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Ecclesiae Mercatorum and the Rise of Merchant Colonies

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 June 2012

Vsevolod Slessarev
Vsevolod Slessarev
Affiliation:
Associate Professor of History, University of Cincinnati
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Abstract

The incidence of churches as forerunners of merchant colonies in the Mediterranean is suggested in this exploratory study of medieval business and religion.

Type
Articles
Information
Business History Review , Volume 41 , Issue 2 , Summer 1967 , pp. 177 - 197
Copyright
Copyright © The President and Fellows of Harvard College 1967

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References

1 First extensive presentation is found in “Die Kaufmannskirche im Ostseegebiet,” Studi in onore di Armando Sapori (Milan, 1957), I, 311–26Google Scholar. A revised and augmented version appeared under the same title in Vorträge und Forschungen IV. Studien zu den Anfängen des europäischen städtewesens, ed. Mayer, Th. (Lindau-Konstanz, 1958), 499–525Google Scholar. Considerable amount of new material was added in the latest study “Die Kaufmannskirche,” Acta Visbyensia I. Die Zeit der Städtegründungen im Ostseeraum (Visby, 1965), 85–134Google Scholar. Because of almost identical titles of articles future references to Johansen's studies will be made to volumes in which they appeared.

2 Thietmar of Merseburg, Chronicon in Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores, III (Hannover, 1839), 738Google Scholar.

3 Johansen, Acta Visbyensia, 87.

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5 Johansen, Vorträge und Forschungen, 499–503.

6 Johansen, Acta Visbyensia, 86–87.

7 Johansen, Vorträge und Forschungen., 504–505, Acta Visbyensia, 92.

8 Due to Johansen's growing interest in the topic each successive publication contained more information than the previous. For a complete coverage on individual towns all of his above cited studies should be consulted.

9 Without trying to be exhaustive, the following titles treat the general theme of “church and business.” Monks, George R., ‘The Church of Alexandria and the City's Economic Life in the Sixth Century,” Speculum, XXVIII (1953), 349–62CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Tour, P. Imbart de la, “Des immunités commerciales accordées aux églises du Vile au IXe siècle,” in Études d'histoire du moyen âge dédiées à Gabriel Monod (Paris, 1896), 71–87Google Scholar. This pioneering work relied occasionally on charters which in the meantime have been redated or adjudged spurious; for corrections consult Laurent, Henri, “Marchands du palais et marchands d'abbayes,” Revue historique, CLXXXIII (1938), 281–97Google Scholar.

Relatively recent and extremely suggestive are the articles collected in La foire. Recueils de la Société Jean Bodin, V (Brussels, 1953)Google Scholar. The association of temples and fairs in medieval China and Japan is a most striking phenomenon. For Western Europe see Robert-Henri Bautier, “Les foires de Champagne. Recherches sur une évolution historique,” 108, 111, and J.-A. van Houtte, ‘Les foires dans la Belgique ancienne,” 182–84.

10 Lopez, Robert S., “Du marché temporaire à la colonie permanente,” Annales: Economies, Sociétés, Civilisations, IV (1949), pp. 389–405CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

11 Among older studies still indispensable is Chau Ju-Kua: His Work on the Chinese and Arab Trade in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries, entitled Chu-fan-chi, translated and annotated by Hirth, Friedrich and Rockhill, W. W. (St. Petersburg, 1911), 1–27Google Scholar. For more recent scholarship see Hourani, George F., Arab Seafaring in the Indian Ocean in Ancient and Early Medieval Times (Princeton, 1951), 39–78Google Scholar, and Needham, Joseph, Science and Civilisation in China (Cambridge, 1954–1965), I, pp. 124–30, 179–80Google Scholar.

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13 Tafel, G. L. Fr. and Thomas, G. M., Urkunden zur älteren Handels- und Staatsgeschichte der Republik Venedig in Fontes Rerum Austriacarum. Diplomataria et Acta, XIIXIV (Vienna, 1856–1857), I, 43–54, 79–89Google Scholar.

