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Business Associationalism, the Legitimation of Enterprise, and the Emergence of a Business Elite in Nineteenth-Century Brazil

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  13 December 2011

Eugene W. Ridings
Eugene W. Ridings
Affiliation:
Eugene W. Ridings is professor of history emeritus at Winona State University.
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Abstract

Operating in an economy that was still primarily export-import based and in a cultural environment suspicious of all business interests, members of Brazil's nineteenth-century business elite laced many obstacles to legitimizing their activities. Ironically, erforts to win acceptance tended to fragment business groups and eventually opened the way for a new industrial bourgeoisie at the expense of the overseas traders.

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Articles
Information
Business History Review , Volume 63 , Issue 4 , Winter 1989 , pp. 757 - 796
Copyright
Copyright © The President and Fellows of Harvard College 1989

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19 They were the Superintendency of Tobacco (Intendência de Tobaco) (1698–1751) of Salvador, the Boards of Inspection of Sugar and Tobacco (Mesa de Inspeção de Açúcar e Tobaco) (1751–1827) of Salvador, Rio de Janeiro, Recife, and São Luís, and the Royal Boards of Commerce, Agriculture, Manufactures, and Navigation (Real Junta do Comércio, Agricultura, Fábricas e Navegação) (1809–22) of Rio de Janeiro and São Luís. Lugar, Catherine, “The Portuguese Tobacco Trade and Tobacco Growers of Bahia in the Late Colonial Period,” in Essays Concerning the Socioeconomic History of Brazil and Portuguese India, ed. Alden, Dauril and Dean, Warren (Gainesville, Fla., 1977), 42Google Scholar; Luccock, John, Notes on Rio de Janeiro and the Southern Parts of Brazil Taken During a Residence of Ten Years in the Country from 1808 to 1818 (London, 1820), 575Google Scholar; Viveiros, Jernimo de, História do Comércio do Maranhão, 1612–1895 (São Luís, 1954), 1: 118–19.Google Scholar

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29 Two members of the first board of directors of the Center for Coffee Agriculture and Commerce were simultaneously directors of the Commercial Association of Rio de Janeiro, and all the board members belonged to the Rio organization. Sweigart, “Coffee Factors of Rio,” 286–93. Four of the board members of the Center for Sugar Industry and Commerce were also board members ofthe Rio association. Raffard, Henri, O Centro da Indùstria e Comércio de Açúcar no Rio de Janeiro (Rio de Janeiro, 1892), 11.Google Scholar During approximately half of the twenty-five years of interest group activity ofthe Commercial Agricultural Association of Pernambuco, its president was a sometime director ofthe Commercial Association of Pernambuco, as usually was at least one member of its five-man board of directors. Livros de Atas, Associação Comercial Agrícola de Pernambuco, 1877–1903, AACP.

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32 Most conspicuous was Francisco de Paula Mayrinck, president of the Commercial Association of Rio de Janeiro, vice-president of the Engineering Club (Clube de Engenharia), and member of the Industrial Association. Almanak Administrativo, Mercantil e Industrial do Rio de Janeiro para 1892 (Almanak Laemmert) (Rio de Janeiro, 1892), 1106; Revista do Clube de Engenharia 2, vol. 10 (1888): 21; Associação Industrial, Relatório Apresentado à Assembléia Geral da Associação Industrial em Sessão de 9 de Junho de 1884 pela Diretoria da Mesma Associação (Rio de Janeiro, 1884), 1–3.Google Scholar

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35 Quoted in Pinho, José Wanderky de Araújo, História de um Engenho do Ricôncavo: Matoim-Novo-Caboto-Freguezia (1553–1944) (Rio de Janeiro, 1946), 316n.Google Scholar

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47 Ridings, “Business, Nationality and Dependency,” 64–68, 70.

48 Ibid., 81–84.

49 Their decline in the dress goods trade has been attributed to the establishment of direct undersea cable communication with Europe, enabling British manufacturers to communicate directly with their Brazilian customers, thus bypassing the British importer middleman. Stein, Stanley J., The Brazilian Cotton Manufacture: Textile Enterprise in an Underdeveloped Area, 1850–1950 (Cambridge, Mass., 1957), 71CrossRefGoogle Scholar; White to Department of State, London, 18 Feb. 1899, United States Reports from Consuls [hereafter cited as USRC] 60, no. 224 (May 1899): 2.

