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The New Left and American Foreign Policy during the Age of Normalcy: A Re-examination

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 June 2012

John Braeman
John Braeman
Affiliation:
Professor of History, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
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Abstract

Recent years have seen the so-called New Left school of historiography cut a wide swath through the study of American diplomacy. Reacting at least in part to the exigencies of the Vietnam War, as well as to older schools of diplomatic history, its adherents have molded a point of view that has emphasized economic factors as the driving force in American foreign policy. In this essay. Dr. Braeman focuses on the 1920s, a crucial decade in New Left thinking. After probing the intellectual origins of this school of thought, he brings historical statistics to bear in his analysis of American investment abroad, the conduct of American policymakers, and the contending interpretations of American foreign policy.

Type
Research Article
Information
Business History Review , Volume 57 , Issue 1 , Spring 1983 , pp. 73 - 104
Copyright
Copyright © The President and Fellows of Harvard College 1983

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References

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17 Re the ties between American business and German cartels from the 1920s in pursuit of profits and stability through “international business solidarity” (p. 728: Kolko, Gabriel, “American Business and Germany, 1930–1941,” Western Political Quarterly, 15 (December 1962). 713–28CrossRefGoogle Scholar; American efforts for German economicrehabilitation: Costigliola, Frank, “The United States and the Reconstruction of Germany in the 1920s,” Business History Review, 50 (Winter 1976), 477–502.CrossRefGoogle ScholarDie amerikanische Stabilisierungspolitik in Deutschland 1921–32 (Düsseldorf, 1970), by the New Left-influenced German historian Werner Link, is the fullest and most sophisticated exposition of what is pictured as American efforts to incorporate Germany as a junior partner “in die bürgerlich-demokratische, kapitalistische Staatenwelt” (p. 545). See also: Link, “Die Ruhrbesetzung und die Wirtschaftspolitischen Interessen der USA,” Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte, 17 (October 1969), 372–82; “Der amerikanische Einfluss auf die Weimarer Republik in der Dawesplanphase: Elemente eines ‘penetrierten Systems,’” Aus Politik and Zeit Geschichte: Beilage zur Wochen Zeitung das Parlament, November 10 1973, 3–12; “Zum Problem der Kontinuität der amerikanischen Deutschlandpolitik in zwanzigsten Jahrhundert,” Amerikastudien/American Studies, 20 (1975) 122–54; and “Die Beziehungen zwischen der Weimarer Republik und den USA,” in Knapp, Manfred, et al., Die USA und Deutschland 1918–1975: Deutschamerikanische Beziehungen zwischen Rivilität und Partnerschaft (Munich, 1978), 62–106.Google Scholar

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20 Gardner, Lloyd C., Economic Aspects of New Deal Diplomacy (Madison, 1964), 64–84, 131–51.Google Scholar A more extreme, post-Vietnam restatement of this line argues that U.S. hostility to Japan from 1931 on reflected not simply the desire to preserve the Open Door in China but the determination to “maintain American hegemony” in the Far East; Breslin, Thomas A., “Mystifying the Past; Establishment Historians and the Origins of the Pacific War,” Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars, 8 (October-December 1976), 32.Google Scholar

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22 Smith, “American Foreign Relations, 1920–1942,” 244.

23 See, for examples, Lewis, Gordon K., “The Rise of the American Mediterannean,” Studies on the Left 2, no. 2 (1961), 42–58Google Scholar, and Smith, Robert F., “The United States and Latin-American Revolutions,” Journal of Inter-American Studies, 4 (January 1962), 89–104.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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25 Wilfiams, , “Latin America: Laboratory of American Foreign Policy in the Nineteen-twenties,” Inter-American Economic Affairs, 11 (Autumn 1957), 3–30.Google Scholar Case studies of U.S. relations with individual Latin American countries reflecting a New Left perspective that deal — at least in part — with the 1920s include: Smith, Robert F., The United States and Cuba: Business and Diplomacy, 1917–1960 (New York, 1960)Google Scholar; Benjamin, Jules R., The United States & Cuba: Hegemony and Dependent Development, 1880–1934 (Pittsburgh, 1977)Google Scholar; Schmidt, Hans, The United States Occupation of Haiti, 1914–1934 (New Brunswick, 1971)Google Scholar; Castor, Suzy, “The American Occupation of Haiti (1915–34) and the Dominican Republic (1916–24),” Massachusetts Review, 15 (Winter-Spring 1974), 253–75Google Scholar; Rabe, Stephen G., “Anglo-American Rivalry for Venezuelan Oil 1919–1929,” Mid-America, 58 (April-July 1976), 97–109Google Scholar; Randall, Stephen J., The Diplomacy of Modernization: Colombian-American Relations, 1920–1940 (Toronto, 1977)Google Scholar, and LaFeber, Walter, The Panama Canal: The Crisis in Historical Perspective (New York, 1978).Google Scholar