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16 Tafel, and Thomas, , Urkunden, I, 36–40Google Scholar. Older scholarship is summarized by Kretschmayr, Heinrich, Geschichte von Venedig (Gotha, 1905–1934), I, 128, 440–41Google Scholar. On the Logothete of the Course (logothetes tou dromou) see J. B. Bury, The Imperial Administrative System in the Ninth Century. Original publication in the British Academy, Supplemental Papers, I (London, 1911)Google Scholar. Reprint, Burt Franklin, (New York, 1958), 91–3.

17 Tafel and Thomas, Urkunden, I, 43–54. Kretschmayr, , Geschichte, I, 178–80, 449Google Scholar. For a more recent analysis than the classic works of W. Heyd and A. Schaube see Brown, Horatio F., “The Venetians and the Venetian Quarter in Constantinople to the Close of the Twelfth Century,” Journal of Hellenic Studies, XL (1920), 71Google Scholar.

18 Janin, Raymond, La géographie ecclésiastique de l'Empire Byzantin. Part I: Le siège de Constantinople et le patriarcat oecuménique, vol III: Les églises et les monastères, published by the Institut Français d'Etudes Byzantines (Paris, 1953), 583–84Google Scholar. This monumental work absorbed a number of Janin's earlier studies. Of special importance is his remark in Constantinople byzantine, développement urbain et répertoire topographique (Paris, 1950), 238Google Scholar.

19 Tafel, and Thomas, , Urkunden, I, 67–74Google Scholar. Heyd, Wilhelm, Histoire du commerce du Levant au moyen-âge, trans, by Raynaud, Furcy (Leipzig, 1885–1886), I, 260Google Scholar. Hélène Antoniadis-Bibicou pointed out in her admirable book Recherches sur les douanes à Byzance. Cahiers des Armales, XX (Paris, 1963), 139Google Scholar, note 1, that in Byzantium “gauged weights and measures … were képt in cathedrals of every city.” From the quoted Greek passage it is not clear, whether they were to serve as official samples or for actual transactions. In the case of St. Akindynos' they were obviously meant to be used in trade. On St. Akindynos' see Megale Hellenike Enkyklopaideia, s. v.

20 Documenti del commercio veneziano net secoli XI–XIII, ed. Rocca, T. Morozzo della and Lombardo, A. (Turin, 1940), nos. 245, 470Google Scholar. For renting a house in confinio Sancti Akindani see no. 502. On the priest-notary Henry Valaressus see Tafel, and Thomas, , Urkunden, I, 129Google Scholar and Documenti, nos. 32, 45, 104, 111, 124, 165, 210.

21 Comnena, Anna, The Alexiad, tr. by Dawes, Elizabeth A. S. (London, 1928) book V, 1 (p. 115)Google Scholar. On St. Andrew see also Schaube, A., Handelsgeschichte der romanischen Völker des Mittelmeergebiets bis zum Ende der Kreuzzüge (Munich and Berlin, 1906), 37Google Scholar.

22 Johansen, Acta Visbyensia, 101 and Vortäge und Forschungen, 505.

23 Tafel, and Thomas, , Urkunden, I, 55–63Google Scholar. For an explanation of capyllio see Gorce, Denys, Les voyages, I'hospitalité et le port des lettres dans le monde chrétien des IVe et Ve siècles (Paris, 1925), 145Google Scholar.

24 Dandolo, Andrea, Chronicon Venetum in Rerum Italicarum Scriptores ed. Muratori, L. A. (Milan, 1728), XII, 262–63Google Scholar.

25 Documenti, no. 110.

26 Nuovi documenti del commercio veneto del secoli XI-XIII, ed. Lombardo, A. and Rocca, H. Morozzo della in Monumenti Storici, published by the Deputazione di Storiac Patria per le Venezie, new series, VII (Venice, 1953), no. 40Google Scholar. On the “Hebraic anchorage” see Starr, J., The Jews in the Byzantine Empire, 641–1204, Byzantinisch-neugriechische Jahrbücher, Supplement XXX (Athens, 1939), 33Google Scholar. In 1964 during my brief stay in Venice Dr. Luigi Lanfranchi of the State Archives kindly permitted me to consult the page proofs of his forthcoming edition of St. George's cartulary. The title of this multi-volume publication is S. Giorgio Maggiore. Fonti per la Storia di Venezia. Sezione seconda: Archivi Ecclesiastici. Since Dr. Lanfranchi assured me that the numbers given to the charters will not be changed, it is safe to refer to following documents: nos. 485, 568, 580, 600.