50 Quintas, Amaro, O Sentido Social de Revolução Praieira (Rio de Janeiro, 1967), 21–27Google Scholar; Reis, João José, “A Elite Baiana Face aos Movimentos Sociais: Bahia, 1824–1840,” Revista de História 54 (Oct.–Dec. 1976): 342–43, 363–64, 367.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For Portuguese numerical predominance in retailing see Ridings, “Business, Nationality and Dependency,” 80–83.

51 Ridings, “Business, Nationality and Dependency,” 63–68; Sweigart, “Coffee Factors of Rio,” 59n, 70; Weinstein, Rubber Boom, 58, 72.

52 Ridings, “Business, Nationality and Dependency,” 72–75. Whether manufacturers were more likely than other foreign businessmen to settle permanently in Brazil, or the extent to which they retained overseas ties (many were simultaneously engaged in overseas trade) cannot be determined from available sources. Despite the relative ease of naturalization, only about 20 percent of foreign men (including Portuguese) in Rio de Janeiro in 1890 chose Brazilian citizenship. Sweigart, “Coffee Factors of Rio,” 75.

53 For Iberian traditions of corporatism see Newton, Ronald C., “On ‘Functional Groups,’ ‘Fragmentation,’ and ‘Pluralism’ in Spanish American Political Society,” Hispanic American Historical Review 50 (Feb. 1970): 1–29CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wiarda, Howard J., “Corporatism and Development in the Iberic-Latin World: Persistent Strains and New Variations,” in The New Corporatism: Social-Political Structures in the Iberian World, ed. Pike, Frederick B. and Stritch, Thomas (Notre Dame, Ind., 1974).Google Scholar

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56 For example, Commercial Association of Bahia to President of Province, Salvador, 6 Sept. 1842, Registro de Oficios, 1840–50, AACB, 103; Minutes, meeting of 10 Jan. 1848, Livro 1 de Atas, AACP, 159; Associação Comercial de Santos, Relatórlo de 1877, 8; Commercial Board (Junta Comercial) of São Paulo to Commercial Association of Santos, São Paulo, 7 May 1892, Relatório de 1893, 147.

57 Ridings, Eugene W., “Business Interest Groups and Communications: The Brazilian Experience in the Nineteenth Century,” Luso-Brazilian Review 20 (Winter 1983): 247–48Google Scholar, and “The Business Elite and the Economic and Urban Integration of Brazil,” SECOLAS Annals: Journal of the Southeastern Council of Latin American Studies 12 (March 1981): 19.

58 Pujol, Alfredo, “Consultas e Pareceres: LXXVI, Associaçóes Comerciais,” Revista de Comércio e Indústria: Publicação Mensal do Centro do Comércio e Indùstria de São Paulo, 3 (Jan.-Dec. 1917): 388.Google Scholar

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61 Jornal do Recife, 3 Jan. 1900, 1.

62 Ibid., 4 Jan. 1900, 1.

63 Minutes, meeting of 3 Jan. 1900, Associação Comercial Agrícola de Pernambuco, Livio de Atas, 1877–92, AACP, 51–52.

64 Commercial Association of Pernambuco to President of Republic, Recife, 2 Jan. 1900, Relatório da Associação Beneficente de Pernambuco, Lido em Sessão da Assembléra Geral em 10 de Agôsto de 1900 (Recife, 1900), anexo 23, unpaginated.