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31 For critical appraisals of New Left premises and assumptions, see Tucker, Robert W., The Radical Left and American Foreign Policy (Baltimore, 1971)Google Scholar, and Zevin, Robert, “An Interpretation of American Imperialism,” Journal of Economic History, 32 (March 1972), 316–60.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Focusing upon Williams: Thompson, J. A., “William Appleman Williams and the ‘American Empire,’” Journal of American Studies, 7 (April 1973), 91–104CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Melanson, Richard A., “The Social and Political Thought of William Appleman Williams,” Western Political Quarterly, 31 (September 1978), 392–409.CrossRefGoogle Scholar The New Left interpretation applied to the 1890s is challenged by Holbo, Paul, “Economics, Emotion, and Expansion: An Emerging Foreign Policy” in Morgan, H. Wayne, ed., The Gilded Age, rev. ed. (Syracuse, 1970), 199–221Google Scholar; to the Cold War by; Maddox, Robert J., The New Left and the Origins of the Cold War (Princeton, 1973)Google Scholar, and Levine, Alan J., “Some Revisionist Theses on the Cold War, 1943–1946: A Study of a Modern Mythology,” Continuity, No. 1 (Fall 1980), 75–97.Google Scholar

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49 Moran, Even Theodore H., “Foreign Expansion as an ‘Institutional Necessity’ for U.S. Corporate Capitalism: The Search for a Radical Model,” World Politics 25 (April 1973): 369–86CrossRefGoogle Scholar, acknowledges that United States direct investment in manufacturing outside Canada, Europe, and the United Kingdom “did not begin to grow with any dynamism” until the Great Depression with its accompanying restrictions upon trade (p. 378).

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56 Zs. L. Nagy, The United States and the Danubian Basin 1919–1939 [Academiae Scientarium Hungaricae, Studia Historica, No. 121] (Budapest, 1975), 5–17; Berend, Iván T. and Ránki, György, Economic Development in East-Central Europe in the 19th and 20th Centuries (New York, 1974), 201–41.Google Scholar

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58 In Morocco, for example, the United States vigorously protested attempted French and Spanish encroachments on the most-favored nation status, equality of commercial opportunity, and capitulatory privileges guaranteed this country by along series of international treaties: Hall, Luella J., The United States and Morocco 1776–1956 (Metuchen, N.J., 1971) 661–887.Google Scholar But such actions were taken more as a matter of principle than because of any substantive American interests that were at stake. See, for Arabic northern third of Africa: Gallagher, Charles F., The United States and North Africa: Morocco, Algeria, and Tunisia (Cambridge, 1963), 232–36CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Stookey, Robert W., America and the Arab States: An Uneasy Encounter (New York, 1975), 535–54Google Scholar; and Brown, L. Carl, “The United States and The Maghrib,” Middle East Journal, 30 (Summer 1976), 273–90.Google Scholar Sub-Saharan Africa: McKinley, Edward H., The Lure of Africa: American Interests in Tropical Africa, 1919–1939 (Indianapolis, 1974), 90–102.Google Scholar South Africa: Noer, Thomas J., Britain, Boer, and Yankee: The United States and South Africa 1870–1914 (Kent, Ohio, 1978), ix–xiii, 91–140.Google Scholar

