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The Nature of the Firm: Towards an Ecocultural History of Business
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 08 March 2017
Abstract
Business history has never paid much attention to the environment. Brushing aside the firm's reliance and impact on the natural world, early business historians zeroed in on the role of the entrepreneur in big business's rise. They found it easy to truncate, marginalize or altogether ignore the physical processes by which the stuff of nature—“raw” materials—was carved or coaxed out of mountains, forests, and deserts, channeled into factories and squeezed and cajoled into commodities. They scarcely considered the ever-changing varieties of “waste” generated by businesses and customers, which so often infiltrated, polluted, and otherwise altered the world beyond factory and office. They devoted equally little attention to the effects of resource extraction and use on plants, animals, land, air, or water, much less entire ecosystems and climate.
- Type
- Introduction
- Information
- Business History Review , Volume 73 , Special Issue 4: Business and the Environment , Winter 1999 , pp. 577 - 600
- Copyright
- Copyright © The President and Fellows of Harvard College 1999
References
1 Much of this early work gave no attention to environmental problems even though it was highly critical of the industrialists who created big business. For example, Josephson's, Matthew The Robber Barons: The Great American Capitalists, 1861–1901 (New York, 1934)Google Scholar, one of the early classics in American history, bitterly critiques the architects of American big business without specifically addressing their business's many harmful environmental impacts. This failure is particularly clear in books dealing with John D. Rockefeller and the development of the environmentally degrading oil industry. See for example, Tarbell, Ida M., History of the Standard Oil Company (New York, 1925)Google Scholar and Nevins, Allan, Study in Power: John D. Rockefeller, Industrialist and Philanthropist (New York, 1953).Google Scholar See also Jones, Peter D. A., ed., The Robber Barons Revisited (Boston, 1968).Google Scholar
2 For evidence of Chandler's immediate impact, see Gambols, Louis, “The Emerging Organizational Synthesis in American History,” Business History Review 44 (Autumn 1970): 279–290Google Scholar and Porter, Glenn, The Rise of Big Business, 1860–1910 (Arlington Heights, Ill., 1973).Google Scholar An excellent review article detailing Chandlers longer term impact is John, Richard R., “Elaborations, Revisions, Dissents: Alfred D. Chandler, Jr.'s, The Visible Hand after Twenty Years,” Business History Review 71 (Summer 1997): 151–200.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Chandlers most important contributions to the field include Strategy and Structure: Chapters in the History of the American Industrial Enterprise(Cambridge, Mass., 1962); Chandler, Alfred D. Jr., The Visible Hand: The Managerial Revolution in American Business (Cambridge, Mass., 1977)Google Scholar; and Chandler, Alfred D. Jr, Scale and Scope: The Dynamics of Industrial Capitalism (Cambridge, Mass., 1990).Google Scholar
3 An exception is Pratt, Joseph A., “Growth of a Clean Environment? Responses to Petroleum-Related Pollution in the Gulf Coast Refining Region,” Business History Review 52(Spring 1978): 1–29.Google Scholar By the mid-1980s business historians were awakening to the importance of addressing environmental issues. See, for example, Tedlow, Richard S. and John, Richard R. Jr, eds., Managing Big Business: Essays from the Business History Review (Cambridge, Mass., 1986)Google Scholar, which included a section on “The Corporation, Technology, and the Environment.” But this section only reprinted Pratt's article alongside two others that confined their environmental attentions to energy issues—a telling indication of how little research of this sort had as yet been done. In this collection, see also Martin, Albro, “James J. Hill and the First Energy Revolution: A Study in Entrepreneurship, 1865–1878,” 88–106 (first appeared in Business History Review 50 [Summer 1976]: 179–197)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Vietor, Richard H. K., “The Synthetic Liquid Fuels Program: Energy Politics in the Truman Era,” 299–328 (first appeared in Business History Review 54 [Spring 1980]. 1–34).Google Scholar
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25 Rosen, Christine Meisner, “Businessmen Against Pollution in Late Nineteenth Century Chicago,” Business History Review 71 (Fall 1995): 351–397.Google Scholar See also critiques of the commons model such as those by McCav, Bonnie J. (“The Ocean Commons and Community” Dalhousie Review 74 ([1994–1995]: 311–338)Google Scholar, Arthur McEvoyk, and Louis Warren which call for “a more anthropological approach” (quote from McCav, 316).
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30 See for instance Arrow, Kenneth, “Informational Structure of the Firm,” American Economic Review 75 (1985): 303ff.Google Scholar; Idem., “Exposition of the Theory of Choice under Uncertainty,” Synthesc 16 (1966): 253ff.
31 Path-breaking varieties of this approach are Latour, Bruno and Woolgar, Steve, laboratory Life: The Social Construction of Scientific Facts (Beverly Hills, Calif., 1979)Google Scholar; and Shapin, Steve and Schaffer, Simon, Leviathan and the Air-Pump: Hohbes, Boyles, and the Experimental Life (Princeton, 1985).Google Scholar For a sense of the range of approaches that then evolved in science studies, see Pickering, Andrew, ed., Science as Practice and Culture (Chicago, 1992).CrossRefGoogle Scholar For culturalist perspectives on knowledges of special relevance to business history; see Power, Michael, ed., Accounting and Science; Natural Inquiry and Commercial Reason (Cambridge, U.K., 1994).Google Scholar
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