65 The latter course was followed by the Commercial Agricultural Association (Associação Comercial Agrícola) of Pernambuco and the Commercial Center (Centro Comercial) of Rio de Janeiro. Minutes, general assembly of 29 Feb. 1904, Livro 8 de Atas, AACP, 41; Associação Comercial do Rio de Janeiro, Relatório da Associação Comercial do Rio de Janeiro, Apresentado à Assembléia Geral dos Sócios em 1906 (Rio de Janeiro, 1906), 6–8.Google Scholar

66 One glaring exception was the Agricultural Industrial Center (Centro Agrícola Industrial) of Pelotas, Rio Grande do Sul. Brazil, Parlamento, Câmera dos Depurados, Anais do Parlamento Brasileiro, Câmera dos Srs. Deputados, Terceira Sessão da Vigésima Legislatura de 3 de Agôsto aide Setembro de 1888, 4:151–52. The Industrial Association only politely chided the Commercial Association of Rio de Janeiro for its policy on tariff protection and for the efforts of its importer leaders to stifle debate on the subject. Associação Industrial, O Trabalho Nacional e seus Adversérios (Rio de Janeiro, 1881), 170–79Google Scholar, 317–34.

67 Minutes, meeting of 18 Aug. 1904, Centro Industrial do Brasil, Atas, 1904–23, Arquivo do Centro Industrial do Rio de Janeiro, Rio de Janeiro, 1.

68 Schmitter, Philippe C., Interest Conflict and Political Change in Brazil (Stanford, Calif., 1971), 148.Google Scholar

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71 Center for Coffee Agriculture and Commerce to Viscount Ouro Preto, Rio de Janeiro, 27 June 1885, lata 427, doc. 10, Coleção Ouro Preto, Arquivo do Instituto Histórico e Geográfico Brasileiro [hereafter cited as AIHGB], Rio de Janeiro.

72 Commercial Association of Bahia to President of Republic and Governor of State of Bahia, Salvador, 31 March 1891, Relatório de 1892, 51.

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75 Ridings, “Interest Groups and Communications,” 241–57; Ridings, Eugene W., “Class Sector Unity in an Export Economy: The Case of Nineteenth-Century Brazil,” Hispanic American Historical Review 58 (Aug. 1978): 432–50.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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77 Associação Comercial de Pernambuco, Relatório de 1875, 16.

78 Associação Comercial da Bahia, Relatório de 1899, 51–53; Souza, José Bonifácio de, Associação Comercial do Ceará: Memória Histórica, 1868–1968 (Fortaleza, 1969), 24.Google Scholar

79 Gazeta da Tarde (Rio de Janeiro), 10 Dec. 1880, 2; O Cruzeiro (Rio de Janeiro), 4 Dec. 1880, 13, and 10 Dec. 1880, 12; Pang, “State and Agricultural Clubs,” 311–12, 359.

80 For example, Associação Comercial do Maranhão, Relatório da Exposição do Açúcar e Algodão Fetta pela Associação Comercial do Maranhão em 23 de Dezembro de 1883 (São Luís, 1884), 13Google Scholar; Commercial Association of Bahia and Imperial Bahian Institute of Agriculture to Brazilian Parliament, Salvador, 30 May 1884, Relatório de 1885, 22–23, 26–29; Commercial Association of Rio de Janeiro to Baron Cotegipe, Rio de Janeiro, 19 Aug. 1887, lata 77, doc. 14, Arquivo do Barao de Cotegipe [hereafter cited as ABC], AIHGB.

81 Commercial Association of Ceará to President of Province, Fortaleza, 6 July 1871, Relatório da Associação Comercial da Praça do Ceará, Apresentado à Assembléia Geral dos Sóciospela Diretoria no Dia I de Maio de 1872 (Fortaleza, 1872), 10, 19–20.

82 Displaying its ambiguity, the Pernambuco association sent congratulations to the president of the Council of Ministers on passage of the Law of Free Birth of 1871, which freed the children of slave mothers, but made no mention of doing so in its annual report. Minutes, meetings of 20 Oct. and 6 Nov. 1871, Livro 3 de Atas, AACP, 84, 87. It refused to take part in a proslavery congress held in Recife in 1884, but suggested that its members attend as individuals and lent its headquarters as a meeting place; Relatório de 1884, 35–37.

83 Conrad, Robert, The Destruction of Brazilian Slavery, 1850–1888 (Berkeley, Calif., 1972), 284.Google Scholar

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86 Associação Industrial, Trabalho Nacional, 167.