27 Nuovi documenti, no. 35. S. Giorgio Maggiore, nos. 453, 460, 481. On Nicholas Tinto see Janin, La géographie ecclésiastique, p. 585 and Documenti, nos. 443, 466, 467, 515, 518, 527, 530, 541.

28 Tafel, and Thomas, , Urkunden, I, 125–27Google Scholar; Nuovi documenti, no. 23. For more information on Marco, St. see Urkunden, I, 130–33, 280–81Google Scholar. On St. Mark's in Venice and its relations with colonial churches see Demus, Otto, The Church of San Marco. History, Architecture, Sculpture. Dumbarton Oaks Studies, VI (Washington, D.C., 1960), 3–60Google Scholar.

29 The church was mentioned in the treaty of Nymphaeum between Genoa and Michael VIII Palaeologus, 1261 A.D. For the text see Manfroni, C., “Le relazioni fra Genova, I'lmpero Bizantinoei Turchi,” Atti della Sodatà Ligure di Storia Patria, XXVIII (Genoa, 1896), 795Google Scholar.

30 Tafel, and Thomas, , Urkunden, I, 125–27, 127–30, 136–37Google Scholar; S. Giorgio Maggiore, no. 240; Documenti, no. 108. On a sizeable Jewish colony in Almyro see Starr, The Jews in the Byzantine Empire, 230.

31 Tafel, and Thomas, , Urkunden, I, 103–105, 107–109Google Scholar.

32 Nuovi documenti, no. 12; Tafel, and Thomas, , Urkunden, I, 137–39Google Scholar. The fontega of Rodosto is probably a reminiscence of the fondaco, in Greek original foundax, that was destroyed in 1073–74 during the reign of Michael VII Ducas, see Bratiami, Georg I., Études byzantines d'histoire économique et sociale (Paris, 1938), 144–45Google Scholar, and Heyd, , Histoire du commerce, I, 243Google Scholar.

33 On Corinth see Documenti, nos. 88, 94; Thebes, no. 137; Sparta, no. 205; Abydos, no. 382.

34 Berza, M., “Amalfi preducale, 596–957,” Ephemeris Dacoromana. Annuario della Scuola Romena di Roma, VIII (Rome, 1938), 349–444Google Scholar. Hofmeister, Adolf, “Der Übersetzer Johannes und das Geschlecht Comitis Mauronis in Amalfi,” Historische Vierteljahrschrift, new series, XXVII (1932), 225–84, 493–508Google Scholar.

35 Amatus (Aimé) of Cassino, Monte, Ystoire de It Normant, ed. Delarc, O. (Rouen, 1892), 181Google Scholar. Janin, La géographie ecclésiastique, 583 and by the same author “Les sanctuaires des colonies latines à Constantinople,” Revue des Etudes byzantines, IV (1946), 165Google Scholar.

36 Actes de Lavra, ed. by Rouillard, G. and Collomp, P. (Paris, 1937), I (897–1178), no. 35Google Scholar. A charter of 1018 or 1019 suggests even an earlier date, no. 21; see also Janin, La géographie ecclésiastique, 583.

37 Heyd, , Histoire du commerce, I, 295Google Scholar.

38 Müller, G., Documenti sule relazioni delle citta toscane coll' Oriente cristiano e coi turchi fino all' anno 1531 (Florence, 1879), no. 30Google Scholar and the corresponding notes.

39 First mention of St. Nicholas' is found in Müller, Documenti, no. 2. For the size of Pisan colony and its quarrel in 1162 with the Genoese see the annalist Caffaro, in Annales Ianuenses, XI, 67–68Google Scholar.

