on local networks of kin, village, and parish.
41 Apocalypse of the Theotokos, trans. Baun, Tales from Another Byzantium, §17.
42 Baun, Tales from Another Byzantium, 242.
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44 Apocalypse of the Theotokos, trans. Baun, Tales from Another Byzantium, §10
45 The fourth woman, who is bitten all over by eight serpents, now lacks the inscription to identify her sins. See: Thierry, J.-M. and Thierry, N., Nouvelles églises rupestres de Cappadoce. Région de Hasan Dagi (Paris 1963) 100–101Google Scholar.
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47 See: Wortley, J., ‘Death, judgment, heaven, and hell in Byzantine “Beneficial Tales”’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 55 (2001) 53–69 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; The Spiritually Beneficial Tales of Paul, Bishop of Monembasia and of other Authors, ed. and trans. J. Wortley (Kalamazoo 1996).
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51 Evergetinos I.1,19-40; The Evergetinos, 17-56.
52 Baun, Tales from Another Byzantium, 306.
53 Apocalypse of Anastasia, translated in Baun, Tales from Another Byzantium, §50.
54 Baun, Tales from Another Byzantium, 311.
55 Baun, Tales from Another Byzantium, 97.
56 Apocalypse of the Theotokos, trans. Baun, Tales from Another Byzantium, §26; Baun, Tales from Another Byzantium, 12.
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