59 Lewis, America's Stake, 186.

60 Kaufman, Burton I., Efficiency and Expansion: Foreign Trade Organization in the Wilson Administration, 1913–1921 (Westport, Conn., 1974), 74–76, 117–24, 228–57Google Scholar; Baker, James C. and Bradford, M. Gerald, American Banks Abroad: Edge Act Companies and Multinational Banking (New York, 1974), 19–31, 49–64Google Scholar; Kennedy, David M., Over Here: The First World War and American Society (New York, 1980), 338–41Google Scholar; Lewis, America's Stake, 191–98. Re the post-1920 retrenchment by even the leader in foreign branch banking: Mayer, Robert, “The Origins of the American Banking Empire in Latin America: Frank A. Vanderlip and the National City Bank,” Journal of Interamericon Studies and World Affairs, 15 (February 1973), 60–76.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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63 See, for example, how France's financial crisis forced the French government to appeal to J.P. Morgan & Company for assistance to save the franc: Schuker, Stephen A., The End of French Predominance in Europe: The Financial Crisis of 1924 and the Adoption of the Dawes Plan (Chapel Hill, 1976), 108–68.Google ScholarRe the role of American capital exports in German reconstruction: Holtfrerich, Carl-Ludwig, “Amerikanischer Kapitalexport und Wiederaufbau der deutschen Wirtschaft 1919–23 im Vergleich zu 1924–29,” Vierteljahrschrift für Sozial und Wirtschaftsgeschichte, 64 (1977), 497–529Google Scholar; German reliance upon American capital and technological and managerial know-how for its industrial modernization: Hardach, Karl, The Political Economy of Germany in the Twentieth Century (Berkeley, 1980), 32, 36–37.Google Scholar

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79 Kennedy, Padraic C., “La Follette and the Russians,” Mid-America, 53 (July 1971), 190–208Google Scholar; Briley, Ronald F., “Smith W. Brookhart and Russia,” Annals of Iowa, 42 (Winter 1975), 541–55Google Scholar; Meiburger, Sister Anne Vincent, Efforts of Raymond Robins toward the Recognition of Soviet Russia and the Outlawry of War, 1917–1933 (Washington, 1958), 1–101, 143–89Google Scholar; and Libbey, James K., Alexander Gumberg & Soviet-American Relations 1917–1933 (Lexington, Ky., 1977).Google Scholar On the other hand, many businessmen attracted by and favoring trade with Russia continued to oppose Soviet recognition because of ideological hostility. And the way in which official policy makers subordinated economics to ideology in dealing with the Soviet Union hardly comports with the view that trade expansion was their first priority. On these points, see Wilson, Joan H., Ideology and Economics: U.S. Relations with the Soviet Union, 1918–1933 (Columbia, Mo., 1974).Google Scholar

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88 Krasner, Stephen D., Defending the National Interest: Raw Materials Investments and U.S. Foreign Policy (Princeton, 1978), 93–133.Google ScholarRe the minor role played by the U.S. government in support of American oil companies in Latin America: Lieuwen, Edwin, Petroleum in Venezuela: A History (Berkeley, 1954), 18–71Google Scholar; Klein, Herbert S., “American Oil Companies in Latin America: The Bolivian Experience,” Inter-American Economic Affairs, 18 (Autumn 1964), 47–56Google Scholar; and most importantly, Wilkins, Mira, “The Multinational Oil Companies in South America in the 1920s: Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru,” Business History Review, 48 (Autumn 1974), 414–46.CrossRefGoogle Scholar New Left-influenced writers, such as Randall, Stephen J., “The International Corporation and American Foreign Policy: The United States and Colombian Petroleum, 1920–1940,” Canadian Journal of History, 9 (August 1974), 179–96CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and “The Barco Concession in Colombian-American Relations, 1926–1932,” Americas, 33 (July 1976), 96–108, emphasize what they picture as U.S. diplomatic pressure to push American oil firms into Latin America; but Randalls own evidence (“International Corporation,” p. 180; “Barco Concession,” p. 107) shows Colombian eagerness for American investment given the lack of local capital and know-how.