40 According to Janin, St. Nicholas' “is mentioned since 1112,” La géographic ecclésiasttque, 585–86. On Genoa's grant of 1155 compare the preliminary agreement in Codice diplomatico delta Repubblica di Genova, ed. by Imperiale, C. in Fonti per la Storia d'ltalia (Rome, 1936), LXXVII, no. 271Google Scholar with Caffaro's, account in Annales Ianuenses, XI, 41–42Google Scholar.

41 Müller, Documenti, on weights nos. 34 and 43, wells no. 34, cemetery no. 46, hospital nos. 8 and 44. The latter is also mentioned by William of Tyre, Historia rerum in partibus transmarinis gestarum in Recueil des Historiens des Croisades. Historiens occidentaux (Paris, 1844), I, pt. 2, p. 1084Google Scholar.

42 Müller, Documenti, no. 3 and Maragone, Bernardo, Annales Pisani, ed. by Gentile, Michele Lupo, in Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, 2nd ed. (Bologna, n. d.), VI, pt. 2, p. 17Google Scholar.

43 Müller, Document, nos. 44, 47.

44 Tafel and Thomas, Urkunden, pp. 208–9. Heyd, , Histoire du commerce, I, 263–64Google Scholar.

45 Müller, Documenti, notes, 431. Heyd believes that Ancona also had a church in Constantinople, , Histoire du commerce, I, 262Google Scholar.

46 Anthony of Novgorod, Kniga palomnik. Skazanie mest sviatykh vo Tsaregrade Antoniia Arkhiepiskopa Novgorodskago v. 1200 godu, ed, by Loparev, Khr. M., in Pravoslavnyi Palestinskii Sbornik, 3rd series, XVII (St. Petersburg, 1899), cxxii, 3, 33–37Google Scholar. A French translation has been prepared by Ehrhard, Marcelle, “Le Livre du Pèlerin d'Antoine de Novgorod,” Romania, LVIII (1932), 44–65CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The statements of Tikhomirov, Mikhail N. in his The Towns of Ancient Rus (Moscow, 1959), 130Google Scholar–33 are not reliable, because they are based on old and discarded interpretations of the text. Interesting are his comments on grechniki, Russian merchants trading with Byzantium, and the membership of the merchants of Polotsk in a bratchina (brotherhood, guild) that gathered at the church of St. Mary.

Loparev and Janin do not agree on the location of Ispigas (eis Pegas). Loparev places it in Pera, Janin on the southern bank of the Golden Horn, see La géographic ecclésiastique, 70–71.

47 On St. Mamas' see Pargoire, Jules, “Saint-Mamas, le quartier des russes à Constantinople,” Echos d'Orient, XI (1908), 203–210CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Pilgrims and exiles are mentioned in Anthony of Novgorod, Kniga palomnik, cxxiii.

48 Corpus der griechischen Urkunden des Mittelalters und der neueren Zeit. Reihe A: Regesten, Abteilung I: Regesten der Kaiserurkunden des Oströmischen Reiches, 565–1453, ed. by Dolger, Franz, Part I (Munich and Berlin, 1924)Google Scholar, nos. 278, 770. Thereafter abbreviated as Dölger, Regesten. On the praetorium see Porphyrogenitus, Constantine, De administrando imperio, eds. Moravesik, G., Jenkins, R. J. H., Dvornic, F., and others (Budapest and London, 1949–1962), I, 85–93Google Scholar, II, 78. Arab sources on Dār al-Balāt can be consulted in Vasiliev, A. A., Canard, M., and others, Byzance et les Arabes. Corpus Bruxellense Historiae Byzantinae (Brussels, 1935–1950)Google Scholar, II, pt. 2, excerpts from Tanuhi, 285–91; Ibn Rosteh, 379–94; Ibn Hauqal, 409–21; Muqaddasi, 422–24.