87 Associação Comercial de Santos, Relatório de 1880, 8.

88 Associação Comercial do Rio de Janeiro, Relatório de 1867, 12.

89 Associação Comercial do Maranhão, Relatório de 1879, 5.

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94 Ridings, “Economic and Urban Integration,” 14–16.

95 Minutes, meeting of 25 Sept. 1854, Livro 2 de Atas, AACP, 38.

96 Minutes, meeting of 19 June 1866, Livro 3 de Atas, AACB, 87; Pinto, Associação Comercial, 12.

97 Minutes, meeting of 30 Nov. 1875, Livro 4 de Atas, AACP, 50.

98 Associação Industrial, Relatório de 1882, 33, 76–77.

99 Center for Coffee Agriculture and Commerce to Baron Cotegipe, Rio de Janeiro, 10 July 1885, lata 90, doc. 19, Arquivo do Barão de Cotegipe, AIHGB; Centro da Indústria e Comércio de Açúcar, Crise do Açúcar: Representação e Memorial Apresentado ao Carpo Legislativo da Nação Brasileira pelo Centro da Indústria e Comércio de Açúcar do Rio de Janeiro (Rio de Janeiro, 1887), 43.Google Scholar

100 Auler, Guilherme, Os Titulares Sousa-Leão (Recife, 1945), 77Google Scholar; Heitor Beltrão, “O Civismo da Praça num Século de Labor,” in Associação Comercial do Rio de Janeiro, Aspetos Colegidos a Propósito do Centenário da Associação Comercial (Rio de Janeiro, 1935), 84.Google Scholar The president of the Council of Ministers had the role and powers of a prime minister in a constitutional monarchy.

101 Almanak Laemmert, 1892, 1113.

102 Pinho, José Wanderley de Araújo, Salões e Damas do Segundo Reinado (São Paulo, 1945), 161–68, 219, 244, 286Google Scholar; Lyra, Heitor, Historiade Dom Pedro II, 1825–1891 (São Paulo, 1939), 3: 45–77Google Scholar; Needell, Jeffrey D., A Tropical Belle Epoque: Elite Culture and Society in Turn-of-the-Century Rio de Janeiro (Cambridge, 1987), 64–74.Google Scholar

103 See Conniff, Michael L., “Voluntary Associations in Rio, 1870–1945: A New Approach to Urban Social Dynamics,” Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 17 (Feb. 1975): 64–81.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

104 Almanak Laemmert, 1872, 388.

105 Jornal do Comércio (Rio de Janeiro), 3 Aug. 1840, 3; 13 Aug. 1840, 3; and 1 May 1841, 3.

106 They were Marquis Bomfim (José Francisco de Mesquita) and his son Count Mesquita (Jerônimo José de Mesquita). Baron Nogueira de Gama to Baron Mesquita, Rio de Janeiro, 15 Sept. and 7 Dec. 1875, lata 354, docs. 1, 7, Coleção Instituto Histórico [hereafter cited as CIH], AIHGB; “Traços Biográficos, Conde de Mesquita,” lata 352, doc. 21, CIH, AIHGB, 28.

107 For example, minutes, meeting of 21 July 1873, Livra 3 de Atas, AACP, 124; Minutes, meeting of 7 July 1874, Livro 4 de Atas, AACP, 11; Minutes, meeting of l Nov. 1880, Livro 5 de Atas, AACP, 34–35. Such employment was temporary and for newspaper writing only, not for other means of creating publicity. Nor did it evolve into a profession.

108 For the press agent in the United States, see Tedlow, Richard S., Keeping the Corporate Image: Public Relations and Business, 1900–1950 (Greenwich, Conn., 1979), 7–8Google Scholar, and Raucher, Alan, Public Relations and Business, 1900–1929 (Baltimore, Md., 1968), 13.Google Scholar Probably the outstanding ghost writer-intellectual was Manuel Buarque de Macedo, later imperial deputy and minister of agriculture, who worked for the Commercial Association of Pernambuco. Minutes, meeting of 21 Feb. 1871, Livro 3 de Atas, AACP, 71.