89 Tulchin, Joseph S., The Aftermath of War: World War I and U.S. Policy toward Latin America (New York, 1971).Google Scholar

90 DeNovo, John, American Interests and Policies in the Middle East 1900–1939 (Minneapolis, 1963), 167–209Google Scholar; Reed, Peter M., “Standard Oil in Indonesia, 1898–1928,” Business History Review, 32 (Autumn 1958), 311–37.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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92 Newton, Wesley P., “International Aviation Rivalry in Latin America, 1919–1927,” Journal of Inter-American Studies, 7 (July 1965), 345–56CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and The Perilous Sky: U.S. Aviation Diplomacy and Latin America 1919–1931 (Coral Gables, Fla., 1978). Although critical of American officials' “narrow, sphere-of-interest orientation” (p. 321), Randall, Stephen J., “Colombia, the U.S. and Interamerican Aviation Rivalry, 1927–1940,” Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs, 14 (August 1972), 297–324CrossRefGoogle Scholar, acknowledges reasonable grounds for Washington's security concerns.

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97 The fullest rebuttal of the New Left view of the role of the United States is provided by the following articles by Kane, N. Stephen: “Bankers and Diplomats: The Diplomacy of the Dollar in Mexico, 1921–1924,” Business History Review, 47 (Autumn 1973), 335–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar; “American Businessmen and Foreign Policy: The Recognition of Mexico, 1920–1923,” Political Science Quarterly, 90 (Summer 1975), 293–313; and “Corporate Power and Foreign Policy: Efforts of American Oil Companies to Influence United States Relations with Mexico, 1921–1928,” Diplomatic History, 1 (Spring 1977), 170–98. See also, re the Bucareli agreements and the recognition of the Obregón regime: Trani, Eugene P., “Harding Administration and Recognition of Mexico,” Ohio History, 75 (Spring and Summer 1966), 137–48, 190–92.Google Scholar The pragmatic and conciliatory approach taken by Morgan partner Thomas W. Lamont, the moving spirit in the International Bankers Committee on Mexico: Smith, Robert F., “The Formation and Development of the International Bankers Committee on Mexico,” Journal of Economic History, 23 (Winter 1963), 574–86CrossRefGoogle Scholar; “Thomas W. Lamont and United States-Mexican Relations: Some Aspects of the Usefulness of a Private Manuscript Collection,” Harvard Library Bulletin, 15 (January 1967), 49–58; and “The Morrow Mission and The International Committee of Bankers on Mexico: The Interaction of Finance Diplomacy and The New Mexican Elite,” Journal of Latin American Studies, 1 (November 1969): 149–66. Pro-Mexican sympathies in this country: Ignacias, C. Dennis, “Propaganda and Public Opinion in Harding's Foreign Affairs: the Case for Mexican Recognition,” Journalism Quarterly, 48 (Spring 1971), 41–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Schmidt, Henry C., “The American Intellectual Discovery of Mexico in the 1920's,” South Atlantic Quarterly, 77 (Summer 1978), 335–51.Google Scholar The role of the Mexican government's anti-clerical campaign: SisterRice, M. Elizabeth Ann, The Diplomatic Relations Between the United States and Mexico, as Affected by the Struggle for Religious Liberty in Mexico, 1925–1929 (Washington, 1959)Google Scholar; Berbusse, Edward J., , S.J., “The Unofficial Intervention of the United States in Mexico's Religious Crisis, 1926–1930,” Americas, 23 (July 1966), 28–62CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Vinca, Robert, “The American Catholic Reaction to the Persecution of the Church in Mexico, From 1926 to 1936,” Records of the American Catholic Society of Philadelphia, 79 (March 1968), 3–38Google Scholar; and Davis, Mollie C., “American Religious and Religiose Reaction to Mexico's Church-State Conflict, 1926–1927: Background to the Morrow Mission,” Journal of Church and State, 13 (Winter 1971), 78–96.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Countervailing forces against strong U.S. action: Snow, Sinclair, “Protestant versus Catholic: U.S. Reaction to the Mexican Church-State Conflict of 1926–29,” North Dakota Quarterly, 39 (Summer 1977), 68–80Google Scholar; Horn, James J., “Did the United States Plan an Invasion of Mexico in 1927?” Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs, 15 (November 1973), 454–71CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and “Mexican Oil Diplomacy and the Legacy of Teapot Dome,” West Georgia College Studies in the Social Sciences, 17 (June 1978), 99–112. Mexican leaders' desire to avoid frightening away American capital: Hall, Linda B., “Alvaro Obregón and the Politics of Mexican Land Reform, 1920–1924,” Hispanic American Historical Review, 60 (May 1980), 217–18CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Morrow's role: Ross, Stanley R., “Dwight W. Morrow, Ambassador to Mexico,” Americas, 14 (January 1958), 273–89CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and “Dwight Morrow and the Mexican Revolution,” Hispanic American Historical Review, 38 (November 1958), 506–28.