49 Dölger, , Regesten, II, no. 824Google Scholar.

50 Röhricht, R., Geschichte des Königreichs Jerusalem, 1100–1291 (Innsbruck, 1898), 496Google Scholar, notes 2 and 3. Choniates, Niketas, Historia in Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae, vol. XLI (Bonn, 1835), 731Google Scholar. For a comment see Lopez, R. S., “Silk Industry in the Byzantine Empire,” Speculum, XX (1945), 31Google Scholar.

51 Primary sources for the activity of the Amalfitans in the Near East before the Crusades are Amarus (Aimé) of Monte Cassino, Ystoire, 319–32; William of Tyre, Historia, book IX, chap. 17–18 (pp. 389–393) and book XVIII, chap. 4–5 (pp. 822–26); Marino Sanuto Torsello, Liber secretorum fidelium crucis super Terrae Sanctae in Bongars, J., Gesta Dei per Francos (Hannover, 1611), II, 178–79Google Scholar; Interesting additional information is provided by an alert and garrulous German pilgrim of the fifteenth century, Fabri, Felix, Evagatorium in Terrae Sanctae, Arabiae et Egypti peregrinationem ed. by Hassler, C. D. in Bibliothek des Literarischen Vereins, vols. II–IV (Stuttgart, 1843–1849), III, 246Google Scholar. For most informative secondary literature next to the studies of Heyd and Schaube see A. Hofmeister, “Der Übersetzer,” 265–67, and White, Lynn T., Latin Monasticism in Norman Sicily (Cambridge, Mass., 1938), 216–17Google Scholar. Often overlooked but essential for the understanding of Amalfitan efforts in the Holy Land, is the role played by the monastery of Cava dei Tirreni, near Salerno. It is said to have provided monks for St. Mary of the Latins in Jerusalem and it had its own fleet of ships to serve the needs of the monastery and its dependencies, see Guillaume, P., Le navi cavensi nel Mediterraneo durante il medio evo ovvero Vita di S. Costabile di Lucania fondatore di Castellabate (Naples and Rome, 1876), 6–9Google Scholar; see also Röhricht, R., Regesta Regni Hierosolymitani (Innsbruck, 1893), no. 606Google Scholar.

52 Roulx, J. M. A. Delaville le, Les Hospitaliers en Terre Sainte et à Chypre, 1100–1310 (Paris, 1904), 3–33Google Scholar; by the same author Hôspital des Bretons à Saint-Jean d'Acre au XIIIe siècle (Nantes, 1880)Google Scholar. The hospital had a chapel (oratorium), an altar dedicated to St. Martin, bells, and a cemetery of its own, 15, 21.

53 Codice diplomatico in Fonti, vol. LXXVII, nos. 7 and 12. Charter of 1149 in Röhricht, Regesta, no. 253.

54 Camera, M., Memorie storico-diplomatiche dell' antica città e ducato di Amalfi (Salerno, 1876–1881) I, 202Google Scholar, and Röhricht, Regesta, no. 388.

55 Röhricht, Regesta, nos. 1346 and 1464.

56 Codice diplomatico in Fonti, vol. LXXVII, no. 7 “… ecclesiam Sancti Iohannis que est in strata qua recto tramite tenditur ad baselicam Sancti Petri cum fundico et puteo et cum triginta domibus que sunt in platea iuxta prefatam ecclesiam …”

57 Müller, Documenti, no. 5 and notes; Röhricht, Regesta, no. 322.

58 Desimoni, C., “Regesti delle lettere pontificie riguardanti la Liguria,” Atti delta Società Ligure di Storia Patrta, IXX (Genoa, 1887), 95Google Scholar. On the events of the year 1133 see Caffaro, , Annales Ianuenses, XI, 26–7Google Scholar.

59 Garufi, C. A., I documenti inediti dell' epoca normanna in Sicilia (Palermo, 1899), pt. I, no. 18Google Scholar and for related documents nos. 60, 86. In the latter document, dated March 1186, Theocrit Mairosin provides in his testament for burial “in our church of St. Mark.” For an extensive commentary see Schaube, Handelsgeschichte, 457.