109 Revista Agrícola do Imperial Instituto Fluminense de Agricultura (Rio de Janeiro) 13 (March 1882): 46; Revista do Clube de Engenharia (Rio de Janeiro), Ano 1 (July 1887): 8, 30.

110 Lloyd, Reginald, et al., Twentieth Century Impressions of Brazil: Its History, People, Commerce, Industries, and Resources (London, 1913), 513.Google Scholar

111 Associação Comercial do Maranhão, Relatório de 1870, 5–6.

112 Associação Comercial da Bahia, Relatório de 1871, 7; Minutes, general assembly of 20 Jan. 1874, Livro 4 de Atas, AACB, 172.

113 Ridings, “Business, Nationality and Dependency.”

114 Until the entry of the Commercial Agricultural Association of Pernambuco into activity in 1878, the only organized interest groups other than the commercial associations were agricultural interest groups. They tended to be short-lived and had no wish to challenge the export-import economy. Ridings, “Class Sector Unity,” 443–44; Pang, “State and Agricultural Clubs,” 24–237.

115 Barman, “Viscount Mauá.”

116 Great Britain, Foreign Office, Annual Series of Diplomatic and Consular Reports, no. 504 (1888): 57. For provincial spending see Brazil, Conselho de Ministros, Breve Notícia do Estado Financeiro das Províncias, Organizada por Ordem do Barão de Cotegipe, Presidente do Conselho de Ministros (Rio de Janeiro, 1887).Google Scholar Imperial government expenditures for development, 1867–77, were in much greater proportion than those of Mexico for the same period and even larger than Mexican developmental expenditures in the first two decades of the twentieth century. Andrade, Luís Aureliano Gama de, “Dez Anos de Orçamento Imperial: 1867–1877,” Revista Brasileira de Estudos Políticos 31 (May 1971): 197–99.Google Scholar

117 Ridings, “Interest Groups and Communications”; Dean, Warren, “The Brazilian Economy, 1870–1930,” in The Cambridge History of Latin America, ed. Bethell, Leslie (Cambridge, 1986), 5: 688.Google Scholar

118 Brazil, Instituto Brasileira de Geografia e Estetística, Anuário Estatístico, 1378.

119 The Commercial Agricultural Association of Pernambuco was established in 1826. However, it functioned for many years only as a commodity exchange for sugar, not beginning true interest group activity until 1878. See Associação Comercial Agrícola, Livro de Atas, 1877 to 1892, AACP. Two other factor-controlled groups existed briefly, in addition to those mentioned in the text. The Agricultural and Commercial Club (Club da Lavoura e do Comércio) was an organization of factors and planters formed to combat the Law of Free Birth (Rio Branco Law) in 1871. It disbanded after the passage of the law later that year. Diário do Bio de Janeiro, 17 July 1871, 1, and 24 July 1871, 2; Pang, “State and Agricultural Clubs,” 84, 94–95, 122, 171–82. The Commercial and Agricultural Association (Associação Comercial e Agrícola) of São Paulo, composed of coffee factors from that city, was created in 1884, but it became inactive during the upswing in coffee prices after 1886. Associação Comercial de São Paulo, Relatório da Associação Comercial de São Paulo, Ano de 1895 (São Paulo, 1896), 106–8.Google Scholar

120 Since export producers were usually paid in hard currency, the fall of Brazilian exchange acted as a bonus or premium. Wileman, J. P., Brazilian Exchange: The Study of an Incontrovertible Currency (1896; rpt. New York, 1969), 13.Google Scholar

121 Aviadores received rubber from the owners of groves for sale to exporters and contracted with import houses for goods furnished on long-term credit to grove owners, roving peddlers, or small-town merchants. They also sent out agents with took, goods, and manpower to open up new rubber districts or to set up commercial contacts with those beginning to develop. Associação Comercial do Pará, Relatório da Comissão da Praça do Comércio do Pará do Ano de 1898, Apresentado e Aprovado em Sessão da Assembléia Geral de 7 de Fevereiro de 1899 (Belém, 1899), 21Google Scholar; Weinstein, Rubber Boom, 18–19.