98 Details can be found in Hogan, Michael J., “Informal Entente: Public Policy and Private Management in Anglo-American Petroleum Affairs, 1918–1924,” Business History Review, 48 (Summer 1974), 187–205CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Informal Entente: The Private Structure of Cooperation in Anglo-American Economic Diplomacy, 1918–1928 (Columbia, 1977), 105–85; and Shwadran, Benjamin, The Middle East, Oil and the Great Powers, 3rd ed. (New York, 1973), 20–24, 71–78, 82–83, 195–238.Google Scholar

99 Feis, Herbert, The Diplomacy of the Dollar: First Phase 1919–1932 (Baltimore, 1950.Google Scholar Quote p. 9.

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102 Masland, John W., “Missionary Influence upon American Far Eastern Policy,” Pacific Historical Review, 10 (September 1941), 279–96CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Varg, Paul A., Missionaries, Chinese, and Diplomats: The American Protestant Missionary Movement in China, 1890–1952 (Princeton, 1958), esp. 180–211Google Scholar; Trani, Eugene P., “Woodrow Wilson, China, and the Missionaries, 1913–1921,” Journal of Presbyterian History, 49 (Winter 1971), 328–51Google Scholar; Metallo, Michael V., “American Missionaries, Sun Yat-sen, and the Chinese Revolution,” Pacific Historical Review, 47 (May 1978), 261–82CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Shirley S. Garrett, “Why They Stayed: American Church Politics and Chinese Nationalism in the Twenties,” and Varg, , “The Misisonary Response to the Nationalist Revolution,” in Fairbank, John K., ed., The Missionary Enterprise in China and America (Cambridge, 1974), 283–335.Google Scholar

103 Isaacs, Harold R., Scratches on Our Minds: American Images of China and India (New York, 1958), 63–71, 140–66, 195–209Google Scholar; Iriye, Akira, Across the Pacific: An Inner History of American-East Asian Relations (New York, 1967), 117–29.Google Scholar Even a sophisticated New Left-oriented scholar, Israel, Jerry, Progressivism and the Open Door: America and China, 1905–1921 (Pittsburgh, 1971)Google Scholar, acknowledges that a reformist urge to remake China along the lines of the American model was as important a determinant of the Open Door Policy as the quest for markets and investment opportunities.

104 Buckley, Thomas H., The United States and the Washington Conference, 1921–1922 (Knoxville, 1970), esp. 145–71, 185–90Google Scholar; Trani, Eugene P., “Four American Fiddlers and Their Far Eastern Tunes: A Survey of Japanese-American Relations, 1898–1941,” in Gordon, Bernard K. and Rothwell, Kenneth J., eds., The New Political Economy of the Pacific (Cambridge, 1975), 56–59Google Scholar; Fifield, Russell H., “Secretary Hughes and the Shantung Question,” Pacific Historical Review 23 (November 1954), 373–85CrossRefGoogle Scholar, Pugach, Noel H., “American Friendship for China and the Shantung Question at the Washington Conference,” Journal of American History, 64 (June 1977), 67–86.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Though more critical of the shortcmings of the Conference from the Chinese standpoint, even a Koumintang writer acknowledges that China did gain “two major successes” (p. 53): Japan's withdrawal from Shantung and the laying of the basis for tariff autonomy: King, Wunsz, China at the Washington Conference 1921–1922 (New York, 1963).Google ScholarCohen, Warren I., “From Contempt to Containment: Cycles in American Attitudes toward China,” in Braeman, John, et al., Twentieth-Century American Foreign Policy (Columbus, 1971), 529–44Google Scholar, and America's Response to China: An Interpretative History of Sino-American Relations (New York, 1971), 100–35, are perceptive surveys of U.S.-Chinese relations during the Republican era.