60 S. Giorgio Maggiore, no. 227. Compare this with Aquileia where the Venetians possessed four houses in the harbor, see Schaube, Handelsgeschichte, 9.

61 Genoese annalist Scriba, Ottobono, Annales Ianuenses, XII, p. 48Google Scholar. Fundicum Sancti Iohannis was either a church-affiliated “warehouse,” or a former xenodochium that had been consecrated in the name of the saint. On consecration of xenodochia see Schönfeld, Walther, “Die Xenodochien in Italian und Frankreich in frühen Mittelalter,” Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, XLIII: Kanonistische Abteilung, XII (1922), 20Google Scholar.

62 On the functions of pundāk, a derivative from pandókion, pandocheïon, within Judaism see Klein, S., “Das Fremdenhaus der Synagoge,” Monatsschrift für Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judentums, LXXVI (1932), 547–56Google Scholar, by the same author, “Neues zum Fremdenhaus der Synagoge,” same periodical, LXXVIII (1933), 81–84Google Scholar. For etymology of pundāk and its relationship with trade see Krauss, S., Griechische und lateinische Lehnwörter im Talmud, Midrash und Targum (Berlin, 1898–1899), pt. 1, p. 224Google Scholar and pt. 2, p. 428, and by the same author, Talmudische Archäologie (Leipzig, 1910–1912), II, 327–28.Google ScholarGoodenough, Erwin R., Jewish Symbolism in the Greco-Roman Period, I: The archaeological evidence from Palestine (Toronto, 1953), 179, 182, 213, 239–40Google Scholar and some scattered references in subsequent volumes. An association between synagogues and hostels is further revealed by a little known provision of the Code, Theodosian, Theodosiani Libri XVI, eds, Mommsen, Th. and Meyer, P. M. (Berlin, 1905)Google Scholar, book VII, 8, 2; in the above edition, I, pt. 1, p. 327.

On churches and hostelries, the above mentioned studies of Denys Gorce and Walther Schönfeld are basic. Additional material can be gleaned from Schaube, Handelsgeschicte, 46 and 96. Some Greek inscriptions from the Near East are reproduced in Dictionnaire d'archéologie chréienne et de liturgie, eds. F. Cabrol and H. Leclercq, s.v. hôpitaux. For a layout of a presumed xenodochium see Rossi, J. B. de, “Rapporto del sig. Rodolfo Lanciani sulle recenti scoperte nell' edificio riputato lo Xenodochio di Pammachio in Porto,” Bullettino di archeologia cristiana, vol. IV (1866), 100–103.Google Scholar

63 Abundant references in the literature cites above, see e.g. Goodenough, , Jewish Symbolism, I, 182Google Scholar, “travelers could sleep under the roof of the portico, in the enclosure offered from robbers.” The xenodochium of Pammachius had both features, Rossi, “Rapporto,” plan.

64 Moore, W. J., The Saxon Pilgrims to Rome and the Schola Saxonum (Fribourg, Switzerland, 1937), 90–122Google Scholar and Hoogewerff, G. J., “Friezen, Franken en Saksen te Rome,” in Mededeelingen van het Nederlandsch Historisch Instituut te Rome, 3rd series, V ('S-Gravenhage, 1947), 1–69Google Scholar.

65 Anthony of Novgorod, Kniga Palomnik, cxxi-cxxii, speaks of the monastery of Blessed Virgin Mary (Mother of God) where every pilgrim was fed free of charge. On a churchaffiliated hospital in Constantinople see Jeanselme, E. and Oeconomos, L., Les Oeuvres d'assistance et les hôpitaux byzantins au siecle des Comnenes. A paper read at the First Congress of the History of Art of Healing, Antwerp, August 7–12, 1920 (Antwerp, 1921)Google Scholar.

66 On Schola Graecorum and the Greek monasteries in the West see Moore, Saxon Pilgrims, 90 and Hamilton, Bernard, “The City of Rome and the Eastern Churches of the Tenth Century,” Orientalia Christiana Periodica, XXVII (1961), 5–8Google Scholar. Notice for example the possession of a separate cemetery by St. Mary of the Saxons in Rome and by St. Nicholas of the Fisans in Constantinople.