122 On this legislation see Van Delden Laërne, C. F., Brazil and Java: Report on Coffee Culture in America, Asia, and Africa (London, 1885), 227–28Google Scholar; Sweigart, “Coffee Factors of Rio,” 194–95. For the colonial period see Araújo Pinho, História de um Engenho, 181–82, 194, 308–9; Schwartz, Stuart B., “Free Labor in a Slave Economy: The Lavradores de Cana of Colonial Bahia,” in Colonial Roots of Modern Brazil: Papers of the Newberry Library Conference, ed. Alden, Dauril (Berkeley, Calif., 1973), 186.Google Scholar

123 For example, Centro da Lavoura e Comércio do Café, Representação Subtnetida ao Poder Legislativo Sôbre Algumas das Necessiaades da Lavoura e do Comércio (Rio de Janeiro, 1882)Google Scholar; Sweigart, “Coffee Factors of Rio,” 198–99.

124 Melo, Evaldo Cabrai de, O Norte Agrário e o Império, 1871–1889 (Rio de Janeiro, 1984), 132.Google Scholar The legislation did not provide for precise registration of mortgages, leaving rural lands with unclear title and unknown encumberances. São Paulo, Governador do Estado, Men sagens Apresentadas ao Congresso Legislativo de S. Paulo pelos Presidentes do Estado e Vice-Presidentes em Exercício, desde a Proclamação da República até ao Ano de 1916 (São Paulo, 1916), 178.Google Scholar

125 Pang, “State and Agricultural Clubs,” 312, 362–63.

126 Associação Comercial do Pará, Relatório de 1884, 20; Aviador commerce to State Government [sic], Belém, 30 Nov. 1889, Associação Comercial do Pará, Relatório de 1890, 19–20. On unsuccessful attempts to found a monopoly company see Weinstein, Rubber Boom, 149–64.

127 For the importing business as an entry to manufacturing see Dean, Warren, The Industrialization of São Paulo, 1880–1945 (Austin, Texas, 1969), 19–33.Google Scholar For the anti-industrialization influence of importers as perceived by manufacturers see Brazil, Parlamento, Câmara dos Deputados, Anais, 1888, 4: 153Google Scholar, and 5: 225.

128 Wileman, Brazilian Exchange, 21.

129 Centro da Lavoura e Comércio do Café, Representação Submetida, 306.

130 In particular, the raising of tariffs for the Paraguayan War, 1865–70, had an involuntary protectionist result. Lorenzo-Fernandes, Oscar Soto, A Evolução da Economia Brasileira (Rio de Janeiro, 1976), 103.Google Scholar In the period 1870–75, fourteen new cotton mills were added to Brazil's previous ten, and imports of British machinery were over two and one-half times those in 1860–70. Versiani, Flávio Rabelo, “Industrial Investment in an Export Economy: The Brazilian Experience before 1914,” Journal of Development Economics 7 (Sept. 1980): 310, 312.Google Scholar

131 Associação Industrial, Relatório de 1882, 14. The period 1873–81 marked a significant decline in the international price of manufactures. Gonçalves, Reinaldo and Barros, Amir Coelho, “Tendências dos Têrmos-de-Troca: A Tese de Prebisch e a Economia Brasileira, 1850–1979,” Pesquisa e Planejamento Econômico 12 (April 1982): 124.Google Scholar

132 Agricultural Industrial Center of Pelotas to President, Council of Ministers, Pelotas, 18 Feb. 1888, lata 77, doc. 19, ABC, AIHGB; Brazil, Parlamento, Câmara dos Deputados, Anais, 1888, 4: 151–52.Google Scholar

133 For example, Centro Industrial do Brasil [sic], Representação ao Sr. Ministro da Fazenda (Rio de Janeiro, 1890)Google Scholar; [no author], Auxílios à Indústria: Representação dos Industriaes ao Congresso Nacional (Rio de Janeiro, 1892).

134 For example, Auxílios à Indústria, 56; Associação Industrial, Relatório de 1882, 19–20; Associação Industrial, Trabalho Nacional, 31–33, 62.

135 Associaçâo Industrial, Representação ao Ministro da Fazenda, 4; Associação Industrial, Trabalho Nacional, vi–vii, 20.