105 For examples, see the articles by Hoyt, Frederick B.; “Protection Implies Intervention: The U.S. Catholic Mission at Kanchow,” Historian, 38 (August 1976), 709–27CrossRefGoogle Scholar; “The Lesson of Confrontation: Two Christian Colleges Face the Chinese Revolution, 1925–1927,” Asian Forum, 8 (Summer 1976), 45–57, and “The Open Door Leads to Reluctant Intervention: The Case of the Yangtze Rapid Steamship Company,” Diplomatic History, 1 (Spring 1977), 155–69.

106 Borg, Dorothy, American Policy and the Chinese Revolution 1925–1928 (1947; reprint ed., New York, 1968)Google Scholar, is the basic work. But see also: Buhite, Russell D., “Nelson Johnson and American Policy Toward China, 1925–1928,” Pacific Historical Review, 35 (November 1966), 451–65CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Nelson T. Johnson and American Policy Toward China 1925–1941 (East Lansing, 1968), 19–54; Fishel, Wesley R., The End of Extraterritoriality in China (Berkeley, 1952), 126–87Google Scholar; Liu, Daniel T.J., “A Historical Study of Sino-American Diplomatic Relations: The National Government Formative Period, 1925–1930,” Chinese Culture, 15 (June 1974), 54–88Google Scholar; and Etzold, Thomas H., “In Search of Sovereignty: The Unequal Treaties in Sino-American Relations, 1925–1930,” in Chan, F. Gilbert and Etzold, , China in the 1920s: Nationalism and Revolution (New York, 1976), 176–96, 226–31.Google Scholar The quote is from Hoyt, Frederick B., “The Open Door Empire Viewed as a Chinese Dynasty,” Australian Journal of Politics and History, 20 (April 1976), 31.Google Scholar

107 Doenecke, Justus D., “American Public Opinion and the Manchurian Crisis, 1931–33,” Ph.D. diss., Princeton University (1966), 8Google Scholar, 62–63, 77, 81, 117–18, 133, 137–39, 184–86, 200, 212–13, 229, 253, 261–62; Lorence, James J., Organized Business and the Myth of the China Market: The American Asiatic Association, 1898–1937 (Philadelphia, 1981), 92.Google Scholar Until roughly 1940 a majority of businessmen – including those involved in the Far East — appear to have been agains the U.S. taking a hard line toward Japan. See: Stromberg, Roland N., “American Business and the Approach of War, 1935–1941,” Journal of Economic History, 13 (Winter 1953), 67CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hoffer, Peter C., “American Businessmen and the Japan Trade, 1931–1941: A Case of Attitude Formation,” Pacific Historical Review, 41 (May 1972), 189–205CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wilkins, “Role of U.S. Business,” 341–70.

108 Cohen, Warren I., “The Role of Private Groups in the United States,” in Borg and Okamoto, Pearl Harbor as History, 421–28Google Scholar; Doenecke, Justus, “The Debate over Coercion: The Dilemma of America's Pacifists and the Manchurian Crisis,” Peace and Change, 2 (Spring 1974), 47–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Pearson, Alden B., “A Christian Moralist Responds to War: Charles C. Morrison, The Christian Century, and the Manchurian Crisis, 1931–33,” World Affairs, 139 (Spring 1977), 296–307.Google Scholar