67 Gorce, Les voyages, 160. Since the eleventh century merchants, sailors, and students considered themselves under a special protection of St. Nicholas. For a thorough study of St. Nicholas' popularity with these professional groups see Meisen, Karl, Nikolauskult und Nikolausbrauch im Abendlande (Düsseldorf, 1931), particularly 66–70, 94–101, and 245–50Google Scholar. On similar phenomenon in Northern Europe see Johansen, Acta Visbyensia, pp. 112–116.

Some churches along the coast and in harbors were regularly visited by pilgrims, merchants, and sailors; see Jacopo da Verona's description of his arrival in Famagusta, Cyprus, and the visit of St. Mary of the Cave (Cava, Sancta Maria de la), Liber peregrinationis, ed. Villard, Ugo Monneret de (Rome, 1950), 17Google Scholar. After a frightening storm a crew of a Pisan ship walked barefoot to the church of St. Matthew in Salerno, Amarus (Aimé) of Monte Cassino, Ystoire, 323. The multifarious functions of churches in maritime cites deserve a separate investigation, compare Kirsten, Ernst, “Die byzantinische Stadt,” in Berichte zum XI. Intemationalen Syzantinisten-Kongress, München 1958 (Munich, 1958), paged separately, 8–9Google Scholar and note 39 of Chapter I.

I would like to express my thanks to Professor Frederic C. Lane for having brought to my attention the possible cooperation of merchants and sailors in the maintenance of colonial churches.

68 Moore, The Saxon Pilgrims, 116.

69 Gouron, Marcel, “Saint-Gilles-du-Gard,” in Congrès archéologique de France, CVIII session: Montpellier, 1950 (Paris, 1951), 104–119Google Scholar. For some additional notes on the money changers of St. Gilles, see my, “Die sogenannten Orientalen im mittelalterlichen Cenua. Einwanderer aus Südfrankreich in der ligurischen Metropole,” Vierteljahrschrift für Sozial-und Wirtechaftsgeschichte, LI (1964), 55–56Google Scholar.

70 Gottheil, Richard J. H., “Dhimmis and Moslems in Egypt,” in Old Testament and Semitic Studies in Memory of William Rainey Harper (Chicago, 1908), II, 353–414Google Scholar. For the decline of Christian communities in North Africa see Latrie, L. de Mas, Traités de paix et de commerce et documents divers concernant les relations des chrétiens avec les Arabes de l'Afrique septentrionale au moyen âge (Paris, 1866), 18–28Google Scholar. Moslem travelers in Christian crusading states “rested” apparently in mosques, see Jubayr, Ibn, The Travels, ed. Broadhurst, R. J. C. (London, 1952), 321Google Scholar.

71 Dozy, R. and Engelmann, W. H., Glossaire des mots espagnols et portugais dérivés de l'arabe (Paris, 1865), 138–39Google Scholar. Krauss, Griechische und lateinische Lehnwörter, pt. I, p. 224, pt. II, p. 428; also Encyclopaedia of Islam, s.v. funduk. For the most recent summary of literature see J. Corominas, Dicdonario crítico etimológico de la lengua castellana, s.v. alhdndiga.

72 Fundaq-fondaco as hostel or caravansaraī is mentioned by Amari, Michele, Biblioteca arabo-sicula (Turin and Rome, 1880–1889), I, 60 and 151Google Scholar, and Sauvaget, Jean, “Caravan sérails syriens du moyen âge,” Ars Islamica, VI (1939), 51Google Scholar. For the equivalent to warehouse and mart see Heyd, W., “Über Funda and Fondaco,” Sitzungsberichte der Königlich bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Philosophisch-historische Classe (Munich, 1880), 617–27Google Scholar, and Balbás, Leopoldo Torres, “Las alhóndigas hispanomusulmanas y el corral del Carbón de Granada,” Al-Andalus, XI (1946), 447–80Google Scholar.