136 Brazil, Parlamento, Câmera dos Deputados, Anais, 1888, 5: 223–25; 4: 151, 153.

137 Duties on sixty-three imports competing with goods made in Brazil were placed on a scale which increased their levy when the exchange rate rose. Armstrong to Department of State, Rio de Janeiro, 1 June 1889, USRC, 30, no. 105 (May-Aug. 1889): 218–22.

138 For example, Minister of Finance Ruy Barbosa, “Exposição ao Chefe do Govêrno Provisório,” in Associação Comercial da Bahia, Relatório de 1891, 56; Brazil, Ministério de Fazenda, Relatório de 1894, 74, and Relatório de 1897, 137.

139 Brazil, Ministério da Fazenda, Relatório de 1892, 34–39; Associação Comercial do Rio de Janeiro, Reìatório de 1890, 9.

140 Associação Comercial de Pernambuco, Relatório de Abril de 1896, 80–93, and Relatório de Dezembro de 1896, 25–26.

141 Corrio de Notícias (Salvador), 13 Nov. 1899, 1, and 16 Nov. 1899, 1. For an overview see [no author], O Treze de Novembro de 1899 na Capital da Bahia (Subsídios Para a História) (Salvador, 1900).

142 Hahner, June E., “Jacobinos Versus Gallegos: Urban Radicals Versus Portuguese Immigrants in Rio de Janeiro in the 1890s,” Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 18 (May 1976): 128–31.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

143 Associação Comercial de São Paulo, Relatório de 1895, 54–55. On the profit squeeze see Edward Greene to John Gordon, Santos, 18 July 1899, Personal Copy Book, Edward Greene, E. Johnson & Co., Latin American Business Archives, University College, London, 321–22.

144 Greene to Gordon, 18 July 1899, 321.

145 “Coffee Speculation and Trade,” USRC, 57, no. 215 (Aug. 1898): 498–501; Gazeta de Notícias (Rio de Janeiro), 28 Jan. 1902, 1.

146 For example, Jornal do Comércio, 6 Sept. 1897, 1; Commercial Center of Rio de Janeiro to President of Republic, Rio de Janeiro, 6 Feb. 1901, Relatório dos Atos da Terceira Direção, desde 17 de julho 1900 a 17 de Julho de 1901 (Pôrto, 1901), 218–23.

147 Minutes, meetings of 20 Dec. 1898, and 24 Jan. 1899, Livro de Atas, 1894–1904, Arquivo da Associação Comercial de Santos, 15–16, 39–41; Lobo, Hélio, Docas de Santos: Suas Origens, Lutas, e Realizações (Rio de Janeiro, 1936), 123.Google Scholar

148 Baer, Werner, Industrialization and Economic Development in Brazil (Homewood, Ill., 1965), 85.Google Scholar

149 The Commercial Association of Bahia tried to organize a nationwide “commercial strike,” a refusal of merchants to dispatch merchandise from the customs houses. Though unsuccessful, the threat caused the gpvernment to back down. Burke to Department of State, Salvador, 8 June 1891, National Archives, Department of State, Despatches from United States Consuls in Bahia, T-331, reel 6, unpaginated.

150 Funding equaled about 12 percent of the 1893 budget and 10 percent of the 1894 budget. Topik, Steven, The Political Economy of the Brazilian State, 1889–1930 (Austin, Texas, 1987), 137.Google Scholar

151 Brazil, Parlamento, Câmera dos Deputados, Anais, 1899, 5: 421.

152 Stein, Cotton Manufacture, 85.

153 Schmitter, Interest Conflict, 195.

154 Freyre, Gilberto, Inglêses no Brasil: Aspectos da Influência Britânica Sôbre a Vida, A Paisagem, e a Cultura do Brasil (Rio de Janeiro, 1948), 132–33Google Scholar; Carvalho, Verediano, A Praça do Rio, 1890–1891: Série de Artigos do Jornal Fluminense ‘O Tempo’ com o Pseudonimo Zefirino (Rio de Janeiro, 1892), 30–31.Google Scholar