109 This point is most fully developed in the following articles by Norman A. Graebner: “Hoover, Roosevelt, and the Japanese,” in Borg and Okamoto, Pearl Harbor as History, 25–32; “Japan: Unanswered Challenge, 1931–1941,” in Morris, Margaret F. and Myres, Sandra L., eds., Essays on American Foreign Policy [Walter Prescott Webb Memorial Lectures, vol. 8] (Austin, 1974), 117–28Google Scholar; and “The Manchurian Crisis, 1931–1932,” in Higham, Robin, ed., Intervention or Abstention: The Dilemma of American Foreign Policy (Lexington, Ky., 1975), 60–78.Google ScholarRe Hoover's view that the United States “can and will make a large measure of [economic] recovery irrespective of the rest of the world”: Myers, State Papers, 1: 574–75; his definition of the limits of America's vital interest: Reagan, Michael D., “The Far Eastern Crisis of 1931–1932: Stimson, Hoover and the Armed Services,” in Stein, Harold, ed., American Civilian-Military Decisions: A Book of Case Studies (University, Ala., 1963), 30–31, 33–34Google Scholar, and Burner, David, Herbert Hoover: A Public Life (New York, 1978), 293–97.Google Scholar

110 The limits of how far Stimson was willing to go – as shown in the pioneering analyses of Clyde, Paul H., “The Diplomacy of ‘Playing fo Favorites’: Secretary Stimson and Manchuria, 1931,” Mississippi Valley Historical Review, 35 (September 1948), 187–202CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Perkins, Ernest R., “The Nonapplication of Sanctions against Japan, 1931–1932,” in Lee, Dwight E. and McReynolds, George E., eds., Essays in History and International Relations in Honor of George Hubbard Blakeslee (Worcester, 1949), 215–32Google Scholar — have been more fully documented by the most recent study of his role: Ostrower, Gary B., Collective Insecurity: The United States and the League of Sations during the Early Thirties (Lewisburg, Pa., 1979), 56–166, 199–206.Google Scholar

111 Thomson, James C. Jr, “The Role of the Department of State,” in Borg and Okamoto, Pearl Harbor as History, 88–97Google Scholar; McCarty, Kenneth J. Jr, “Stanley K. Hornbeck and the Manchurian Crisis,” Southern Quarterly, 10 (July 1972), 305–24Google Scholar; Doenecke, Justus D., ed., The Diplomacy of Frustration: The Manchurian Crisis of 1931–1933 as revealed in the Papers of Stanley K. Hornbeck (Stanford, 1981), esp. 10–40Google Scholar; and Borg, Dorothy, The United States and the Far Eastern Crisis of 1933–1938: From the Manchurian Incident through the Initial Stage of the Undeclared Sino-Japanese War (Cambridge, 1964), 34–35, 569 (n101).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

112 May, Ernest R., “Emergence to World Power,” in Higham, John, ed., The Reconstruction of American History (London, 1962), 180–81.Google Scholar

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115 Typical is the plea in Williams's latest work, Empire as a Way of Life: An Essay on the Causes and Character of America's Present Predicament Along With a Few Thoughts About an Alternative (New York, 1980), that “we must now ‘order’ ourselves rather than policing and saving the world…. Our future is here and now, a community to be created among ourselves….” (pp. xi-xii).

116 Re “new class” attitudes on foreign policy, see: Kristol, Irving, “American Intellectuals and Foreign Policy,” Foreign Affairs, 45 (July 1967), 594–609CrossRefGoogle Scholar; the strength of “socially critical orientations” (p. 75) among the social science faculties of the country's leading universities: Lipset, Seymour M., “The New Class and the Professoriate,” in Bruce-Briggs, B., ed., The New Class? (New Brunswick, 1979), 67–87.Google Scholar

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118 A recent, and influential example, is the so-called Brandt Report. See the critical analyses by Henderson, P.D., Minogue, Kenenth, Letwin, William and Kedourie, Elie under the overall title “What's Wrong with the Brandt Report?” Encounter, December 1980, 12–30.Google Scholar

119 Abrams, Richard M., “United States Intervention Abroad: The First Quarter Century,” American Historical Review, 79 (February 1974), 73–74.CrossRefGoogle Scholar